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Erasmus on the Study of Scriptures
-- CONCORDIA THEOLOGICAL MONTHLY Erasmus the Exegete MARVIN ANDERSON Erasmm on the Study of Scriptures CARL S. MEYER Erasmus, Luther, and Aquinas PHILIP WATSON Forms of Church and Ministry ERWIN L. LUEKER Homiletics Book Review Vol. XL December 1969 No. 11 Erasmus on the Study of Scriptures CARL S. MEYER Erasmus (1469-1536)1 was the editor one of the important theologians of the of the first published Greek New Tes first half of the 16th century 6 as well as tament printed from movable type (1516).2 an earnest advocate of the study of Scrip He translated the books of the New Testa tures.7 ment into Latin 3 and also paraphrased I them (except Revelation) in that lan Prerequisites for Biblical studies coin guage.4 He published the notes of Lorenzo cide with the characteristics one brings to Valla (1406--1457) on the New Testa the philosophy of Christ, Erasmus held. ment.5 He must likewise be accounted as This meant a heart undefiled by the sordid ness of vice and unaffected by the dis 1 The standard edition of Erasmus' writings is DesMerii Erasmi Roterodami Opera Omnia, quietude of greed.8 We must therefore ed. J. Clericus (10 vols.; Leyden, 1703-1706). examine the philosophia Christi concept The reprint issued by Gregg Press in London, in Erasmus as the basis for understanding 1961-1962, was used. Cited as LB. Ausgewiihtte Werke, ed. Hajo Holborn his approach to Sacred Writ. (Munich: C. H. Vedagsbuchhandlung, 1933). Erasmus used a variety of phrases for Cited as AW. Ausgewiihlte Schriften, ed. Werner Welzig this concept. -
162 [Part I. Review of Erasmus's Preface]
162 WORD AND FAITH For although you think and write wrongly about free choice,k yet I owe you no small thanks, for you have made me far more sure of my own position by letting me see the case for free choice put forward with all the energy of so distinguished and powerful a mind, but with no other effect than to make things worse than 27. Luther had stated this as early as before. That is plain evidence that free choice is a pure fiction;27 in his 1518 Heidelberg Disputation (WA for, like the woman in the Gospel [Mark 5:25f.], the more it is 1:353–74; LW 31:[37–38] 39–70). Here treated by the doctors, the worse it gets. I shall therefore abun- he explains the free will to be just a dantly pay my debt of thanks to you, if through me you become word, not a real thing (res de solo titulo). better informed, as I through you have been more strongly con- firmed. But both of these things are gifts of the Spirit, not our own achievement. Therefore, we must pray that God may open my mouth and your heart, and the hearts of all human beings, and that God may be present in our midst as the master who informs both our speaking and hearing. But from you, my dear Erasmus, let me obtain this request, that just as I bear with your ignorance in these matters, so you in turn will bear with my lack of eloquence. God does not give all his gifts to one man, and “we cannot all do all things”; or, as Paul says: “There are varieties of gifts, but the same Spirit” [1 Cor. -
John Pecham on Life and Mind Caleb G
University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Theses and Dissertations 2014 John Pecham on Life and Mind Caleb G. Colley University of South Carolina - Columbia Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Colley, C. G.(2014). John Pecham on Life and Mind. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/ 2743 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you by Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. JOHN PECHAM ON LIFE AND MIND by Caleb Glenn Colley ! Bachelor of Arts Freed-Hardeman !University, 2006 Bachelor of Science Freed-Hardeman !University, 2006 Master of Liberal Arts ! Faulkner University, 2009 ! ! Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Philosophy College of Arts and Sciences University of South Carolina 2014 Accepted by: Jeremiah M.G. Hackett, Major Professor Jerald T. Wallulis, Committee Member Heike O. Sefrin-Weis, Committee Member Gordon A. Wilson, Committee Member Lacy Ford, Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! © Copyright by Caleb Glenn Colley, 2014 All Rights !Reserved. !ii ! ! ! ! DEDICATION To my parents, who have always encouraged and inspired me. Et sunt animae vestrae quasi mea. ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !iii ! ! ! ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A number of people have spent generous amounts of time and energy to assist in the preparation of this dissertation. Professor Girard J. Etzkorn, the editor of Pecham’s texts, is not listed as a committee member, but he read my manuscript in its early form and made many helpful suggestions. -
THE SCHOLASTIC PERIOD Beatus Rhenanus, a Close Friend Of
CHAPTER THREE MEDIEVAL HISTORY: THE SCHOLASTIC PERIOD Beatus Rhenanus, a close friend of Erasmus and the most famous humanist historian of Germany, dated the rise of scholasticism (and hence the decay of theology) at “around the year of grace 1140”, when men like Peter Lombard (1095/1100–1160), Peter Abelard (1079–1142), and Gratian († c. 1150) were active.1 Erasmus, who cared relatively little about chronology, never gave such a precise indication, but one may assume that he did not disagree with Beatus, whose views may have directly influenced him. As we have seen, he believed that the fervour of the gospel had grown cold among most Christians during the previous four hundred years.2 Although his statement pertained to public morality rather than to theology,3 other passages from his work confirm that in Erasmus’ eyes those four centuries represented the age of scholasticism. In his biography of Jerome, he complained that for the scholastics nobody “who had lived before the last four hundred years” was a theologian,4 and in a work against Noël Bédier he pointed to a tradition of “four hun- dred years during which scholastic theology, gravely burdened by the decrees of the philosophers and the contrivances of the sophists, has wielded its reign”.5 In one other case he assigned to scholasti- cism a tradition of three centuries.6 Thus by the second half of the twelfth century, Western Christendom, in Erasmus’ conception, had entered the most distressing phase of its history, even though the 1 See John F. D’Amico, “Beatus Rhenanus, Tertullian and the Reformation: A Humanist’s Critique of Scholasticism”, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 71 (1980), 37–63 esp. -
Malebranche's Augustinianism and the Mind's Perfection
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations Spring 2010 Malebranche's Augustinianism and the Mind's Perfection Jason Skirry University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the History of Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Skirry, Jason, "Malebranche's Augustinianism and the Mind's Perfection" (2010). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 179. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/179 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/179 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Malebranche's Augustinianism and the Mind's Perfection Abstract This dissertation presents a unified interpretation of Malebranche’s philosophical system that is based on his Augustinian theory of the mind’s perfection, which consists in maximizing the mind’s ability to successfully access, comprehend, and follow God’s Order through practices that purify and cognitively enhance the mind’s attention. I argue that the mind’s perfection figures centrally in Malebranche’s philosophy and is the main hub that connects and reconciles the three fundamental principles of his system, namely, his occasionalism, divine illumination, and freedom. To demonstrate this, I first present, in chapter one, Malebranche’s philosophy within the historical and intellectual context of his membership in the French Oratory, arguing that the Oratory’s particular brand of Augustinianism, initiated by Cardinal Bérulle and propagated by Oratorians such as Andre Martin, is at the core of his philosophy and informs his theory of perfection. Next, in chapter two, I explicate Augustine’s own theory of perfection in order to provide an outline, and a basis of comparison, for Malebranche’s own theory of perfection. -
Uva-DARE (Digital Academic Repository)
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) The academization of art A practice approach to the early histories of the Accademia del Disegno and the Accademia di San Luca Jonker, M.J. Publication date 2017 Document Version Other version License Other Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Jonker, M. J. (2017). The academization of art: A practice approach to the early histories of the Accademia del Disegno and the Accademia di San Luca. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:29 Sep 2021 Appendix 1 Money in Florence and Rome in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Florence 1 scudo = 7 lire = 140 soldi = 1680 danari 1 giulio = 13 soldi and 4 danari 1 carlino = 10 soldi Rome 1 scudo = 10 giuli and 100 baiocchi 1 giulio = 10 baiocchi 1 grosso = 5 baiocchi 1 quatttrino = 1/5 of a baioccho 435 Appendix 2 Letters from Agnolo Guicciardini to Cosimo I de’ Medici AG, Legazione, XII, 18 (Published in Ridolfi 1931, 46-47). -
The Cross of Wisdom Anthony Feneuil
The Cross of Wisdom Anthony Feneuil To cite this version: Anthony Feneuil. The Cross of Wisdom: Ambiguities in Turning Down Apologetics (Paul, Anselm, Barth). Hans-Christoph Askani; Christophe Chalamet. The Wisdom and Foolishness of God: First Corinthians 1-2 in Theological Exploration, Fortress Press, 2015, 9781451490206. halshs-01257482 HAL Id: halshs-01257482 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01257482 Submitted on 17 Jan 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 8 The Cross of Wisdom: Ambiguities in Turning Down Apologetics (Paul, Anselm, Barth) Anthony Feneuil There is more than one fool in the Bible, and I would like to start with another fool than Paul’s, but whose legacy in the history of theology (and philosophy) has been equally signi«cant. I want to talk about the fool from Psalms 14 and 53, who dares to say in his heart: “There is no God.” How is the foolishness of this fool ( ), called nabal in Latin , and in Greek ἄφρων, related to the foolishness of insipiens God (μωρία, in Latin ) in Paul’s epistle? It would certainly stultitia be interesting to compare philologically μωρία and ἄφρων, and to determine what version of the psalm Paul could have been reading, 167 This content downloaded from 129.194.8.73 on Sun, 17 Jan 2016 11:07:09 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE WISDOM AND FOOLISHNESS OF GOD in order to guess whether he intended to distinguish the two kinds of foolishness. -
William Lambard the Perambulation of Kent (Third Edition) London 1656
William Lambard The perambulation of Kent (third edition) London 1656 <i> <sig a> THE PERAMBULATION OF KENT. Containing the Descripti= on, History and Cu= stoms of that County. Written by WILLIAM LAMBARD of Lincolns Inne; Corrected and Enlarged. To which is added the Charters, Laws and Privileges of the Cinque Ports, Never before printed. LONDON. Printed for Matthew Walbancke, and Dan. Pakeman 1656. <ii> <blank> <iii> <iii> To the Right worshipfull, and vertuous, M. Thomas Wotton, Esq;. It is the manner (Right Worship= full) of such as seek profit by Minerals, first to set men on work to digg and gather the Oare: Then by fire to trie out the Metall, and to cast it into certain rude lumps, which they call Sowze: And lastly to commit them to Artifi= cers, that can thereof make things serviceable and meet for use. Somewhat after which sort, I my self, being very desirous to attain to some knowledge and understanding of the Antiquities of this Realm, which (as Metall contained within the bowels of the earth) lie hidden in old books horded up in cor= ners, did not only my self digg and rake together whatsoever I could of that kind, but procured di= vers of my friends also to set to their hands and doe the like. And when the matter was by our dili= gent travail grown (as me thought) to a convenient Masse, with such fire of discretion as I had, I se= vered the metall and drosse in sunder, and cast it into certain rude, and unformed Sowze, not un= meet for a work man. -
Revisiting the Franciscan Doctrine of Christ
Theological Studies 64 (2003) REVISITING THE FRANCISCAN DOCTRINE OF CHRIST ILIA DELIO, O.S.F. [Franciscan theologians posit an integral relation between Incarna- tion and Creation whereby the Incarnation is grounded in the Trin- ity of love. The primacy of Christ as the fundamental reason for the Incarnation underscores a theocentric understanding of Incarnation that widens the meaning of salvation and places it in a cosmic con- tent. The author explores the primacy of Christ both in its historical context and with a contemporary view toward ecology, world reli- gions, and extraterrestrial life, emphasizing the fullness of the mys- tery of Christ.] ARL RAHNER, in his remarkable essay “Christology within an Evolu- K tionary View of the World,” noted that the Scotistic doctrine of Christ has never been objected to by the Church’s magisterium,1 although one might add, it has never been embraced by the Church either. Accord- ing to this doctrine, the basic motive for the Incarnation was, in Rahner’s words, “not the blotting-out of sin but was already the goal of divine freedom even apart from any divine fore-knowledge of freely incurred guilt.”2 Although the doctrine came to full fruition in the writings of the late 13th-century philosopher/theologian John Duns Scotus, the origins of the doctrine in the West can be traced back at least to the 12th century and to the writings of Rupert of Deutz. THE PRIMACY OF CHRIST TRADITION The reason for the Incarnation occupied the minds of medieval thinkers, especially with the rise of Anselm of Canterbury and his satisfaction theory. -
“Anselm of Canterbury,” Pp. 138-151 in Jorge JE Gracia and Timothy B
Jasper Hopkins, “Anselm of Canterbury,” pp. 138-151 in Jorge J. E. Gracia and Timothy B. Noone, editors, A Companion to Philosophy in the Middle Ages. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell, 2003. Reprinted here by permission of the pub- lisher (Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, England). The short bibliography on pp. 150-151 is here excluded. Anselm of Canterbury JASPER HOPKINS Anselm (b. 1033; d. 1109) flourished during the period of the Norman Conquest of England (1066), the call by Pope Urban II to the First Crusade (1095), and the strident Investiture Controversy. This latter dispute pitted Popes Gregory VII, Urban II, and Paschal II against the monarchs of Europe in regard to just who had the right—whether kings or bishops—to invest bishops and archbishops with their ecclesiastical offices. It is not surprising that R. W. Southern, Anselm’s present-day biographer, speaks of Anselm’s life as covering “one of the most momentous periods of change in European history, comparable to the centuries of the Reformation or the Industrial Revolution” (1990, p. 4). Yet it is ironic that Anselm, who began as a simple monk shunning all desire for fame, should nonetheless today have become one of the most famous intellectual figures of the Middle Ages. And it is even more ironic that this judgment holds true in spite of the fact that he wrote only eleven treatises or dia- logues (not to mention his three meditations, nineteen prayers, and 374 letters). Anselm was born in Aosta, today a part of Italy but in Anselm’s time a part of the Kingdom of Burgundy. -
Approaches to the Extramission Postulate in 13Th Century Theories of Vision Lukáš Lička
The Visual Process: Immediate or Successive? Approaches to the Extramission Postulate in 13th Century Theories of Vision Lukáš Lička [Penultimate draft. For the published version, see L. Lička, “The Visual Process: Immediate or Successive? Approaches to the Extramission Postulate in 13th Century Theories of Vision”, in Medieval Perceptual Puzzles: Theories of Sense-Perception in the 13th and 14th Centuries, edited by E. Băltuță, Leiden: Brill, 2020, pp. 73–110.] Introduction Is vision merely a state of the beholder’s sensory organ which can be explained as an immediate effect caused by external sensible objects? Or is it rather a successive process in which the observer actively scanning the surrounding environment plays a major part? These two general attitudes towards visual perception were both developed already by ancient thinkers. The former is embraced by natural philosophers (e.g., atomists and Aristotelians) and is often labelled “intromissionist”, based on their assumption that vision is an outcome of the causal influence exerted by an external object upon a sensory organ receiving an entity from the object. The latter attitude to vision as a successive process is rather linked to the “extramissionist” theories of the proponents of geometrical optics (such as Euclid or Ptolemy) who suggest that an entity – a visual ray – is sent forth from the eyes to the object.1 The present paper focuses on the contributions to this ancient controversy proposed by some 13th-century Latin thinkers. In contemporary historiography of medieval Latin philosophy, the general narrative is that whereas thinkers in the 12th century held various (mostly Platonic) versions of the extramission theory, the situation changes during the first half of the 13th century when texts by Avicenna, Aristotle (with the commentaries by Averroes), and especially Alhacen, who all favour the intromissionist paradigm, were gradually assimilated.2 It is assumed that, as a result, 1 For an account of the ancient theories of vision based on this line of conflict see especially D. -
Supplementary Anselm-Bibliography 11
SUPPLEMENTARY ANSELM-BIBLIOGRAPHY This bibliography is supplementary to the bibliographies contained in the following previous works of mine: J. Hopkins, A Companion to the Study of St. Anselm. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1972. _________. Anselm of Canterbury: Volume Four: Hermeneutical and Textual Problems in the Complete Treatises of St. Anselm. New York: Mellen Press, 1976. _________. A New, Interpretive Translation of St. Anselm’s Monologion and Proslogion. Minneapolis: Banning Press, 1986. Abulafia, Anna S. “St Anselm and Those Outside the Church,” pp. 11-37 in David Loades and Katherine Walsh, editors, Faith and Identity: Christian Political Experience. Oxford: Blackwell, 1990. Adams, Marilyn M. “Saint Anselm’s Theory of Truth,” Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale, I, 2 (1990), 353-372. _________. “Fides Quaerens Intellectum: St. Anselm’s Method in Philosophical Theology,” Faith and Philosophy, 9 (October, 1992), 409-435. _________. “Praying the Proslogion: Anselm’s Theological Method,” pp. 13-39 in Thomas D. Senor, editor, The Rationality of Belief and the Plurality of Faith. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995. _________. “Satisfying Mercy: St. Anselm’s Cur Deus Homo Reconsidered,” The Modern Schoolman, 72 (January/March, 1995), 91-108. _________. “Elegant Necessity, Prayerful Disputation: Method in Cur Deus Homo,” pp. 367-396 in Paul Gilbert et al., editors, Cur Deus Homo. Rome: Prontificio Ateneo S. Anselmo, 1999. _________. “Romancing the Good: God and the Self according to St. Anselm of Canterbury,” pp. 91-109 in Gareth B. Matthews, editor, The Augustinian Tradition. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999. _________. “Re-reading De Grammatico or Anselm’s Introduction to Aristotle’s Categories,” Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale, XI (2000), 83-112.