THE PRINCETON JOURNAL OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES

VOLUME III

FALL 2012

PRINCETON JOURNAL OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES

EDITORS-IN-CHIEF Anji Shin ’13 Jenna Song ’14

COPY EDITORS Jennifer Cho ’15 Charles Fortin ’15 Kevin Liaw ’15

LAYOUT EDITOR Jiweon Kim ’15

FINANCE & OPERATIONS TEAM Alex El-Fakir ’15 Kevin Liaw ’15 Thomas Merckens ’13 Jay Park ’16 Samantha Wu ’16 Heidi Yi ’15

IT TEAM IT MANAGER Eeh Pyoung Rhee ’13 STAFF Thomas Truongchau ’14

CHINA EDITORIAL TEAM JAPAN EDITORIAL TEAM KOREA EDITORIAL TEAM ASSOCIATE EDITOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR Charles Fortin ’15 Ryohei Ozaki ’14 Tanny Kang ’14 EDITORS EDITORS EDITORS Ben Chang ’14 Charles Fortin ’15 Jennifer Cho ’15 Gavin Cook ’15 Tzu-Yung Huang ’15 Jisoo Han ’14 Adrienne Fung ’14 Marina Kaneko ’15 Jee Eun Lee ’15 Rebecca Haynes ’15 Tanny Kang ’14 Jay Park ’16 Tzu-Yung Huang ’15 Christian Edwards van Alicia Huaze Li ’16! Muijen ’15 Cameron White ’14 ! !

TABLE OF CONTENTS ! ! 1. TO FIND THE RED AND EXPERT: THE POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS IN THE REINSTATEMENT OF THE 1977 NATIONAL COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATION IN CHINA MARGARET WANG | 1

2. JAPAN’S FORGOTTEN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: KIMURA KENKADō AND THE CASE FOR BIOGRAPHICAL HISTORY | SEAN O’REILLY | 18

3. SILK PRODUCTION IN SONG CHINA (960-1279): AN INVESTIGATION OF THE TREATISE ON TEXTILES IN THE OFFICIAL DYNASTIC HISTORY OF SONG | HANG LIN | UNIVERSITY OF WÜRZBURG 32

4. PUBLIC OPINION AND BUREAUCRATIC STONEWALLING: THE LEGALIZATION OF THE BIRTH CONTROL PILL IN JAPAN | REBECCA TOMPKINS | HARVARD UNIVERSITY 45

5. POLITICS OF IDEOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT: CASE STUDY OF POST-TRANSITION CHINA AND NORTH KOREA | SOOMIN OH | COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 57

6. A TEMPORARY RELEASE FROM REGULATION: GEOGRAPHICAL AND SOCIAL MOVEMENT DURING JAPAN’S TOKUGAWA PERIOD | MATTHEW HAYES |WRITTEN WHILE AT UNIVERSITY OF OREGON 70

7. CLOTHING AND UNCLOTHING, SEEN AND UNSEEN: A STUDY OF PAN JINLIAN IN JIN PING MEI | MELODY YUNZI LI | WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY IN ST. LOUIS 83

8. THE UNITED STATES AND ITS ROLE IN THE -CHINA RELATIONSHIP | PRISCILLA HSU | CLAREMONT MCKENNA COLLEGE 98

9. GOT MILK?: CHINA’S DAIRY INDUSTRY AND ITS IMPACT ON A GLOBALIZED CHILDREN’S CULTURE | SERENA PIOL | COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 107

TO FIND THE RED AND EXPERT: The Political Implications in the Reinstatement of the 1977 National College Entrance Examination in China Margaret Wang Princeton University

ABSTRACT discussion on the reform of China’s higher education enrollment system in Despite the vast research revolving light of its significant connection to around the 1977 reinstatement of the power, governmentality and education. national college entrance examination (gaokao )in China, little investigation I. INTRODUCTION has been done on the dissonance between the promoted slogans for this revision and In November of 1977, a diverse its actual outcomes. Even though Deng group of citizens, including young migrant Xiaoping and the Ministry of Education workers, middle-aged rural peasants, made many references to ’s veterans, intellectuals, and egalitarian education policies during the employees, altogether 5.8 million, Cultural , the reinstatement of nervously sat in exam venues across the the gaokao actually concentrated power in country to take a two-day comprehensive the educational elite (especially in urban exam called the gaokao (). Eager for areas), subjected education to a political the chance to attend college without a and economic agenda, and caused deeper prior educational background, twenty- social inequalities. This contradiction can eight-year-old Wang Jie Dong registered only be explained by examining Deng’s for the gaokao with the hopes of earning a motive for implementing the policy: to secure living for himself and his family in reassert his power against the Gang of the future.i After losing the opportunity to Four after Mao’s death. In this paper I will attend high school because of student first introduce the context of the time uprisings during the , period through the great educational he worked as a self-taught electrician for debate during 1977. Then, I will detail the several years until hearing the news various aspects of the gaokao that widened regarding the reinstatement of the national social equality such as localized funding college entrance examination (gaokao through economic decentralization, ). Although unable to attend college development of keypoint universities, after his first gaokao due to his father’s emphasis on science and technology, and affiliation with Taiwan, he eventually took rapid economic modernization goals. the gaokao again in 1978, earning the Finally, I will explain why Deng Xiaoping opportunity to study at presented this reformation under the Electrical College. Afterwards, he façade of Mao Zedong’s vision to further continued his education at the Concordia the socialist cause, and why this blatant University of Canada and finally, became a contradiction was so easily received by the successful electrical engineer in California. Chinese citizens. A better understanding of the history of the gaokao will facilitate

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Many Chinese citizens who up of those in urban and top tier partook in this examination had similar universities, for the purpose of spurring success stories, recalling how “it was a rapid economic growth at the price of time full of dreams and hopes for the more social inequality. The contradiction future.”ii After all, following close to ten between what was publicized and what years of educational stagnation during the resulted from the reinstatement, however, Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) this can be explained in part by the chaos of revision essentially reinstated a merit- the political scene in 1977: Deng needed based enrollment system in place of one to reassert his power against the gang of based solely on political affiliation. After four (si ren bang ) to take charge of months of deliberation with the Ministry economic reform after Mao. of Education, the rising reformist leader, Deng Xiaoping ( ), finally II. THE GREAT EDUCATIONAL proclaimed the news that would spread DEBATE virally throughout China: “Since everybody requested it, then let’s change Near the end of the Cultural it. This year we’ll just reinstate the national Revolution, due to the lack of stringent college entrance examination!”iii merit-based college enrollment But in 1977, Deng’s reinstatement stipulations, the level of education in of the national college entrance universities was alarmingly low and examination created opportunities to elementary. Qinghua University’s ( achieve higher education and job stability ) president confessed that students’ for only 278,000 citizens. For the “cultural qualities were too poor” and that remaining 5.5 million candidates who “most of the students were at the level of could not conform to the government’s primary school students”iv, attesting to the standard of intellect and knowledge, the necessity of addressing this domestic issue. seemingly monumental policy actually In fact, the great debate over education widened the gap between them and the was publicly acknowledged by the acting elite, and more generally between the premier Hua Kuofeng ()in 1976, urban and rural. Through the façade of during a dinner gala for U.S. President egalitarian appeals, echoing Mao Zedong’s Richard Nixon: “In China, a revolutionary ( ) proclamations for mass debate is going on in such circles as during the Cultural Revolution, the education, science, and technology. It is a reinstatement of the gaokao ironically continuation of the Great Proletarian became the emblem of Deng Xiaoping’s Cultural Revolution.”v support for the previously criticized elite Namely, the quality of education intellectuals, ultimately moving to raise the did not correlate with Mao Zedong’s level of education (ti gao ) rather than promise of social mobility and equality for popularize it (pu ji ). the disillusioned youth. Although the The shift towards a regimented proletarian class blamed the “right education system that focused on the deviationist wind”vi of the bourgeois class select few rather than the common masses for the tarnishing of the education system, is undeniable. Although Deng Xiaoping overall, it too was acknowledging that the reiterated Mao Zedong’s motto to further schooling system had to change. As early socialism for the needs of the common as 1975, Deng Xiaoping began to people, the reinstatement of the gaokao, in dichotomize the paths of education practice, created a centralized force made reform: education for revolution or

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 2! development, for the masses or for the “Exams are an important method elite, for popularizing education or to check the situation of learning advancing it.vii In other words, the Central and efficiency in teaching just like Party had to decide between continuing inspecting the quality of products Maoist education policies and reversing is necessary in guaranteeing the them to create the sort of educational factory’s production level. environment that would help China in Obviously, one shouldn’t blindly catching up to other modernized take tests, but it is the only countries. method to effectively monitor To understand the severity of this education. We must seriously domestic debate, we must first understand study, test, and improve the conditions of education during the examination content and exercises. Cultural Revolution. During this time, That is how it will be perfected.”xi because Mao believed that conventional education replicated capitalist ideology Deng essentially reversed Maoist and “thus produced apolitical intellectuals education policies by restoring this divorced from the toil and struggle of examination, which required true revolutionary ,” viii leadership roles educational knowledge, but did not and education opportunities were only disregard the importance of candidates’ given to politically correct individuals. As political affiliations, given that elites were a result, he eradicated academic entitled to a superior education. Given the evaluations and examinations, requiring decentralization of the economy and the students to be “red” in ideology, but not market-oriented reforms initiated in necessarily “expert” in their studies.ix In Deng’s modernization plan, Deng chose any case, this revolutionary model sought to emphasize rapid economic growth to produce cohorts for the socialist cause through the education of the elite.xii To through mass education. Even market his polices, he criticized and intellectuals who were previously teachers blamed the Gang of Four movement, (fen were stripped of their status, while sui si ren bang ) consisting of uneducated workers, peasants, and Mao Zedong’s last wife Jiang Qing (), soldiers (gong nong bing ) undertook Zhang Chunqiao (), Yao Wenyuan the responsibility of educating students (), and Wang Hongwen (), for the Party’s cause. The overarching for the stagnation in education, and for goal of education, thus, became a political their corrupt “capitalist” ideals in one. For example, in foreign language opposition to Mao’s egalitarian policies. In classes, students learned about “taking the other words, Deng Xiaoping strategically socialist road” rather than basic phrases promoted policies in opposition to Maoist like “taking a walk.” x In the end, the education guidelines, ironically by claiming failure of the revolutionary education to be continuing Mao Zedong’s egalitarian system catalyzed the great educational cause, which was supposedly under attack debate. by the bourgeois Gang of Four. Through Deng Xiaoping’s solution to this the gaokao, Deng Xiaoping’s decision to conundrum was the reinstatement of the advance education rather than to gaokao in 1977. As he stated in the 1978 popularize it became obvious, thus, National Education Conference (Quan guo ending the great educational debate. jiao yu gong zuo hui yi ):

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III. REGIMENTATION RESULTING gaokao was restored mainly to achieve FROM THE GAOKAO rapid economic modernization goals, the emphasis on scientific and technological A year after the reinstatement of advancement in the actual content of the the gaokao, Deng Xiaoping affirmed that examination removed the pure academic he was still continuing education for the goals of the gaokao, widening the gap common people. During the Education between those who studied practical Conference on April 22, 1978, Deng subjects from those who studied the Xiaoping affirmed that “it is imperative to liberal arts. train a large contingent of working-class intellectuals and greatly to raise the A. Economic Decentralization science and cultural level of the entire In 1985, the official “Decision of Chinese nation [….] to implement further the Central Committee of the Communist the fundamental principle set forth by Party of China on the Reform of Chairman Mao that ‘education must serve Educational Structure” reverberated proletarian politics and be combined with throughout the economic climate of productive labor.’”xiii However, he subtly education in the 1970’s. xv Essentially, hinted at the divide and social inequality instead of having the Communist the entrance examination would instigate: government control every province’s “Examinations are an important method economy, the national government of checking on studies […] We encourage decentralized educational finances. With everyone to strive for progress, but the dissolution of state ideology and the progress depends, after all, on whether the increase of local autonomy, local individual makes the effort. A collective had the bulk of the effort is the sum of individual efforts. responsibility for funding schools, as the There will be difference in individual national government only compensated efforts even in communist society.”xiv them for a third of their expenses. Local In essence, Deng Xiaoping governments that needed more funding alluded to the resulting social for school supplies and teachers’ salaries regimentation which would ensue from especially depended on sponsorship the very test he claimed to be completely (banxue )from the community. egalitarian in . Although Specifically, the national opportunities to register for the gaokao government allocated less funding to were given to citizens from all primary and secondary schools, which backgrounds, the actual conditions of provided most of the education of most enrollment in higher education increased students taking the college entrance social inequality. First of all, while examination. According to Table 1, economic decentralization forced local although primary education received 31% governments, particularly in rural areas, to of China’s national education expenditure carry the burden of educational costs, the and secondary education received 39% in national government mostly provided 1979, compared to the ratios of other funding for keypoint universities (zhong developing countries it was very minimal, dian da xue ). As a result, most especially because there were many more candidates from rural areas could not pass students enrolled in primary and the examination because urban-educated secondary schools. For example, when and otherwise privileged candidates had looking at the recurrent educational the upper hand. Moreover, since the expenditures of the Ministry of Education

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 4! alone, clearly more money was allocated Table 2: Number of Students, Schools for primary and secondary education and Teachers and total expenditure by (Table 2). However, when taking into the Ministry of Education for Primary, account the number of students and Secondary, and Tertiary Schools (1979, teachers in primary, secondary, and 1982) (in millions) tertiary education, the ratio of the total expenditure to the number of students Primary School and teachers was vastly larger for higher 1979 1982 education (comparing 13.2 for primary schools, 38.4 for secondary schools, and Students 146.6 139.7 1277.3 for higher education). Though Teachers 0.920 0.881 more expenditure for higher education is understandable, the severe difference in Total 1950 3390 ratios reflects the national government’s Expenditure minimal financial contribution to local Ratio per 13.2 24.1 schools. Furthermore, the ratio between student and the total expenditure and the number of teacher (in students and teachers does not exhibit ones) how much each student receives individually (since facility management Secondary School: and other factors affect the expenditure). In other words, there was a clear 1979 1982 relaxation in funding provided by the Students 59.1 45.3 national government for primary and secondary education, placing the majority Teachers 3.211 2.783 of the burden on local governments. Total 2390 3490 Expenditure Table 1: Percentage Distribution of Ratio per 38.4 72.6 Public Recurrent Educational student and Expenditure, by Level of Education teacher (in (1979) ones)

China Other Higher Education: Developing Countries 1979 1982 Primary 31 49 Students 1.0 1.2 Education Teachers 0.237 0.278 Secondary 39 31 Education Total 1580 2010 Tertiary 30 20 Expenditure Education Ratio per 1277.3 1359.9 student and Source: Data adapted from The World teacher (in Bank, China: Issues and Prospects In Education ones) (Washington, DC: World Bank Country Studies, 1985), 48.

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Source: Data adapted from The World institutions, once again deemed as Bank, 59, 66, 68. national keypoint universities, including Peking University (Bei jing da xue As a result of economic ), Qinghua University (Qing hua da xue decentralization, which included local ), (Fu dan da governments carrying the burden for funding education, the rural-urban divide xue ) etc., to enumerate the increased, continuing a trend that started institutions that high scoring gaokao at the end of the Cultural Revolution. In candidates could attend. 1978, the per capita income for rural Deng revived keypoint universities citizens was only 134 yuan per year, while to service as model schools that closely for urban citizens it was 315 yuan.xvi linked education with economic The state council approved the advancement. During his speech “Some Ministry of Education’s stipulation in Comments on Work in Science and “Opinions Regarding the 1977 Higher Education” (Guan yu ke xue he jiao yu gong Education Enrollment” (Guan yu yi jiu qi qi zuo de ji dian yi jian nian gao deng xue xiao zhao sheng gong zuo de yi ) on August 8, 1977, Deng jian stated: “Institutions of higher learning, ) stipulating: “All workers, particularly the key ones, should serve as farmers, countryside and hometown an important front-line force in scientific educated youth, demobilized soldiers, research [….] In this way, our sciences will cadres (ages can be relaxed to thirty years progress faster […] Not all our old) and graduates only need to suffice institutions of higher learning can as yet certain conditions to register as a increase their scientific research work, but candidate [for the gaokao].”xvii But because the key colleges and universities should do so step by step and take on more research primary and secondary schools varied in xix quality, the gaokao actually increased social assignments from outside.” Previously inequality. Considering the relatively high labeled as “little treasure pagoda schools” for “intellectual aristocrats” to be dropout rates in both primary and xx secondary education and the variation in “elevated to heaven,” keypoint teacher quality xviii , the gaokao was an universities suddenly were held up as the extremely difficult test for the average highest prizes for gaokao candidates. student. Therefore, entrance to these keypoint universities became the best means of B. Keypoint Universities social, political, economical, and Given that Mao Zedong geographical mobility. emphasized equality of education for the Keypoint universities, nonetheless, common people, he eliminated any trace only benefited a few elite students and of elitist education in Chinese society. For furthered social inequality by creating a example, keypoint colleges were nationally clear distinction between non-keypoint instituted in the 1960’s as prestigious and keypoint universities. On top of this, universities receiving direct and because of economic decentralization, as substantial support from the central discussed earlier, non-keypoint government, but were eliminated during universities were generally where most of the Cultural Revolution. By 1976, the underprivileged, rural youth attended. however, Deng Xiaoping brought Although Deng Xiaoping stated that attention to eighty-eight higher education “workers, peasants, and soldiers could enroll in universities” and “keypoint

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 6! universities could recruit from this pool of and advancement in education. xxiv As a high school graduates,” xxi this statement result, although the gaokao tested some was an idealistic mirage that concealed the humanities subjects such as Chinese elite nature of keypoint universities. The literature and political science, the creation of keypoint universities naturally examination emphasized math and led to the installment of keypoint primary science.xxv and secondary schools, which became It is important to note, however, “conduits through one reaches the that an emphasis on science and pinnacle”xxii of elite education. This sort of technology is very common for elite separation consequently began as developing countries as a means to early as primary school, rendering the achieve economic stability. xxvi The fact gaokao an inefficient means for non- that Deng Xiaoping shifted away from keypoint students to attend high quality liberal arts should not be criticized. universities imbued with resources and Instead, I will be focusing on the ways he qualified staff. emphasized science and technology First, since keypoint universities through the gaokao, which actually were eliminated during the Maoist period, restricted the potential for innovation in their reinstatement was evidence for the these fields. Namely, I will be discussing restoration of elitist education. Second, how scientists were compared to these universities demonstrated how the production workers and forced to develop central government had even more power under a “socialist agenda” to correlate to define the ideal in intelligence and with the goals of the gaokao and the education. Even though regimentation keypoint universities. between the educated and the uneducated Since the gaokao further had already existed, keypoint universities distinguished those more qualified in math allowed for the gaokao to further and science, most college students entered strengthen this divide and to negate into related fields, which included mobility. engineering, natural sciences, agriculture and forestry, and medicine. Referring to C. The Emphasis on Science and Technology Table 3 for the total enrollment in higher Given that the gaokao dictated the education by specialty, the ratio of those “perceived needs” of the nation, Deng who studied in the fields of science and Xiaoping was able to further his plans for technology compared to those in the economic modernization plans through liberal arts field was nearly six to one. the enhancement of science and Moreover, those who chose to specialize technology education. In his speech in the fields of science and technology “Respect Knowledge, Respect Talent (Zun received more resources from teachers zhong zhi shi, zun zhong ren cai and staff. According to Table 4, which ), he acknowledged: “We have charts staff and teachers in higher to achieve modernization, and the key is education by specialty, the ratio of staff to develop science and technology. In members involved with science and developing science and technology, to not technology to those involved with liberal pay attention to education is unacceptable. arts was nearly twelve to one, while for “ xxiii In various national congressional the ratio of teachers, it was nearly eleven meetings, the Party Central Committee to one. Not only did the gaokao filter in pushed for science and technology by more science and technology based interlocking rapid economic development students, but also to some extent, universities (especially keypoint ones)

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 7! provided to those studying science and Institutes of 5,543 2,200 technology the best conditions to flourish. Physical Education Again, this observation is not to criticize Art Institutes 9,035 3,901 the Ministry of Education’s shift in focus Total*: 431,412 152,955 to science and technology but rather show Total: 35,012 14,111 to what extent higher education was * = fields of science and technology unbalanced and thus further regimented. Source: Data adapted from Lo and Mao, 21.

Table 3: Total Enrollment in Institutes Beyond the high enrollment rates of Higher Learning By Specialty (1980) and the amount of resources given to 1980 1981 those specializing in science and Engineering* 382,000 461,265 technology, it is important to note how Agriculture* 71,600 78,837 Deng likened those studying the sciences Forestry* 11,800 13,618 to manual laborers. In “Some Comments Medicine* 139,600 158,986 on Work in Science and Education,” Science* 83,700 99,840 Deng Xiaoping remarked: “Both scientific Arts 58,700 69,076 researchers and educational workers are Finance/Economics 36,600 47,895 working people. Don’t we talk about Law and Politics 6,100 9,944 mental labour and manual labour? Physical Education 9,400 11,241 Scientific research and educational work Visual Art 5,900 7,326 are mental labour—and doesn’t mental labour count as labour?” xxvii By labeling Total*: 688,700 812,546 researchers as laborers, Deng implied that Total: 116,700 145,482 the researchers were also under the * = fields of science and technology agenda of “the revolution” much like how Source: Data adapted from Billi L. C. Lo Mao Zedong’s advocated laborers’ and Tse Mao, Research Guide to Education in dedication to class struggle. China After Mao 1977-1981 (: Whereas liberal arts and University of Hong Kong, 1983), 20. humanities was more easily monitored and controlled by the Communist Party due to Table 4: Staff and Teachers in their focus on ideology, science and Institutes of Higher Learning by technology had more autonomy from the Specialty (1981) central committee given that they dealt more with objective observations and Total Teachers experiments: data could not be Staff manipulated. However, as Deng stated in College of Science 286,063 101,776 the opening speech to the National and Engineering* Science Conference (Quan guo ke xue da hui College of 58,837 18,247 )in 1978, “correctly Agriculture* understanding that science and technology College of Forestry* 6,646 2,326 belong to the productive forces and that College of 79,866 30,606 brain workers who serve socialism are a Medicine* part of the working people has a close Institutes of 17,112 6,783 bearing on the rapid development of our Finance/Economics scientific undertakings.”xxviii In this manner, Institutes of Law 3,322 1,227 the central committee praised scientific and Politics and technological research, while in some

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 8! ways controlling the research behind the candidates’ political affiliations. As Deng scenes, just as the government had stated in his speech “Doing a Good Job in manipulated laborers’ ideologies during College Enrollment Is an Aspiration of the Cultural Revolution. People Throughout the Country,” “a Overall, with the greater emphasis scholastic achievement test is one of the on science and technology, the gaokao important ways to examine the students’ segregated those who studied these political theory and educational level.”xxxiii subjects from those who studied liberal In other words, candidates still had the arts. Furthermore, these distinguished burden of carrying the proletarian cause scientific researchers were subject to the and had to be, according to the Ministry goals of rapid economic modernization of Education’s “Requirements for 1978 within “socialist” cause, further causing College Enrollment,” “red and regimentation in the education system. expert.”xxxiv The phrase “red and expert” (you hong you zhuan ) originated IV. THE MAOIST SOCIALIST from Mao, in one of his speeches during FAÇADE the Great Leap Forward when he elaborated the importance of being The reinstatement of the gaokao business oriented and knowledgeable created regimentation throughout the while also being politically and education system in many aspects, ideologically correct. xxxv Thereby, Deng dividing rural students from urban ones, Xiaoping introduced the gaokao as policy elite intellectuals from the uneducated, that would continue Mao Zedong’s and scientists and engineers from those method of utilizing education for the studying the liberal arts. Yet, Deng proletarian cause. Xiaoping still reiterated Mao Zedong’s The key difference, nevertheless, is xxix mantra in guiding the May 7 schools. In Deng focused on the “expert” aspect forums regarding education reforms more than the “red.” Even though he leading up to the reinstatement of the proclaimed during his speech at the gaokao, Deng reaffirmed that the National Conference on Education that qualifications for entering higher “schools should always attach first education remained extremely political importance to a firm and correct political and thereby, more accessible to citizens of orientation,” xxxvi the regimentation in higher social ranks. Specifically, candidates education resulting from the gaokao would have to continue “to protect the illustrates how this was not the case. In Communist Party, to ardently love dividing rural citizens from urban ones, socialism, to ardently love labor, to for example, the gaokao clearly focused comply with revolutionary discipline, to less on the “red” ideology than it might xxx resolve to learn for the revolution” just have before. But by constantly using the as Mao Zedong required students to “be phrase “red and expert” and referring faithful to the Party’s educational task.”xxxi back to the importance of political Furthermore, in their first session, the ideology, Deng and the Ministry of People’s Congress of the Communist Education were able to maintain their Party followed suit by linking education, hold on political ideology though the modernization, and Mao’s ideals of class examination did not emphasize political struggle and anti-capitalism within the orientation as much as before. xxxii school curriculum. To understand the discord Like Mao’s socialist education between the actual function of the gaokao policies the gaokao continued to test

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 9! and the means that Deng used to present and became the next to lead reforms in it, we must analyze Deng Xiaoping’s the country. motivations for mobilizing the Chinese Deng publicized the Gang of citizens. All in all, Deng presented the Four’s destruction of intellectual vibrancy gaokao with Maoist rhetoric to maintain in China, which led to several publications power during political opposition from in the local government and the media, Gang of Four as well as a period of tarnishing their reputation. As Deng increased social and ideological autonomy Xiaoping stated in the National resulting from rapid economic Conference on Education, “ever since we modernization. smashed the Gang of Four, especially I. The Smashing of the Gang of Four after revolutionizing higher education On September 9, 1976, an official enrollment systems and criticizing the announcement was released in the New ‘two estimates,’xxxviii the educational front China News Agency (Xin hua emerged in many new atmospheres. Achievement should be fully )mourning the loss of Mao Zedong. xxxix However, the announcement was released affirmed.” Following “The Great close to twenty hours after Mao’s death, Debate on the Educational Front” (Jiao yu foreshadowing the intensity of the debate zhan xian de yi chang da lun zhan that political leaders would initiate )xl the severe assessment of regarding China’s future. Although the the Gang of Four by a group evaluating announcement stated that “we must carry the Ministry of Education caused various on the cause left behind by Chairman Mao colleges in cities such as Shanxi, and persist in taking class struggle as the Nanchang, Qinghua, Hanxi, Kansu, key link,” xxxvii there was uncertainty Sichuan, and Hopei, to hold official regarding the economic, political, and conferences condemning the Gang of social policies that the government would Four.xli As such, the public disparagement take due to the vacuum of leadership. The of the Gang of Four escalated into a Gang of Four lurched at the opportunity massive campaign. to seize power, as Jiang Qing attempted to From this perspective, by succeed Mao Zedong. The politburo attacking the Gang of Four on an members and military, nonetheless, educational front and repudiating the continued to support Premier Hua “two estimates,” Deng Xiaoping was able Kuofeng. At the same time, Deng to redefine Mao Zedong’s ideals for Xiaoping came out of hiding from Canton education to correspond with reforms (Guang zhou ) since Mao had such as the restoration of the gaokao. The removed him from office, accusing him of Gang of Four concocted the “two political mistakes. After Mao’s death, estimates” in 1971 to evaluate the Deng began his campaign for rapid educational atmosphere and the economic modernization through a intellectuals of the time between 1949 and pragmatic approach to development, 1966. According to the Gang of Four, the which the Gang of Four then labeled as seventeen-year period did not follow capitalistic. By specifically attacking the Maoist ideals and most intellectuals were Gang of Four’s corruption on the of the bourgeois class, or “class enemies xlii educational front, however, Deng with a bourgeois world outlook.” Xiaoping was able to officially “smash” However, the Ministry of Education the Gang of Four on October 9, 1976, accused the Gang of Four of scheming to “usurp Party and state power, restore

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 10! capitalism and to fundamentally ruin the on citizens’ political affiliations during the revolution in education.” xliii The Cultural Revolution, although Mao educational stagnation during the Cultural initially proposed these policies. Revolution became the product of the Overall, the reinstatement of the Gang of Four’s misdoings. Mao, on the gaokao was a strategic move for radically other hand, was “victimized” by the Gang benefiting elite intellectuals without of Four as his philosophies were utilized causing turmoil for repudiating Maoist for capitalistic aims. In contrast, Deng education policies. Instead, the Gang of continued to proclaim Mao’s ideal of Four was blamed for “’putting intellectual restoring education for the masses to education first’ and thus ‘getting divorced avoid being associated with the Gang’s from proletarian politics.’” xlv After all, corruption, while in reality implemented since there was such strong allegiance to an examination for the elite. Mao Zedong’s philosophies, Deng In attacking the Gang of Four for Xiaoping could not develop the economy their corruption of the education system, with such a focus on the bifurcated the restoration of the gaokao became a education system. First, he had to method to permanently renounce the reinterpret Mao’s education policies and Gang of Four and their “two estimates.” “smash” the Gang of Four. The gaokao In a speech regarding college enrollment became the perfect policy to on the one in 1977, Deng Xiaoping pointed out their hand, continue his goal of economic faulty means of enforcing enrollment into modernization, and on the other, higher education: moderate the radicalism of his policies. As “The ‘gang of four’ completely a representative of the Higher Education ignored the tremendous Bureau of the Education Ministry in achievements in enrollment since Beijing confessed in an interview, “this the founding of our country, and [the Gang of Four] teaches us, therefore, negated the leading position of that we should have an entrance Chairman Mao’s revolution line… examination for this year’s enrollment.”xlvi They did their utmost to undermine the party’s fine II. Governmentality in the New Autonomous traditions and style of work, thus Environment further worsening an already bad Deng Xiaoping restored the gaokao situation in which the practice of to maintain his power for promoting rapid ‘going through the back door’ was economic modernization. At the same found in student enrollment. All time, however, the chaotic failure of the of this sabotage of student Cultural Revolution already began to bring enrollment and higher education about significant social changes, further was disastrous because it seriously dividing the citizens from the government obstructed the selection of through the decline of state principles. outstanding people.’”xliv During the Cultural Revolution, Chinese citizens were so ardent in their belief of Thought to be responsible for corrupt the Communist party because of their enrollment, the Gang of Four and its ideological indoctrination and the policies were juxtaposed against the government’s promise of an egalitarian reinstatement of the national college system. Because the Cultural Revolution entrance examination. The Gang of Four brought these disillusioned citizens even was blamed for the abolishment of the more social inequality, there was no entrance examination and the emphasis legitimized philosophy for the common

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 11! people to follow.xlvii Furthermore, with the examination, which provided the only decollectivization and decentralization route to a stable education and job in the agenda, the party had much less control keypoint universities. Foucault also on the public sphere in aspects such as pointed out that universities were education. Amidst the process of “relatively artificial enclaves where recovering from poverty, many citizens students are expected to absorb socially were also preoccupied with market desirable modes of behaviour and forms reforms, focusing more on their own of knowledge before being recuperated businesses rather than the collective goals into society.”lii Given that the documents of the Communist party. As a result, of the first session of the Fifth National Deng faced the challenge of collectivizing People’s Congress clearly alluded to citizens for rapid economic development socialist economic construction as the and modernization while also conserving primary focus, and keypoint universities as the socialist establishment. the model institutions, to some extent, the The restoration of gaokao could gaokao played a role in mobilizing talented also be seen as a political tactic initiated by people for a politicized economic agenda. the Party and Deng with respect to the Foucault, however, was extremely close relationship between power, critical of education as a whole since he governmentality xlviii , and education. believed that knowledge and power were According to philosopher Michael inseparable. Therefore, I am not referring Foucault, “modern institutions of to his philosophies as a means of government are organized to produce criticism, but rather a lens to analyze the governable individuals who are especially relevant connections between the gaokao, susceptible to state control because they power and governmentality. After all, are taught to believe they are free.” xlix given the power struggle and the Similarly, Deng introduced the gaokao increasingly autonomous political under the pretense of Maoist socialism, environment of the time, the gaokao was deceiving citizens of the education policy’s an effective means of mobilizing citizens actual elitism. for economic modernization, which could Foucault thus forces us to have otherwise weakened state control. reanalyze the function of intelligence tests such as the gaokao by pointing out that V. CONCLUSION through intelligence tests, “our very conception of intelligence was therefore Clearly, there was discord between the capricious product of an essentially the outcome of reinstating the gaokao and arbitrary institutional arrangement. This the phraseology used by Deng and the analysis can be broadened to show how Ministry of Education in introducing this power continues to influence us through education reform. On the one hand, the production of knowledge.”l After all, restoring the national college entrance the gaokao’s focus on science and examination centralized educational technology redefined what the purpose of power for urban, high-class citizens in intelligence and education was, which for keypoint universities because of existing Deng was fiscal and technological economic decentralization and advancement. Deng inquired in his speech modernization goals. Yet, Deng Xiaoping about science and education: “how shall restated Mao Zedong’s aphorism of we mobilize the energies of workers in furthering the socialist cause for class science and education?”li His answer was struggle and social equality though his through the national entrance education reforms promoted the opposite.

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 12!

By analyzing the political conflict between chaotic educational system and resulting the Gang of Four and Deng Xiaoping, the economic strife from the Cultural gaokao can be seen as a highly politicized Revolution, the citizens were more willing test to mobilize the Chinese citizens to accept dynamic change. Yet, the against the Gang of Four, since they were citizens were unaware of the tense attacked for their corrupt enrollment political environment that the gaokao was methods and educational policies as a be implemented in. whole. Lastly, in the post-Cultural A reanalysis of the gaokao forces us Revolution environment, marked by the to take a closer look of its actual function loss of state control over citizenry, Deng in contemporary Chinese history just as needed a method to collectivize citizens Foucault warned. In some aspects, Deng under one ideology. By scrutinizing Xiaoping’s manipulation of the gaokao Foucault’s discussion of power, while deliberately alluding to Mao’s governmentality and education, the gaokao diction mobilized Chinese citizens with can be seen less as an academic test, but subtler means than those of Mao during rather a policy that redefined intelligence the Cultural Revolution. Whereas Mao to mobilize the citizens for the cause of Zedong attempted to unite citizens under economic modernization. the Communist cause, Deng tried to unite Although there was a blatant them under the cause of rapid economic contradiction revolving around the gaokao, modernization. Whereas Mao led the the Chinese citizens were so willing to Chinese citizens against the common accept the reinstitution of the national enemy of the five black categories, Deng college entrance examination as a Xiaoping labeled the common enemy as celebration of educational resurgence the Gang of Four. Since education had because it brought hope to the problem of always been seen in a positive light and as fixing the politically and economically an institution of achievement apart from strained environment. Firstly, the gaokao politics, the gaokao created the illusion of was closely associated with the Imperial positive and dynamic change. At the end Examination system, which was initiated of the day, however, the gaokao clearly during the Sui dynasty as a centralized and focused more on politics than academics fair examination to select civil service though it was a pedagogic examination. officials. liii The Imperial Examination Although the gaokao integrated more system lessened the power of aristocratic academic work into higher education than families and allowed merit and intelligence in systems during the Cultural Revolution, to decide citizens’ ranks. The test, politics was the ultimate reason that however, was abolished in 1905 because candidates like Wang Jie Dong could not the rich eventually hired tutors, giving attend college in 1977. themselves them an upper hand, and the Recently, there have been multiple rigidity of the content did not assimilate to discussions regarding the negative aspects changing times. Nevertheless, the of the gaokao. liv Although the gaokao longevity and the influential focus on underwent several revisions and has led meritocracy revolutionized this test as a education enrollment systems towards the means to ensure equality in education. road of meritocracy, analyzing the root of Therefore, when Deng Xiaoping this national entrance examination can reinstated the gaokao, there was an perhaps shed light on some of its flaws. automatically a positive reaction to a test For example, given that the gaokao was that would once again be based on highly politicized, and in essence created meritocracy. Especially because of the more social inequality, perhaps the test

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 13! should be adjusted to focus more on !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! pedagogy in the modern day. As such, this reinterpretation of the purpose and outcome of the gaokao can help initiate more discussion on revising China’s higher education enrollment system today. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! i Jie Dong Wang. Personal Interview. Irvine, California, xii “Over the next 25 years, we should build before 1980, December 17, 2012. an independent and comparatively complete industrial system and national economic system. Second, realize ii Han Ximing, now a Chinese literature professor in modernization of agriculture, industry, national defense Nanjing Audit University, described the time period and science and technology, so that our national when the gaokao was reinstated in an interview. David economy will join the front ranks of the world.” Deng Lague, “1977 Exam Opened Escape Route into China’s Xiaoping, “On the General Program for All Work of the Elite,” The New York Times, January 6, 2008. Whole Party and the Whole Country,” in Selections from People’s Republic of China Magazines No. 921, (1997). xiii “Teng’s Speech at Education Conference, 22 April 1978,” New China News Agency, 25 April 1978 in Hinton, 2755. xiv “Teng’s Speech at Education Conference, 22 April 1978,” in Hinton, 2756. xv Chen Kai-Ming, “Education—Decentralization and v Theodore Hsi-en Chen, Chinese Education Since 1949 the market,” in Social Change and Social Policy in (New York: Pergamon Press Inc., 1981), 124. Contemporary China, ed. Linda Wong and Stewart MacPherson (Aldershot: Avebury, 1995), 70. vi “The Continuation and Deepening of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution – Gratifying to See the xvi Linda Wong and Ka-ho Mok, “The reform and the Mass Debate on the Education Revolution at Tsinghua changing social context,” in Social Change, 1. University Advancing Against the Waves,” People’s Daily, February 6, 1976 in The People’s Republic of China 1949- 1979: A Documentary Survey, ed. Harold C. Hinton (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1980), 2541. as quoted in xviii The World Bank, 36, 57, 58. viii Chen, 121. xix “Some Comments on Work in Science and Education ix “Red and Expert” is a famous phrase that originated (August 8, 1977),” Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (1975- from Mao Zedong during the Great Leap Forward. To 1982) (Beijing: Foreign Language Press, 1984) as cited in be “red” meant to be politically correct in following Education and Socialist Modernization: A Documentary History while to be “expert” meant to be of Education in the People’s Republic of China, 1977-1986, ed. knowledgeable. Mao Zedong, Red and Expert, and trans. by Shi Ming Hu and Eli Seifman (New York: http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/select AMS Press, Inc., 1987), 57. ed-works/volume-8/mswv8_04.htm. [Original Source: xx Long Live Mao Zedong Thought, a Red Guard Publication Shi Ming Hu and Eli Seifman, ed., Toward A New World Outlook: A Documentary History of Education in the 1969]. People’s Republic of China, 1949-1976, (New York: AMS x Chen, 127. Press Inc., 1976), 160.

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! xxviii “Teng’s Speech at Education Conference, 22 April 1978,” in Hinton, 2745. xxix The May 7 schools were created in 1968 to follow Mao Zedong’s May 7 Directives, initiated on May 7, 1966. “In this directive, Mao suggested setting up farms, later called cadre schools, where cadres and intellectuals, xxii Stanly Rosen, “Recentralization, Decentralization, sent down from the cities, would perform manual labor and Rationalization: Deng Xiaoping’s Bifurcated and undergo ideological reeducation.” These form of Educational Policy,” Modern China, 11.3 (1985): 302. schools represented the motto for education during the

Cultural Revolution. “Seven May Cadre Schools (1968),” ChinesePosters.Net, last modified December 23, 2012, http://chineseposters.net/themes/seven-may-cadre- schools.php. xxiv “Summary of the Report Delivered by Fang Yi, Member of the Political Bureau of the CCP Central Committee and Vice-President of the Chinese Academy “ English Language of Science, on 27th December at the Seventh Session of Materials Office of the Peking Second Foreign Language the Standing Committee of the Fourth National CPCC Institute, “Sayings of Chairman Mao,” Chinese Education, Committee,” New China News Agency, December 29, 9.2 (1976): 7. 1977 in Education and Socialist Modernization, 64. Also xxxii stated in 全国人民代表大会，Documents of the First “To speed up socialist modernization in the four Session of the Fifth National People’s Congress of the People’s fields, we must be steadfast in grasping class struggle as Republic of China (Beijing: Foreign Language Press, 1978) the key link and persist in the struggle of the proletariat 8-9. against the bourgeoisie. We must always bear in mind Chairman Mao’s teachings and fully recognize that xxv Robert D. Barendsen, ed.,The 1978 national college throughout the historical period of socialist society entrance examination in the People’s Republic of China, classes, class struggle and the struggle between socialist (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Dept. of Health, Education and and capitalist roads all eist and that this struggle is Welfare, Office of Education, 1979). Also noted in protracted and complicated […] We must conduct interview with Jie Dong Wang. intensive socialist education in order to oppose and prevent revisionism.” Documents of the First Session of the xxvi Keith M Lewin, “Mapping Science Education Policy Fifth National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of in Developing Countries,” The World Bank Secondary China, 22. Education Series (2000): 1. xxxiii “Doing a Good Job in College Enrollment is an Aspiration of People Throughout the Country” People’s Daily, October 21, 1977 as cited in Education and Socialist Modernization, 62. xxxiv “Requirements for 1978 College Enrollment,” New China News Agency, June 13, 1978 as cited in Education and Socialist Modernization, 78. Also referenced as Also roughly translated in “Some Comments on Work in Science and Education” in Education and Socialist Modernization, 56. xxxv http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/select ed-works/volume-8/mswv8_04.htm.

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! xxxvi “Speech at the National Conference on Education xlv “Speech at the National Conference on Education (April 22, 1978),” Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (1975- (April 22, 1978)” in Education and Socialist Modernization, 1982) (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1984) as cited 74. in Education and Socialist Modernization, 75. xlvi Suzanne Pepper, “An Interview on Changes in xxxvii “The Announcement of Mao Tse-tung’s Death, Chinese Education after the ‘Gang of Four,’” The China September 9, 1976,” New China News Agency, 9 Quarterly, 27 (1977): 820. September 1976 in Hinton, 2581. xlvii Wong and Mok in Social Changes and Social Policy in xxxviii The “two estimates” (liang ge gu ji 两个估�)was a Contemporary China, 8. phrase used by the Gang of Four to describe the corrupt xlviii educational front and intellectuals 17 years after the rise Governmentality is a term created by the French of the Communist Party in 1949. Further explanation philosopher . It is: “the organized about the “two estimates” will be discussed later in this practices (mentalities, rationalities, and techniques) paper. through which subjects are governed.” Susan Mayhew, “Governmentality,” In A Dictionary of Geography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). xlix David Cheshier, “Foucault and Educational Reform,” The Rostrum, (1999): 3. l Ansgar Allen, “Using Foucault in Education Research,” British Educational Research Association (2012): 2, http://www.bera.ac.uk/resources/using-foucault- education-research.

li xli “Shansi Holds Second Meeting on Student “Some Comments on Work and Science and Enrollment Work,” Shansi Provincial Services, Education (August 8, 1977)” in Education and Socialist November 19, 1977; “Reporter Refutes ‘Gang’s’ Modernization, 56. Opposition to ‘The 17 Years,’” New China News lii Roger Deacon, “Michel Foucault on education: Agency Domestic Service, November 24, 1977; preliminary theoretical overview,” South African Journal of “Nanchang Education Bureau Forum Criticizes ‘Two Education, 26.2 (2006): 184. Assessments,’” Kiangsi Provincial Service, November 21, 1977; “Tsinghua University Leader Criticizes liii Yuan Feng, “From the imperial examination to the ‘Gang,’” Peking Domestic Services, November 21 1977; national college entrance examination: The dynamics of Kansu Holds Forum to Criticizes ‘Two Assessments,’” political centralism in China’s educational enterprise,” Kansu Provincial Services, November 23, 1977; Journal of Contemporary China, 4.8 (1995): 5. “Szechwan Education Workers Score ‘Gang’s’ ‘Two Assessments,’” Szechwan Provincial Services, liv Edward Wong, “Test That Can Determine the Course November 23, 1977; “Hopei Meeting Criticizes ‘Gangs’ of Life in China Gets a Closer Examination,” The New Two Evaluations,’” Hopei Provincial Services, York Times, June 30, 2012. November 20, 1977 all cited in U.S. Joint Publications Research Service, Translations on People’s Republic of China, REFERENCES No. 410. (Arlington: Joint Publications Research Service, 1978), 8-25. Allen, Ansgar. "Using Foucault in education research." British Educational Research Association. http://www.bera.ac.uk/resources/using-foucault- education-research. Ball, Stephen J.. Foucault and education: disciplines and knowledge. London: , 1990. xliii Education and Socialist Movement, 2. Barendsen, Robert Dale. The 1978 national college entrance examination in the People's Republic of China. xliv “Doing a Good Job in College Enrollment is an Washington, D.C.: U.S. Dept. of Health, Education, and Aspiration of People Throughout the Country” in Welfare, Office of Education, 1979. Education and Socialist Modernization, 61. Barnett, A. Doak. China after Mao, with selected documents. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967.

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Blecher, Marc J., and Gordon White. 2004. Micropolitics in contemporary China: a technical unit during and Pepper, Suzanne. “An Interview on Changes after the Cultural Revolution. White Plains: M.E. Sharpe, in Chinese Education after the ‘Gang of Four.’” The 1979. China Quarterly 27. (1977): 815-824. Chen, Theodore Hsi-en. Chinese education since Rosen, Stanley. “Recentralization, 1949: academic and revolutionary models. New York: Decentralization, and Rationalization: Deng Xiaoping’s Pergamon Press, 1981. Print. Bifurcated Educational Policy.” Modern China. 11.3 Cheshier, David M.. "Foucault and (1985): 301-346. Educational Reform." The Rostrum (1999): 1-3. U.S. Joint Publications Research Service, Cockain, Alex. Young Chinese in urban China. Translations on People's Republic of China No. 410. Milton Park: Routledge, 2012. Arlington: Joint Publication Research Service, 1978: 1- Davey, Gareth, Delian Chuan, and Louise 65. Higgins. "The University Entrance Examination System U.S. Consulate, Hong Kong, B.C.C.. Selections in China." Journal of Further and Higher Education 4 (2010): from People’s Republic of China Magazines. No. 921 (1997). 385-396. Wang, Jie Dong. Interviewed by Margaret Deacon, Roger. “Michel Foucault on Wang. Personal interview. Irvine, California. December education: preliminary theoretical overview.” South 17, 2012. African Journal of Education. 26.2 (2006): 177-187. Wong, Edward. “Test That Can Determine English Language Materials Office of the the Course of Life in China Gets a Closer Examination.” Peking Second Foreign Language Institute. “Sayings of The New York Times. June 30, 2012. Chairman Mao.” Chinese Education. 9.2 (1976): 3-99. Wong, Linda, and Stewart MacPherson. Social Feng, Yuan. “From the imperial examination change and social policy in contemporary China. Aldershot: to the national college entrance examination: The Avebury, 1995. dynamics of political centralism in China’s educational World Bank. China, issues and prospects in enterprise.” Journal of Contemporary China 4.8 (1995): 28- education. Washington, D.C.: World Bank Country 56. Studies, 1985. Fimyar, Olena. "Using Governmentality as a Yang, Dongping. The China educational Conceptual Tool in Education Policy Ressearch." development yearbook. Leiden: Brill, 2009. Educate Special Edition (2008): 3-18. Zang, Xiaowei. Understanding Chinese society. Garrison, James W., and Stefan Neubert. Park: Routledge, 2011. Dewey's : an introduction and recontextualization for our times. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012. Hannum, Emily, and Albert Park. Education and reform in China. London: Routledge, 2007. Hinton, Harold C.. The People's Republic of China: 1949 - 1979 ; a documentary survey.. Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1980. Hu, Shi Ming, and Eli Seifman, ed. Education and socialist modernization: A Documentary History of Education in the People's Republic of China, 1977-1986. New . Documents of the first York: AMS Press, Inc., 1987. session of the fifth National People's Congress of the People's Hu, Shi Ming, and Eli Seifman, ed., Towards a Republic of China. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1978. New World Outlook: A Documentary History of Education in People’s Republic of China, 1949-1976. New York: AMS Press, Inc., 1976. Lague, David. "1977 Exam Opened Escape Route in China's Elite." The New York Times, January 6, 2008. Lewin, Keith M. “Mapping Science Education Policy in Developing Countries.” The World Bank Secondary Education Series (2000): 1-40. Lo, Billie L. C., and Tse Mao. Research Guide to Education in China after Mao1977-1981. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong, 1983. Print. Mao Zedong, Red and Expert, http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/select ed-works/volume-8/mswv8_04.htm. [Original Source: Long Live Mao Zedong Thought, a Red Guard Publication 1969]. Mayhew, Susan. “Governmentality.” A Dictionary of Geography. Oxford: Oxford University Press,

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JAPAN’S FORGOTTEN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: Kimura Kenkadō and the Case for Biographical History Sean O’Reilly Harvard University

ABSTRACT No one pays any attention to the middle of the Tokugawa period. To be This essay has two goals. The first fair, all but one of the period’s truly is to use Kimura Kenkadō as a case study exciting, eye-catching events—wars, to evaluate the methodological value of rebellions, (often successful) assassination biographical writing. The second is to attempts—happened in either the first or determine to what extent such writing— the last forty years: the rise or the fall of based on the numerous secondary and the pax Tokugawa. Even more abstract primary sources available on Kenkadō— developments like the efflorescence of illuminates two large-scale trends I argue commoner literary culture and the began in the eighteenth century, namely accompanying explosion in printed the rise of inter-networked intellectual life materials occurred near the beginning, in and the conceptual revolution regarding the late seventeenth century. In a survey I the natural world. In comparison with the recently conducted of about a dozen other methods available, biography does undergraduates near the beginning of a seem preferable given the wealth of pre-modern Japanese history course, not evidence Kenkadō’s own life provided for one student was able to name a single both trends. event that occurred during the eighteenth Like most subjects of biographical century. I clucked my tongue in writing, Kenkadō was exceptional, in his lamentation, particularly over their failure case due to his vast network of to mention the Chūshingura Incident acquaintances, yet even so he seems (also known as the Akō Incident or the representative of the highly collaborative Vendetta of the Forty-Seven rōnin) of eighteenth century as a whole; he was 1701-1703. But then it hit me—I, too, merely unusually gregarious, and less a could not name more than a handful of forerunner than a key participant in the events that occurred in that century. gradual rise of a new conception of the Perhaps it was my antiquarian focus on natural world. As such, biography can be easy-to-remember “events,” History with a very useful method indeed for shedding a capital H, which was to blame. light on the historical character of the late Nevertheless, I could not shake eighteenth century, and a critical step the conviction that understanding the towards writing the biography, so to conditions and developments of the speak, of the eighteenth century itself. eighteenth century was vital, if only to contextualize the turmoil of the JAPAN’S FORGOTTEN nineteenth century. Since meaty, high- EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: KIMURA profile political or military events KENKADō AND THE CASE FOR evidently cannot serve as a useful entrée BIOGRAPHICAL HISTORY into the character, so to speak, of this period in Japanese history, I was forced to

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 18! look elsewhere for inspiration. Imagine sure, this method does provide a number my surprise when, having rejected the of advantages, as seen in the example that Great Events method of writing history, I is most relevant to us, a book by Anna found the methodological solution in the Beerens bearing the unwieldy title Friends, other age-old historical writing trope of Acquaintances, Pupils, and Patrons: Japanese the Great Man method. I initially began Intellectual Life in the Late Eighteenth Century: researching such figures as Kimura A Prosopographical Approach. In it, Beerens Kenkadō (1736-1802, pictured in Fig. 1), a analyzes 173 intellectuals of various man who as we shall see had a giant and vocations and avocations, from various multifaceted presence in the intellectual, places, all active in late eighteenth century artistic, and scientific life of the eighteenth Japan. Her quantitative methods focus on century, only as a narrow side-attempt to income sources, birth status, cities of gather more evidence for two key residence, and other easily comparable historical developments I believe occurred factors, and generate a number of in the eighteenth century. Yet it gradually interesting findings. Among them, for became clear that, rather than focusing on example, she found that of the 173 major trends and selectively referring to intellectuals she analyzed, 80% were of individual historical actors as evidence, it non- origins.i might actually be more fruitful to hone in Moreover, Beerens’ broad on the individuals themselves and use the quantitative research into who taught accumulation of information on those whom and which intellectuals moved in individuals’ lives to illuminate any broader the same social circles helps prevent the trends that are at work. overly narrow interpretations of In the case study that follows, individuals that can occur when therefore, I will attempt to show that researchers focus on a specific activity, for there were two major socio-intellectual example. It is useful to have a wide- developments that began in the eighteenth ranging source like Beerens to remind us century, the network explosion and the that, for example, Kenkadō knew not only natural history revolution, and also that Sinophiles but also several nativists, the best way of calling these trends into including both Ueda Akinari and Motoori sharp focus is to use biographical methods Norinaga; it broadens our perspective on to launch an in-depth investigation into his life and activities and keeps us from the lives of individual participants, jumping to the conclusion that he was especially Kimura Kenkadō. “just” a student of all things China. However, Beerens’ work, and BIOGRAPHY VERSUS prosopography in general, also suffers PROSOPOGRAPHY from serious disadvantages. Firstly, Beerens’ great breadth and macro-level Since I wish to determine the quantitative analysis comes at the sacrifice nature of large-scale developments over a of depth; the few sentences written about relatively long period of time, perhaps I an individual cannot create anything more would be better served in employing a than the barest skeletal summary of that prosopographical method of analysis. In person’s life. Since our project, at least in other words, it might be best to carry out part, is to try and recapture a sense of a quick survey of a large number of what the experience of larger historical individuals and subsequently conduct trends might have been like in the quantitative analysis on the results. To be moment, it would seem ill-suited

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 19! methodologically. Secondly, However, if prosopography led us prosopographical research like Beerens’ is astray by being limited to a short span of necessarily limited in chronological scope. time, activity-based analysis leaves us with In Beerens’ case, she restricts her inquiry the impression that the participants essentially to 1775-1800 and analyzes only described did nothing but the target those intellectuals publicly active during activity. Considering the example of Tea that quarter century. Thus, towering of the Sages, Patricia Graham’s book on socio-cultural figures like the sencha sencha, Kenkadō often appears in her (steeped rather than powdered matcha account, as is to be expected due to his green tea) tea master Baisaō Kō Yūgai high level of involvement in the Baisaō (“Old Man Tea-Seller,” 1675-1763), salon. After the master’s death, Kenkadō around whom formed, as we shall see, a painstakingly reassembled many of cultural salon of great and lingering Baisaō’s tea implements, as well as several significance for its members—especially painted portraits of Baisaō for his own Kenkadō himself—are excluded simply collection. Beginning in 1764, he also because they died before the focus period became involved in a series of publishing began. Yet the relationships that bound projects concerning the propagation of participants in Baisaō’s salon together did senchaii with Daiten Kenjō, a leading monk not simply dissolve instantly upon his of the day and a fellow devotee of death; indeed, many of the friendships and Baisaō’s. associations Kenkadō formed through Yet Kenkadō’s activities appear in Baisaō’s salon he cherished for the rest of Graham’s account to be limited to this his life, and his activities even during world of tea, and an inattentive reader Beerens’ period of study (that is, 1775- may well come away thinking that 1800) were largely motivated by his earlier Kenkadō can be categorized as a tea salon participation. The relatively shallow, enthusiast, and nothing but a tea largely synchronic methods of enthusiast. Graham largely ignores his prosopography are wholly inadequate to incredibly extensive activities in seemingly the task of uncovering this sort of vital unrelated areas, like his study of the insight. natural world or his non-tea related Yet merely proving collecting or publishing (Kenkadō had prosopography a poor choice of method become active in publishing in 1761; the does not guarantee that in-depth first work he published was also by biography is the best method available. Daiten, but since it did not involve tea it Perhaps an activity-based approach, was not mentioned in Graham’s studying a relatively small group of accountiii), and after all why should she individuals all involved in the same mention such activities? Her book is pursuit—for example, an art historian limited to tea; it never claims to be about might choose painting and thus focus on “life in the eighteenth century.” But as a painters—will be most fruitful. This sort consequence, in texts such as her's, of approach does allow the gathering of broader trends larger than the world of tea an exhaustive level of detail about that per se, like the explosion in social one activity, so it can be useful, provided networks or the revolution in how to the activity one chooses is vital to or conceive of the natural world, do not highly reflective of the development of come into clear focus because networks larger historical trends. not related to sencha, to say nothing of networks and individuals interested in

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 20! natural history, have no place in the story identities by which anyone—especially a she tells. polymath like Kenkadō—was known and Indeed, methodologies limited to attempting to understand the essence of interrogating single activities often end up, the object of study for its own sake. To unsurprisingly, pigeonholing the get a clear picture of the two socio- individuals with which they deal. Thus, to intellectual I believe occurred keep the focus on Kenkadō, Tetsuo in the eighteenth century, and to do Najita, who analyzed the Kaitokudō Kenkadō as a complex historical merchant academy, in relation to which actor, will require a more thorough Kenkadō was an outsider and the biographical approach, one not limited to exception that proved the rule, calls him single constellations of activities or an “eccentric merchant intellectual.”iv To relatively brief spans of time. Melinda Takeuchi, devoted as she is to the study of the bunjinga (literati; also known KIMURA KENKADō: NATURAL as Nanga (Southern Chinese)) school HISTORIAN, PAINTER, FRIEND painter Ike Taiga, Kenkadō was a “wealthy merchant” as well as a “pupil- Kimura Kenkadō was an extraordinary patron” of Taiga’s, defined and therefore man with a bewildering array of identities. limited by this one relationship with He can be variously identified as a Taiga.v In one article, Patricia Graham commoner, merchant, literatus, botanist, identifies Kenkadō in passing as a natural historian, sake brewer, commercial “Confucian scholar and Nanga painter” publisher (of Daiten’s works in particular), because she is trying to describe a contrast seal carver, stationery seller, landscape between Mori Sosen, who is associated painter, student of Taiga, patron of Taiga, with the shaseiga (representational) artist sencha enthusiast, kanshi (literary Chinese) Maruyama Ōkyo, and those like Kenkadō poet, collector of Japanese, Chinese and who had been trained in Nanga, a more Western curiosities, master and founder traditional and stylized painting style. vi (in 1769) of a school called the kenkadō Similarly, one German scholar refers to which centered around his museum of Kenkadō only as a “Sakebrauer” with the collected objects, exposition organizer, desire to study botany, because her own eldest son and therefore family head, focus on “sleeve-jewels” (sode no shugyoku) neighborhood toshiyori (elder) in Osaka but renders Kenkadō relevant only as the active member of Kyoto intellectual life as tangential inheritor of Baisaō’s tea well, husband, father (though his daughter utensils.vii died very young), and finally, friend of All of these descriptions are true, everyone from nativists (Motoori but that is the point: they are all true, so Norinaga and Ueda Akinari, most no single one can serve as an exhaustive famously) and Kyoto artists (Taiga himself description. The Linnaean compulsion to and Maruyama Ōkyo as well as Itō find the true name for something and Jakuchū) to daimyo (Masuyama Sessai of viii then assign and classify it apparently still Nagashima domain). exists today among historians, yet From a very young age, Kenkadō ironically historians’ interests might well showed great interest in artistic and be better served by employing a more intellectual pursuits and is known to have honzōgaku-inflected approach, which studied painting with Ōoka Shunboku would focus more on recording the beginning at age five or six,ix followed by multitude of names and competing Kakutei Jōkō, who began teaching him

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 21! the Western-influenced Shen Nanpin style was relocated to a marshy area of Osaka, when he was twelvex until 1748 when his was surrounded by reeds and waterways, parents agreed to send him to Kyoto to the latter of which Fig. 2, a surviving study painting with Taiga;xi He continued sketch of his house, helps illustratexvii) but his studies with honzōgaku (natural history) during Kenkadō’s lifetime ashikabi also with Tsushima Tsunenoshin (Nyoran) came to refer to the systematic collection, beginning at age sixteen, sencha under observation, and study of things (like Baisaō and alongside Taiga, Daiten Kenjō natural objects), and thus came Akinari’s and Jakuchū, Chinese poetry and appreciation for the clever turn of phrase. philology with Katayama Hokkai (founder In fact, he even wrote a poem in praise of in 1764 of the Kontonshisha or “Confusing Kenkadō.xviii Poems Society,” a select group devoted to unscrambling the philology of ancient poems to which Kenkadō belonged), xii and later in life, botany with Ono Ranzan; indeed, Kenkadō was considered so knowledgeable about plants that he was asked to teach at Ranzan’s school.xiii His huge library and collection of natural history objects, in particular, became so famous nationwide that thousands of fellow honzōgaku and other scholars came from all over Japan to see it and to see him, a steady stream of visitors that he xiv meticulously recorded in his diary. Kenkadō’s list of contacts is surely the Figure 1: Portrait of Kenkadōxix! longest of any of the nearly two hundred intellectuals Beerens examined.xv In short, Kenkadō knew everyone who was anyone, and everyone knew him. Given this profusion of identities, it should come as no surprise that he also had a great many names, xvi of which Kenkadō (taken from the name of his school, the kenkadō) was perhaps the most widely used from 1769 onwards and the most interesting etymologically. Ueda Akinari, a nativist friend of Kenkadō’s, was even more impressed by his reinterpretation of the classical Japanese Figure 2: Sketch of Kenkadō's Housexx term ashikabi, which read in the sinitic pronunciation is “kenka”, than by any of Kenkadō’s merchant origins are his many other accomplishments; the term clear. To borrow terms from David means “reed” and thus “Kenkadō” could Howell, his formal occupation, as simply be interpreted as “the Reed Hall” determined by his merchant status, was to (and indeed Kenkadō’s property, which work as the head of the family sake

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 22! brewery in Osaka starting at the age of atelier along with most of Kyoto, the 20xxi when his father died, even if a good painter Itō Jakuchū visited Kenkadō twice portion of his actual livelihood eventually in the tenth month of 1789 and probably came more from his extracurricular stayed with him for a time, depending on activities like publishing and, late in life, him and other friends in Osaka for selling stationary goods. xxii In fact, economic support. xxvii These sorts of Kenkadō also exhibited artwork for tangible political and economic benefits sale.xxiii By all accounts, the sake operation which the knowledge associated with that the Kimura family managed (as well honzōgaku or other aesthetic fields could as the family fortune, considering how and did provide, as well as the many salon activities Kenkadō funded extraordinarily far-reaching network of over the course of his life) was quite large, horizontal connections maintained by so Kenkadō perfectly fits the profile of social giants like Kenkadō, call into the rising “nouveau riche” urban question Ikegami’s assertion that such merchant sub-class described by Ikegami. networks are best conceived of as As such, he is precisely the sort of person essentially limited to aesthetic matters.xxviii to whom aesthetic pursuits like his extensive schooling in painting and his THE BONZōGAKU REVOLUTION: enthusiastic embracing of both sencha and SEEING, STUDYING AND honzōgaku could potentially offer a way to COLLECTING THE NATURAL circumvent the Tokugawa status WORLD system.xxiv Yet Kenkadō’s extensive web of In order to grasp how and why the contacts, far from being merely an rise of a honzōgaku-inflected outlook on example of Ikegami’s notion of “aesthetic the natural world is connected to painting, publics,” also provided him with a very we must consider the importance of practical political and economic safety net China. As we have already seen with in the event of adversity. xxv Indeed, figures like Taiga and Kenkadō and their Kenkadō’s friendship with Masuyama devotion to the Nanga (Southern China) Sessai, the daimyo of Nagashima domain, school, China loomed large in the cultural saved him from total ruin after his family imagination of many Japanese fortune and sake brewery were intellectuals. Poetry and painting circles confiscated—and he was banished from emerged in which participants cultivated Osaka—by the bakufu in 1790 for identities as bunjin, or Chinese-style literati. exceeding his sake production quota in Amateur painter-poets whose aesthetic 1789. During hard times like the late refinement and skills, not their birth 1780s, right after the Tenmei Famine privileges, earned them entry into such (1782-1787), use of rice was much more circles which were among the few tightly controlled than usual, which horizontally structured groups available probably led to the crackdown. Sessai during the Tokugawa period. These invited Kenkadō to come to Ise and stay groups formed around aesthetic pursuits with him until he was at last permitted to like poetry or painting in order to return to Osaka two years later, becoming circumvent the shogunal prohibition his patron for the duration of his exile.xxvi against forming “parties.”xxix The extent Kenkadō also fulfilled the same to which late eighteenth-century role as patron; after the Great Tenmei Fire intellectuals were influenced by and of 1788 which gutted his own house and interested in China is illustrated in the

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 23! extraordinary proportion of such figures influenced by the stylized schools of that were involved in one or more of Chinese thought and painting nor limited kangaku (“Chinese studies,” meaning the to the previously dominant utilitarian study of classical literature, philology, and perspective on natural substances like so forth), painting (usually Sinophilic in herbs (in which herbs and such were nature), kanshi (poetry in literary Chinese), valuable only if they had medicinal uses). and calligraphy, the four most common As his study of honzōgaku progressed, he activities of intellectuals in this century, began to sketch, in as naturalistic a even more popular than other pastimes manner as possible, all manner of plants, like waka (Japanese) poetry and so forth.xxx animals, and other objects of the natural In one such aesthetic network, the world, a body of work that stands salon devoted to Baisaō, participants alongside the rather conventional carried their adulation of China to the landscapes he also produced under Taiga’s point of attempting to craft a space that tutelage in the Nanga school.xxxv could function as a “China within Kenkadō’s interest in accurate Japan.” xxxi The salon was highly depiction reflects a major trend in the collaborative in nature; Jakuchū painted eighteenth century: greatly expanded the wall panels at the salon’s meeting interest in scientific study and cataloging place, the Daijoin, a sub-building of the of the natural world, which found Rokuonji temple (better known as concrete expression in the rise of the Kinkakuji), in such a way as to evoke a shaseiga (“pictures sketched/copied from distinctly Chinese atmosphere, which was life,” or in other words the only reinforced by Daiten’s inscription representational) school of painting. One (which was, of course, written in literary key attribute of such representational Chinese, the lingua franca of the East painting was the influence of Western Asian aesthetic world).xxxii This reverence painting techniques and technologies. for China is especially fitting considering Indeed, when Maruyama Ōkyo, the the Chinese origins of sencha and Baisaō’s founder and best-known member of the proclivity for Chinese-style dress.xxxiii shaseiga school of painting who incidentally Since Kenkadō was still very was known to be an associate of young during the years this salon met, one Kenkadō’s, first began to paint, he chose might be tempted to speculate that his to make megane-e, which were pictures presence in Baisaō’s circle was trivial, an designed to be viewed with nozoki incidental consequence of the inclusion of karakuri, a kind of optical viewing toy his painting mentor Ike Taiga. In fact, it invented in Europe and manufactured in xxxvi was Kenkadō himself who early in the China. 1750s, during his teens or early twenties, Among various aesthetic organized and undoubtedly funded this networks, interest in the West increased salon, known as the seifūsha (referred to by sharply in the 1730s and onward, a trend Thomsen as the "Fresh Breeze Society"), spurred on, or at least made possible, by which met several times a year.xxxiv Yet Yoshimune’s decision in 1720 to allow the even at this young age, while Kenkadō importation of a greater number of Chinese and Western books, provided was helping to create a China within xxxvii Japan, he was also awakening to a new they were non-Christian in nature. worldview, one that viewed the natural Indeed, Yoshimune became something of world as worthy of study and an official patron both of rangaku representation in its own right, no longer (“Dutch” and by extension Western

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 24! learning) and of honzōgaku, a pursuit that nature itself.xl The new intellectual climate could be translated as “Chinese of the eighteenth century opened the door pharmacology” (the use of plants for to new possibilities in the world of medicinal purposes) for earlier periods but painting, reducing reliance on standard by the late eighteenth century grew to (usually hallowed Chinese) model works have extensive taxonomic features and and encouraging the use of actual objects should by contrast be called “natural from the natural world in their stead. It history.” also emancipated writers and thinkers Honzōgaku had existed in Japan from slavish dependence on earlier works xli since the early seventeenth century when and worldviews on the natural world. it first rose to prominence thanks to Holders of one key bureaucratic writer-practitioners like Hayashi Razan. post in the shogunate, namely the However, starting in the 1720s under Inspector of Chinese Paintings (kara-e Yoshimune’s patronage, it became a much mekiki), were from the post’s beginning more high-profile activity and discipline, required to accurately sketch all foreign as can be seen when the botanist Niwa objects arriving at Nagasaki, from Seisaku was officially commissioned by paintings to animals to foreigners Yoshimune in 1721 to travel all over the themselves; inspectors were often country and collect medicinal herbs.xxxviii simultaneously court painters to the Federico Marcon has argued that the shogunate or the daimyo, and their own bolstered interest in honzōgaku knowledge, works, despite being part of a system which appeared at even the highest levels intended to regulate the influx of foreign of society, transformed the practice of ideas, ended up contributing to the rise of honzōgaku into a financially viable the heavily Western-influenced Nagasaki vocation as opposed to a hobby; the surge school of painting (which was representational and involved Western in practitioners, in turn, helped provoke a xlii conceptual shift away from thinking of the conceptions of perspective). Evidently, objects of study as things valuable only for the conceptual revolution towards an their uses (i.e., as medicines, etc.) but as understanding of natural history worthy objects of interest in their own predicated on realistic depiction could not right, as objects of and from the natural be stopped by any regulatory power the world.xxxix shogunate possessed. This key conceptual transition Artists like Ike Taiga and his from utility to scientific inquiry also had patron-pupil Kenkadō, normally explicit repercussions in the field of associated with the more stylized pictorial representation. In 1737, literati/Nanga school of painting, were Yoshimune is known to have also affected by the new representational commissioned Kanō Harunobu, a leading worldview. In fact, Taiga’s interest in the Kanō school master of his generation, to accurate depiction of places was sparked make a series of paintings on herbs. Since at the beginning of his career, as an early they were at least partly to aid in encounter with the painter Nankai shows, classifying and distinguishing various and it was partly the pervasive new herbs, these paintings, whatever aesthetic preoccupation with the natural world and properties they had, were representative its accurate representation that spurred Taiga and Buson to create their shinkeizu of a growing nationwide interest both in xliii accurate representation of the natural (“true view” paintings). Even poetry world and a mounting fascination with circles were influenced by the trend

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 25! towards realism; in fact, at a certain poetry salon meeting hosted by Kenkadō in The Natural World and the Inter-Network Kyoto in 1773, Taiga apparently was Kenkadō’s interest in natural unable to come up with any poem, the history is inseparable from his identity as a ostensible goal of the gathering, and chose collector, though of course he collected to paint a true view of the scene instead, items not directly related to natural thereby implicitly arguing that a painting history, such as Baisaō’s tea implements. could fulfill the same function as poetry if But in a larger sense, even such items xliv properly realistic. acquired new significance for Kenkadō as The spirit of scientific inquiry and valuable items in their own right partly desire for an at least somewhat realistic because of the new perspective he shared depiction in literati painters like Taiga or on natural history and on accurate Kenkadō owed much to ’s Neo- representation of objects in the world; Confucian notion of the “extension of thus, one of his main projects from the knowledge by the investigation of things” 1760s onward was not just the (kakubutsu kyūri) and, indeed, an aesthetic accumulation but the realistic sketching of network devoted to painting and poetry Baisaō’s utensils (the drawings were of but also to herbalism, cultural geography great value because after his death, certain (the subject of many of his paintings objects could not be acquired).xlvii being, after all, landscapes) and mountain Speaking of the value of sketches climbing, coalesced around Taiga in cases where certain items remained himself.xlv It is thus not possible to argue beyond one’s reach, Kenkadō produced a that the new realism (especially if curious little book called the Kibai zufu conceived as having originated, at least in (Illustrated Guide to Rare Shells) in which part, due to the influence of Western he sketched and named a variety of shells techniques like perspective) in eighteenth- owned by other collector friends and century painting was in a simple acquaintances of his. By sketching them, oppositional relationship to the influence he had also in a sense acquired them, for of China as typically represented by the he now had the key information about Nanga school; it is more helpful to see each—its shape, color, and name(s)— this matter as a continuum, showing the even if he could not find a physical relative weight placed on representational specimen to add to his extensive personal technique and accuracy in depicting shell collection. He also made several nature. Regarding Taiga’s true view sketches from a Dutch book on the rare paintings, while they were undoubtedly products of the Ambon Islands in more accurate in topographical detail than Indonesia, which in the eighteenth century most non-true view landscapes of the was under Dutch colonial administration. Nanga school, realism was neither the The book, entitled ‘D Amboinsche express goal nor the unambiguous result rariteitkamer, was written by G.E. of such true views, nor can “true” be Rumphius and published posthumously in xlvi equated with realism in this context. As 1705. Kenkadō evidently managed to such, Kenkadō’s participation in the acquire a copy, from which he made a conceptual revolution, the new way of sketch of a rare shellfish native to the seeing the natural world, would come Ambon Islands. xlviii Nor is Kenkadō’s more from the study and practice of connection to the Ambon Islands limited honzōgaku itself than indirectly from his to this single interaction; in a letter to instruction in painting. Tanaka Mototsugu, he mentioned that a

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Dutch ship captain had just given him a in Kyoto, at which over 200 natural drinking cup made from a Nautilus shell history objects (including multiple types of (another shell native to the Ambon the same object, for example different Islands), something he wished Tanaka to species of bamboo) were displayed.liii come see.xlix In most cases, if Kenkadō wanted A letter addressed to Kenkadō by to acquire something, he could do so Ono Ranzan (his botany teacher late in whether it were Western microscopes or life), which was in response to an inquiry shells from faraway lands because he had Kenkadō had made about the names by both the wealth and the far-flung which a certain shell he identifies as connections required.liv For example, one monjugai (the Manjusri Mollusk) is known of the crown jewels of his shell collection in other parts of the country, informed was his Pelican’s Foot shell, a rare him of the shell’s various names shellfish native to Northern Europe; this depending on the province or region. l specimen, which is still extant in The notion of the accurate representation Kenkadō’s collection today (now held by of objects in the natural world had a the Osaka Museum of Natural History), is corollary in the discipline of cataloging all thought to be the first such shell ever to the multiplicity of names by which the be imported to Japan.lv But though they various plants, shells, and so forth were may be interesting to note, what can his known in various regions, so as to create acquisition of such items tell us about what Mary Elizabeth Berry would no Kenkadō himself and about the time in doubt term a “library of public which he lived? information” that would be Simply put, Kenkadō, and many comprehensible throughout Japan.li Thus others like him, was deeply interconnected it is no surprise that we find Kenkadō in a vast network of friends and contacts involved in this sort of investigative that extended beyond Japan’s own project and Ranzan, his teacher, involved borders through his relations with Dutch with him; their collaboration shows the ship captains and others who came to interconnectivity of late eighteenth- Nagasaki. Aesthetic or natural history century society in Japan, invigorated by activities in Kyoto or Osaka cannot be the rise of the new worldview that took explained without reference to the larger interest in the natural world for its own world channeled through Nagasaki, nor sake. can the activities of any one member of a Kenkadō was also active in given salon be understood without organizing exhibitions in which a number grasping the collaborative and inter- of collectors would assemble to show off network nature of their enterprises. some of their prized items. He probably Kenkadō could not have made his participated in the first-ever honzōkai (a Illustrated Guide to Shells without the meeting to discuss and examine natural acquiescence of his fellow collectors and history products) held in Japan, which the friendly intellectual climate where occurred in Osaka in 1751.lii Additionally, sharing access and information was the Kenkadō was involved in the first actual norm, nor would he have been able to exhibition of natural history objects, called acquire a rare shell from Northern Europe a bussankai, ever held. It took place in without the aid of all those, from the Kyoto in 1759, and in 1763 Kenkadō also person who first picked up the shell in participated in the next such gathering of Europe to the Dutch captain that natural history experts and collectors, also eventually brought it to Kenkadō’s

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 27! contacts in Nagasaki, whose very The answer, I believe, is yes. interconnectedness made it possible. I After all, Kenkadō’s many friends each must take issue with Ikegami’s suggestion had their own webs of interconnectivity that networks, or aesthetic publics, were (Daiten and Jakuchū were close friends, largely distinct from one another; on the for example, and each had several other contrary, it is the inter-networked nature contacts, not all of them shared). The of this period that is striking.lvi In a time eighteenth century was a collaborative before Internet shopping, Kenkadō still time, when no one, not even so-called managed to acquire quite a large collection Eccentrics like Jakuchū, existed in an of curiosities from all over the world by individualistic vacuum; the gregarious utilizing this eighteenth-century inter- Kenkadō was merely ahead of the curve in network. this respect. As for the rise of a new conception of the natural world, though it CONCLUSION: THE BIOGRAPHY is true that in his collecting and exhibiting OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Kenkadō was something of a forerunner with organizing the first bussankai ever The two goals of this essay were held and so forth, he nevertheless was still relatively modest. The first was to use more participant than leader of the trend. Kimura Kenkadō as a case study to Consider that he, along with many others, evaluate the methodological value of was taught honzōgaku, partaking in a primarily biographical writing. The second lineage of study, as did his teacher before was to determine to what extent such him; the conceptual shift was gradual, as writing, based on the individual, often was the artistic shift toward scanty but overall quite numerous representation. Furthermore, natural secondary and primary sources available history did not displace earlier notions of on Kenkadō, could illuminate the two honzōgaku products as useful for medicinal large-scale trends hypothesized as having reasons, nor did representational painting begun in the eighteenth century, namely quickly or totally replace well-respected the rise of inter-networked intellectual life Chinese models. Kenkadō himself and the conceptual revolution regarding juggled his new identity as a networked the natural world. In comparison with the natural historian with his identity as a other methods available, biography does scholar of Chinese studies and painting seem preferable given the wealth of quite handily. evidence Kenkadō’s own life provided for Kenkadō, then, was reflective of both trends. But my choice of Kenkadō his times, and his life reflects our two was not random; I knew before beginning trends quite clearly. Biography has that he was deeply involved in studying proven a very useful method indeed for honzōgaku (while at the same time fully shedding light on the historical character integrated into the community of China- of the late eighteenth century and, by centered artistic and poetic production) extension, writing the biography of one and that he possessed a tremendous such figure is a small step towards writing number of friends and acquaintances. So the biography, so to speak, of the in other words, like all subjects of eighteenth century itself. biographical writing, he was an exceptional case—can he really be construed as reflective of the times?

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! i Only 36 out of the 173 individuals for which she xv See Beerens, p. 90 for the actual list of known collected data were from samurai backgrounds; see contacts. Most intellectuals she examines have roughly Beerens, p. 194. 2-5 contacts, whereas Kenkadō has more than 35. By contrast, Jakuchū has five and even Daiten has only ten. ii Graham, Tea of the Sages, p. 78. One interesting project ō Daiten and Kenkad collaborated on, and finished in xvi His na was Kōkyō (孔恭), his azana was Seishuku (世 1774, was the publication of a key sencha-related text (the 粛), and his gō included Kinson (巾巽), Sonsai (遜斎), original of course was written in literary Chinese) in and Kenkadō (蒹葭堂); see Takigawa, p. 3. vernacular Japanese, thereby opening the way for the wider popularization of sencha. See Graham, p. 79. xvii For more information about Kenkadō’s house, see iii Beerens, p. 91. Hickman, p. 212, note 7, which also indicates the Chinese origin of the term Kenkadō, a point which iv Najita, Visions of Virtue, p. 4. seems to have been (perhaps intentionally) lost on, or at least ignored by, Ueda Akinari in his praise for the v Takeuchi, Taiga’s True Views, p. 136. resuscitation of what to him was a uniquely Japanese term. vi Patricia Graham, “A Heterodox Painting of Shussan Shaka in Late Tokugawa Japan, Part One,” Artibus Asiae, xviii Najita, p. 290. Vol. 51, No. 3/4 (1991), p. 277. xix Posthumous portrait by Tani Bunchō, circa 1802. vii Rose Hempel, “Die Juwelen des Ärmels,” Artibus Image from Kimura Kenkadō—Naniwa chi no kyojin, p. 10. Asiae, Vol. 53, No. 3/4 (1993), p. 459. The author also errs on Kenkadō’s dates. xx “Kenkadō’s House,” manuscript, ink and colors on viii Beerens, pp. 90-1. paper, in a private collection and reproduced from Hans Thomsen, p. 460. ix See Hickman et al, The Paintings of Jakuchū, p. 39. They translate the following written remark by Kenkadō xxi See Hans Thomsen, The Visual Salon (dissertation), p. himself: “From the time I was five or six I was 70. fascinated with painting. Ōoka Shunboku was a noted master of the Kanō school in our era, and for this xxii Howell, Geographies of Identity, p. 34. Note that reason I went to study with him…it was as a result of Ikegami, by contrast, focuses on the notion of yaku, or seeing [Shunboku’s] work that I first resolved to try and “obligation.” See Ikegami, p. 148. paint in the Chinese manner.” xxiii See Graham, “Lifestyles of Scholar-Painters in Edo x Nakamura Shinichirō, Kimura Kenkadō no saron, p. 88. Japan,” p. 272 for more on Kenkadō’s sales of art. xi See Takeuchi, “Ike Taiga: a Biographical Study,” p. xxiv Ikegami, Bonds of Civility, p. 149. 143. xxv Ibid., p. 39. xii Nakamura, Kimura Kenkadō no saron, p. 133. The society is usually known in English-language scholarship xxvi Beerens, p. 91. as the Kontonsha (perhaps from of the name of a xxvii published work by Katayama) and translated the Kenkadō nikki, p. 236. “Elegant Confusion Society,” but the actual name xxviii See Ikegami, pp. 380-1, where she seems to dismiss appears to be Kontonshisha or “confusing” (konton) much of the political potential of these horizontal “shi” (poems) “sha” (society). associations because they do not fit the narrow criteria xiii Takeuchi, True Views, p. 117. of Habermas’ public sphere.

xxix xiv See Kimura Kenkadō, Henpen Kenkadō nikki, Tōkyō: Ikegami, Bonds of Civility, p. 39. Geika Shoin, 2009, for the exhaustive list of the xxx See Anna Beerens, Friends, Acquaintances, Pupils and thousands that visited him during those periods covered Patrons, pp. 233-4 for a chart of the percentages of the by the extant portions of his diary. 173 figures she studied (all active in the late eighteenth

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! century) known to have been involved in each of those and p. 188 for background on the book and Kenkadō’s activities. relationship to it. xxxi Hans Thomsen, The Visual Salon (dissertation), p. xlix Kimura Kenkadō—Naniwa chi no kyojin, pp. 91, 188. 385. l Ranzan writes that in Tango Province (today the xxxii For more information on the salon that met at northern half of Kyoto Prefecture) the shell was known Rokuonji, see Thomsen, especially pp. 51-2. as kagamikai (Mirror Mollusk) while in Chikuzen (modern-day Fukuoka Pref. in Kyushu) it was called xxxiii Baisaō himself wrote that he aspired to live like the mirugai (the Seeing Shell) Kimura Kenkadō—Naniwa chi no Chinese sages of old; see Graham, Tea of the Sages, p. 70. kyojin, pp. 93, 188. Note that since Kenkadō did not pledge to be Ranzan’s student until he was 49 (1785), xxxiv Thomsen, pp. 50-1. the letter is very likely to have been written between xxxv See Graham, “Lifestyles of Scholar-Painters in Edo 1785 and 1802, when Kenkadō died. Kenkadō was Japan,” p. 273. evidently quite interested in this particular shell, as it also appears in his Kibai zufu. xxxvi See Ōkyo and the Maruyama-Shijō School of Japanese li Painting, Saint Louis, MO: Saint Louis Art See Mary Elizabeth Berry, Japan in Print, p. 15 (and Museum, 1980, p. 27. Ōkyo thus seems to have imbibed passim!). Western influence, in the form of perspective, from very lii Endō Shōji, Honzōgaku to yōgaku—Ono Ranzan gakutō early in his career. no kenkyū, Kyoto: Shimonkaku, 2003, p. 57. Note that xxxvii See Ellen Nakamura, p. 7. the famous meeting to discuss medicines held by Tamura in Edo, the more usual candidate for first ever xxxviii Ibid., p. 95. honzōgaku meeting in Japan, did not occur until 1757. xxxix Marcon, The Names of Nature (dissertation), p. liii Thomsen, pp. 74-5. 272. liv Kenkadō is known to have owned a microscope xl Ōkyo and the Maruyama-Shijō School of Japanese Painting, thanks to the existence of a letter from Daiten asking Saint Louis: Saint Louis Art Museum, 1980, p. 27. Kenkadō if he could borrow said microscope and show it around; see Thomsen, p. 62. xli Marcon, p. 274. lv Kimura Kenkadō—Naniwa chi no kyojin, p. 90. The xlii Ōkyo and the Maruyama-Shijō School of Japanese Painting, scientific name for Pelican’s Foot is Aporrhais pespelicani. Saint Louis: Saint Louis Art Museum, 1980, pp. 28-9. lvi For the argument on why the aesthetic publics never xliii Melinda Takeuchi, Taiga’s True Views, p. 22. combined to form a true civil society, see Ikegami, pp. 21-43. xliv Takeuchi, Taiga’s True Views, p. 65. REFERENCES xlv Takeuchi, pp. 115-6. Beerens, Anna. Friends, Acquaintances, Pupils, and xlvi Takeuchi, p. 145. Patrons: Japanese Intellectual Life in the Late Eighteenth Century: A Prosopographical Approach. Leiden, NE: Leiden xlvii Graham, Tea of the Sages, p. 79. Baisaō had destroyed University Press, 2006. many of his utensils just before he died, but Kenkadō Berry, Mary Elizabeth. Japan in Print: Information and worked from memory to produce a sketch-book that Nation in the Early Modern Period. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006. included most of the tea master’s implements. He was Endō Shōji cho. Honzōgaku to yōgaku—Ono Ranzan also involved in subsequent sketch-book projects gakutō no kenkyū, Kyōto: Shimonkaku, 2003. depicting the implements. Graham, Patricia J. “A Heterodox Painting of Shussan Shaka in Late Tokugawa Japan, Part One,” xlviii See Kimura Kenkadō—Naniwa chi no kyojin, p. 91 for a Artibus Asiae, Vol. 51, No. 3/4 (1991), pp. 275-292. reproduction of the rare shellfish, namely the Geography Cone, from the original Dutch book itself,

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Graham, Patricia J. “Lifestyles of Scholar-Painters in Edo Japan,” The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, Vol. 77, No. 7 (Sep., 1990), pp. 262-283. Graham, Patricia J. Tea of the Sages: the Art of sencha. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1998. Hempel, Rose. “Die Juwelen des Ärmels,” Artibus Asiae, Vol. 53, No. 3/4 (1993), pp. 449-469. Hickman, Money et al. The Paintings of Jakuchū. New York: The Asia Society Galleries, 1989. Howell, David L. Geographies of Identity in Nineteenth- Century Japan. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2005. Ikegami, Eiko. Bonds of Civility: Aesthetic Networks and the Political Origins of Japanese Culture. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Japanese Painting in Kyoto, from Ōkyo Maruyama to the Present Generation. Tōkyō: The National Museum of Art, 1964. Kimura Kenkadō cho, Mizuta Norihisa (et al) hencho. Henpen Kenkadō nikki. Tōkyō: Geika Shoin, 2009. Kimura Kenkadō cho, Tanigami Ryūsuke henshū. Kimura Kenkadō ibutsu, volume two (Kibai zufu). Ōsaka: Takashimaya Kenkadō kai, 1926. Marcon, Federico. The Names of Nature: The Development of Natural History in Japan, 1600-1900 (dissertation), Columbia, 2007. McKelway, Matthew P., et al. Traditions Unbound: Groundbreaking Painters of Eighteenth Century Kyoto. San Francisco, CA: Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, 2005. Nakamura, Ellen G. Practical Pursuits: Takano Chōei, Takahashi Keisaku, and Western Medicine in Nineteenth- Century Japan. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005. Nakamura Shinichirō. Kimura Kenkadō no saron. Tōkyō: Shinkosha, 2000. Najita, Tetsuo. Visions of Virtue in Tokugawa Japan: the Kaitokudō Merchant Academy in Osaka. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. Ōkyo and the Maruyama-Shijō School of Japanese Painting. Saint Louis, MO: Saint Louis Art Museum, 1980. Ōsaka rekishi hakubutsukan hen. Kimura Kenkadō—Naniwa chi no kyojin: tokubetsuten botsunen 200- nen kinen. Kyōto: Shibunkaku , 2003. Takeuchi, Melinda. “Ike Taiga: a Biographical Study,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 43, No. 1 (Jun., 1983), pp. 141-186. Takeuchi, Melinda. Taiga’s True Views: the Language of Landscape Painting in Eighteenth- Century Japan. Stanford, CA: Press, 1992. Takigawa Yoshikazu. Kimura Kenkadō no rangaku shikō—kogaku, honzōgaku wo chūshin ni. Tōkyō: Kagaku Shoin: Hatsubaimoto Kasumigaseki Shuppan Kabushiki Kaisha, 1985. Thomsen, Hans B. The Visual Salon: Itō Jakuchū and the Rokuonji Temple Ensemble of 1759. (dissertation), Princeton, 2005.

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SILK PRODUCTION IN SONG CHINA (960-1279): An Investigation of the Treatise on Textiles in the Official Dynastic History of Song Hang Lin University of Würzburg

ABSTRACT consisted of only the area south of the Great Wall. In geographical comparison A creation of Chinese civilization, silk has with the previous unified dynasties, for not only been used as material for instance the Han (202 BC-220 AD) or clothing and decoration in ancient China, Tang, the Song possessed a rather limited but also as means of payment and territory and endured enormous sufferings taxation. Under the (960- in military affairs — in wars against 1279) China enjoyed another zenith of its nomadic dynasties of the Khitans, the cultural and economic history, achieving Jurchens, the Tanguts, and the Mongols in unprecedented developments in the sector the north, the Song mostly suffered of silk production. Upon managing and defeats. The history of China shows controlling this sector to maximize its indeed a steady military descent from the revenue, the Song government adopted high point in the eighth century to the various innovative economic policies to eventual conquest of all China by the bolster textile production, including the Mongols in the 13th century. From a “Beforehand Buying,” the “Harmonious broader view of observation, however, a Beforehand Selling,” and the “Conversion government of civilian officials under the of Silk for Money.” This paper examines Song brought the inherent economic the treatise on textiles in the Songshi, the problems into focus, whereas at the end standard official history of the Song of Tang and during the Five Dynasties Dynasty, to cast an insight into the (907-960), military struggles within the dynamic of silk production in Song China. country had tended to blur an economic Based on a comprehensive analysis of the background of increasing difficulties. Song specific characteristics of silk manufacture China admittedly witnessed, with the in different regions within the Song, this continued progress of agricultural and paper further explore the Song policies on industrial technologies, a further cultural silk production, as well as various aspects and social peak of history, showing a of the unique contemporary political higher development particularly in various settings and socio-economic conditions economic fields. that greatly shaped the silk industry. The rich and unprecedented 1. INTRODUCTION developments in virtually all fields of macro- and micro-economics during the After the "golden age" of the Tang Song Dynasty have inspired scholars to Dynasty (618-907) and more than one half delve into its many aspects. Since the of a century shaped by political clashes beginning of the 20th century, many between the warlords, most parts of China Chinese and Japanese historians have were again unified under the Song been devoting themselves to the research Dynasty (960-1279), though it essentially of the economic history of Song China

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 32! and produced a large body of scholarship (Collected Data for a Continuation of the written in both Chinese and Japanese Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in about this period, especially in the political Government, henceforth XZZTJCB),v as and economic fields. i While these rather disorganized and stylistically researches involve a great deal of inferior, and have lamented the institutional features from a macroscopic inadequacies of the texts.vi According to view, during the last decades, nevertheless, those traditional Chinese historians, the Western scholars as well have been Songshi is believed to have suffered from contributing a growing body of literature, the Mongol’s long delay in beginning which provides us with a deeper and work on the Songshi as well as a choppy broader insight into these topics. ii The narrative, which probably resulted from Song marked a highlight of economic the compilers’ unwillingness to digest the development in China’s history. voluminous sources available to them. Agriculture as the basis of the national This led inconsistencies and redundancies economy of China experienced to abound — historical figures were considerable improvements during the wrongly identified and statements centuries of the Song period. In contradict one another in the same text.vii assessment of silk manufacturing productivity during the Chinese imperial To a large extent, these are valid era, it is often overlooked that the raw silk criticisms. But just therein we may also material is actually a farming product; unearth the exceptional historical value of sericulture was closely related to the SS. Because the Mongols subjected the agriculture. Thus, the silk manufactures text of Song’s guoshi (, State History cannot be purely observed as industrial or of the Song), which served as basis for the handicraft products of technique but Songshi editing, to a minimum of stylistic depend highly on geographic, editing, the original “passage” that makes demographic, climatic and even biological up the fabric of the Songshi text became factors. This reality applies for Song times more visible than in other dynastic as well. The textile industry, which served histories.viii Consequently, the real value as a key to the political stability and of the SS treatise then becomes not what economic prosperity of the dynasty, it writes about its de facto subjects, but therefore provides a window onto the what its text can, through the characters, relationship between the government and tell us about the historical developing economy in the Song Dynasty, as well as outlines and characteristics of different an insight into the varied political ecology phenomenon. Moreover, its very value lies at that time. also in its level of detail, since SS’s compilers excerpted memorials and Scholars on Chines historiography have imperial responses in full or in part, long regarded the compilation of Songshi making the work to some extent (The History of Song, henceforth equivalent to a history of legislation. SS), iii compared with other historic writings composed in the Song Dynasty, The bubo (, cloth and silk) treatise in like the Song huiyao jigao the SS, unlike any other sources on the (Draft of Documents Pertaining to subject contemporary to the period, Matters of State in the Song Dynasty, organizes the issue of textiles into an henceforth SHYJG) iv or the Xu zizhi intelligible narrative that is unsurpassed in tongjian changbian detail. In this way, a comprehensive

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 33! understanding of different social and of thin silk and twill damask economic fields would be more likely to (lingqichang ). In Bozhou zhou be achieved by examining and analysing (, crepes) and sha (, yarn) were the treatise relative to the subject. traded. In Damingfu fine zhouhu ( Although the treatise mainly consists of numerous official memorials and , fine crepes) were woven. In places responding imperial edicts, a rich body of like Qingzhou, Qizhou, Yunzhou, substantial information is also contained Puzhou, Zizhou, Weizhou, Yizhou, within these lines of words, such as names Mizhou, Dengzhou, Laizhou, of different regions, figures of diverse silk Hengzhou, Yongzhou and Quanzhou products and their variations throughout pingshi (plain rough silk) was the time. Provided these data, access to a traded. comparative analysis as well as possible factors which have performed deciding A series of names of various places all functions can be acheived. This over the country appears in the text. examination provides us with a clue to the These names of provinces and prefectures development and geographical spread throughout the treatise in a sort of distribution of silk-making activities, and disorder confusing the reader, and tiring helps us appreciate the political and his attention with numerous specific silk economic importance of silk to the Song terms. However, an attempt to rearrange Dynasty. and analyze these appellations outlines informative features which reveal the 2. SILK MANUFACTURE IN general and particular aspects of the silk VARIOUS REGIONS production in different regions in the Song time. The figures of the government income in form of textiles in the middle of the Northern Song allow for identification of the three leading areas of production: Liangzhe and Jiangnan , Sichuan , Hebei , and Jingdong . Whether the enormous quotas given in various sources were actually . (SS, 175: 4231) fulfilled is debatable, yet the statistics clearly indicate the economic dimensions … With regard to the delicate and its potency. products, there was the manufacture of damask and brocade (lingjin yuan 2.1 LIANGZHE AND ITS VICINITY ) in the capital [Kaifeng]. The weaving manufactures in the Western A glimpse into the number of occasion Capital, Zhending, Qingzhou, Yizhou that names of this region appear in the and Zizhou mainly wove jing ( , treatise might suggest that the places in the reaches of the Yangtze River must brocades), qi (, damasks), lutai , have played a significant role in the ix and toubei . In Jiangning and production of silk and textiles in the Runzhou, there were zhiluowu Song. x During the Southern Song, for (manufactures weaving crossed-warp instance, the most frequently referenced gauze lenos, and in Zizhou workshops names are Liangzhe , Jiangnandong

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and Jiangnanxi , as well as annual amount of the ‘Harmonious a number of prefectures and counties like Beforehand Selling’ of tabby fabrics Shaoxing or Yuhang. The fact that these fabrics in Zhedong is 976.000 bolts, ... all together occur more than 50 times in ” the texts can hardly be a result of random sampling, but should represent a relatively This impressive productivity of the area high niveau and remarkable significance around the Yangtze Delta is mostly, apart of the silk manufacture in these locations. from other criterion, due to the fact that it had experienced continuous social and . (SS, 175: economic development since the late Tang, in particular shortly before the 4235) xi founding of the Song. After the downfall [During the reign period of Congning], of the Northern Song in 1127 and North the annual figures of the “Harmonious China’s fall into the hands of the Jurchen Jin [1115-1234], a great number of Beforehand Selling” (hemai ) of experienced weavers and craftsmen silk fabrics and tabby fabrics in traveled southward with the Song court to Jiangnanxi [Jiangxi] amounted to modern Hangzhou and enhanced its 500,000 bolts. already well-established weaving industry.

With the prosperity that characterized this area under the Song rule, the sector of silk manufacture witnessed a milestone in its .… history and it has flourished since then . (SS, 175: 4237-4238) until today. This enduring dominance is to be attested for example that even until the [In 1129], Wang Cong, vice fiscal end of the Qing [1644-1911], raw silk commissioner of Jiangzhe, said: “The produced in still made up more annual total ammount of silk fabrics as than 70 percent of all the Chinese silk tribute paid by this province to the exported.xii palace, together with that of the Beforehand Buying and the Summer- 2.2 REGION OF SICHUAN Tax, reached 1,177,800 bolts ... [In the 1st year of the reign period Shaoxing Names for this region such as Chuan , (1131)], a decree ordered that among Shu , together with various names of the more than 1.6 million bolts of prefectures located in the region like textiles of the “Summer-Tax” (xiashui Chengdu , Kui , Zi and Li , ) and “Beforehand Buying” occur more than twenty times in the (yumai ) in Liangzhe … whole treatise, which is just second to the frequency of that of the lower reaches of the Yangtze River. Historically, the broad .(SS, area of Sichuan has enjoyed profound 175: 4239) fame as the home of delicate silk products, particularly exquisite ones such In the 1st year of the Jianyan reign- as brocade, damask, and gauze. The period [1127], Zhai Ruwen [1076- principal city of the region, Chengdu, was 1141], magistrate of Yue prefecture, even entitled the city of brocade (jinguan presented a memorial saying: “The cheng ) xiii because of its fine-

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 35! woven and gorgeous silk products. highly sophisticated and they required Although no separate figures of the much more of an investment of labor and fabrics in this region were given in the time than common silk weaves. In treatise, a glimpse into the lines offer comparison with the aforementioned certain clues: figures concerning Liangzhe, these from Sichuan are not especially eye-catching. However, these seemingly smaller … numbers depict from another angle the unique characteristic and prominence of the silk industry in Sichuan. Evidence (SS, 175: 4234) from other sources have shown that an amazing number of exquisite silk In the 4th year [of reign period products, in general, were manufactured Yuanfeng (1081)], Li Yuanfu [?] was in Sichuan under the Song, and these dispatched to exchange and transport made up a significant proportion of the textiles and goods in the four total amount of fine weaves in the whole provinces in Chuan and Shaan ... In the empire. Statistics from the year 1118, for fifth year [1082], the Ministry of instance, indicate that the silk products of Revenue announced that the number Sichuan had constituted important of this business was 8,161,780 bolts portions of the national collection, and more than 3,462,000 strings. especially as far as damask and tabby fabrics were concerned.xiv 2.3 HEBEI AND JINGDONG Another area of importance in the (SS, production of silk in the Song time was 175: 4237) the North China Plain of Hebei and Jingdong, covering the four Song At that time [1132], the annual quota provinces of Hebeixi , Hebeidong [required by the state] accounted for , Jingdongxi and 390,000 bolts of common silk fabric Jingdongdong , which correspond from the provinces of Jiang, Zhe, approximately to the large areas of Hubei and Kui. [The quota for] the modern Shandong, Hebei, and Henan tabby fabric for Jiangnan, Chuan, provinces. Names of these provinces and Guang, Hunan and Liangzhe their subordinated prefectures appear ammounted to 2,730,000 bolts. [That more than twenty times in the treatise, for] damask, gauze lenos and tabbies particularly during the period of the for Dongchuan and Hunan was 70,000 Northern Song, primarily because of its bolts, 770,000 bolts of cloth for geographical meaning for Song’s national Xichuan and Guangxi and 1,800 bolts defense. of brocade and damask for Chengdu. All [figures mentioned above] were Sericulture and silk manufacture in this with surplus. area traditionally prevailed, and this evident prosperity is confirmed through Noteworthy here is the fact that fabrics the fact that this region enjoyed the most like brocade and gauze were technically popular and advanced weaving technology

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 36! in the Tang dynasty.xv This prosperity had 2.4 OTHER REGIONS AND OTHER survived the long rumors after Tang and MAJOR TEXTILES continued to develop vigorously in the Song, so the title of “the storage of silk Despite its relatively small amount of for people all Under Heaven” (yibei ruling territory compared to the former tianxia ) was bestowed.xvi In the unified empires like Han or Tang, the SS treatise, accounts with reference to this Song still held geography of great variety region is not rare: under its possession. Over 1,000 miles separated the extreme northern and southern or the eastern and western … (SS, points of the empire, thus it is to be expected that this large territory must be 175: 4232) subjected to diverse climatic conditions.xviii

This natural differentiation led inevitably In the 3rd year of the Dazhongxiangfu to the result that not all regions could reign-period [1010], Li Shiheng, fiscal engage in sericulture and produce silk, commissioner in Hebei, memorialized: since the growing of mulberry trees and “This province [Hebei] supplies all silkworms requires a certain moisture level military prefectures [in its jurisdiction] and temperature. For this reason, in spite with an annual amount of 700,000 of the obvious dominance of silk textiles bolts of textiles ... ” in Song’s weaving industry, fabrics woven

from other indigenous fibres such as hemp or linen also played a role in the textile branch in Song times: … (SS, 175: 4235) Cheng Tang, judicial commissioner of Jingdong, also memorialized: “... Now the amount levied by the Fiscal Commissions in [Heibei]dong and (SS, 175: 4232) [Hebei]xi is without doubt 2,000,000 units of tael / bolts every year ... ” At the beginning of the Xianping reign-period [993], Chen Raosou [961- The fact that considerable amounts of silk 1017], fiscal commissioner of produced in this region was delivered Guangnanxi, suggested [to the throne]: directly to Song’s imperial storage in “Please issue an edict to permit the Kaifeng suggests their extraordinary planting of mulberry trees and jujube exquisite quality. When the Jurchen trees, [because] in Lingwai [Guangdong extorted the Song court for an amazing and Guangxi] only ramie can be amount of 10 million bolts of silk at the produced. Please allow [local officials end of 1126, historians documented that there] to convert the tax quotas to be “silk storage of ten years’ collection which paid [in textiles] and to continue to was all from Hebei has been vanished.”xvii allow people to weave cloth fabrics to If this record is reliable, then the annual sell to the state owned manufactures. delivery of silk products from Hebei to The rate is to be fixed at 150 to 200 Song’s court can without doubt be cash for each bolt.” calculated at roughly one million bolts.

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 37!

Unlike the bo (, silk), bast fabrics were 3.1 DEMOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND generally categorized under the Chinese term of bu ( , cloth). Until the In premodern , population figures introduction of cotton into China by the are a basis for the demographic end of the 13th century, bast fabrics had mechanisms determining the productivity long been the most essential material for of a society. Unlike in other ancient states, the commoners’ clothing than silk. population census in imperial China was Consequently, as one can imagine, the an important tool for specific amount of bu fabrics must have been administrative purposes, in most cases much larger than silk: gathered by officials in order to allocate tax burdens and manage taxes paid in . (SS, 175: kind. For this reason, the niveau of the development of Chinese population can, 4237) at least indirectly, suggest significant facts

about the level of material well-being and [In 1132, the annual quota of] cloth for the quality of living conditions for all Xichuan and Guangxi accounted for people in a realm. Therefore, a glimpse 770,000 bolts ... into the Song contemporary geo-

demographic conditions and their historical development would benefit to a great extent the study of silk- . (SS, manufacturing activities at that time. 284: 9585) The fact that silk production in Song “In order to meet the military needs of China attained a historical zenith can first the state, preference should be given to be interpreted as a result of the population the cloth fabrics. People should be peak that China reached under the Song. encouraged to plant ramie trees, and Although exact figures are lacking, then convert [their values] and buy historical demographers estimated that the them with cash and salt. Within merely total number of people living under the two years, a total amount of more than rule of the Northern Song numbered over 370,000 bolts have already been 100 million by 1100. xix Even when the collected.” territory of the Southern Song shrank to only two-thirds that of its predecessor, the 3. SILK PRODUCTION AND century and a half between the coming of INFLUENCING FACTORS Jurchen and the final fall of the Southern Song under the onslaught of the Just as in cases of all other handcraft paramount Mongols was a period of products, the production of textiles in the constant and rapid development for Song was determined by various Chinese demographic growth. Along with preconditions. Besides specific a series of technical achievements and the geographical and climatic factors that apparent expansion of economic sectors affacted the planting of muberry and such as mining, iron and steel, population jujube trees, the outcome of certain in the Song realm had also grown weavings must have also been affected by immensely and reached up to over 60 a number of various political and social million.xx Although accurate estimation is factors. hard obtain given the lack of materials extant, there is no doubt that the total

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 38! population during the Song definitely exceeded that of all its predecessor Just as discussed above, these regions empires. apparently played a conspicuously significant role in the silk production in As for the distribution of this large the Song time. This result of a population, the three decades between the demographic analysis precisely coincides end of tenth to the end of 12th century with the contemporary positions of their was marked by a continuing tide of productivity of textiles. The relations migrations from north toward the south between the two factors of demography and eventually resulted to a dramatical and economy were recapitulated by the increase of population density in the prominent historian Ge Jianxiong: “It is to south, especially in the region of Sichuan admit that the areas with dense population and the Yangtze delta. Some are usually also the areas with highly meteorologists insist that this period was developed culture, economics and high concurrently also the “Third Little Ice living standard. The areas with sparse Age,” in which the average temperature population, on the other hand, are often dropped a considerable amount, so that to be noticed as ‘culturally and people tended to move to warmer areas.xxi economically backward.’”xxiii But the main reason may be well ascribed to the destructive warring affairs and 3.2. MILITARY CONSUMPTION social rumors caused by military conflicts between Song and its nomadic neighbors. . (SS, 175: 4231) As a combined consequence of these factors, this era has accordingly set up a The Song continues regulations of the milestone in the demographic and former dynasties [Tang and Five economic history of China, pinpointing a Dynasties] to allocate and transfer historical surpass of the South over the tabby fabrics, silk fabrics, cloth, raw North in terms of economic outputs and silk and soft silk materials for military demographic distribution. expenditures.

In his book on the population between Starting with this sentence, the the 10th and 14th century, the Chinese significance of textiles for military use is demographer Wu Songdi examines and explicitly revealed. Admittedly, Song analyses the situation based on his China had constantly been under investigation of a great number of primary xxii enormous military pressure from the and secondary sources. An observation neighbouring pastoral nomadic states of his study can lead us to the conclusion from the very beginning of its dynastic that Song’s provinces of Jiangnanxi, establishment to its final collapse. In Jiangnandong, Liangzhe and Sichuan, order to arrange a more effective means roughly today’s Zhejiang, Anhui, Jiangxi, of national defense, the Song had Hunan and Sichuan, belonged to the most recruited an amazing number of soldiers, densely inhabited regions in the Northern which could probably be one of the Song, followed by the area of modern largest armies in the human history. Hebei and Shandong. While in the Historical records show that in 975, the Southern Song, when North China was armed forces numbered 378,000, in conquered by the Jurchens, southern 912,000 in 1017, and increased immensely provinces aforementioned were then by in 1045 to 1,259,000, which ultimately far the regions with the most population.

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 39! resulted in the incredible fact that the Commission to sell 500.000 units of expenditures for the troops consumed rice to buy gold and fabrics and to almost 80 percent of the government’s store them in the Monopoly Tax annual budget. xxiv Even in the Southern Commission in the capital, in order to Song, those numbers did not decrease prepare for the expenditure for the much, and the total bills for soldiers even army in the [above-mentioned] three exceeded those under the Northern Song. provinces. It is thus safe to imagine that such large troops must have consumed a considerable amount of materials, . (SS, 175: 4233) including foods, weapons, and, of course, textiles. In the first year of the reign period Shaoxing [1131], for the first time that the “Conversion of Silk for Money” and the “Beforehand Buying” was . (SS, 175: 4232) taxed in Dingzhou at an amount of 60,000 strings in order to support the During the Mingdao reign-period troops in Caizhou. [1032-1033], an imperial edict again ordered Liangshu [Sichuan] to reduce Lacking sufficient sources, we probably the annual delivery of brocade, damask, cannot quantify or analyze the accurate gauze and patterned yarn by two third military consumption of textiles during and change [the quota] to weavings of the Song. A glance, however, casted into silk fabrics and tabby fabrics in order the treatise reveals the fact that the large to supply the army. scale of Song’s military forces played a substantial role in the national production of textiles and their distribution. As demonstrated through the examples … presented, textiles gathered and … distributed for military expenditures came predominantly from the region of Sichuan. As a matter of fact, a great . (SS, 175: 4233) number of fabrics were indeed collected in Sichuan and transported to the frontiers As the war [against Xi Xia] broke out to the Tanguts in Shaanxi and to the in the west borders [1041-1044], silk Khitan in Hebei. If the quota was not fabrics and tabby fabrics to supply the met, there would be a shortage of fabrics army were mainly from three provinces among the soldiers in Shaanxi and of Yizhou, Zizhou and Lizhou ... Hebei. xxv As during the Southern Song, During the Zhiping reign-period [1064- which had a greatly reduced terrirory, the 1067], more than 153.500 bolts of importance of textiles produced in fabrics were woven every year in these Sichuan in order to secure the national three provinces … When Emperor defense even surpassed that of the Shenzong [r. 1067-1085] ascended the Northern Song. throne, there was still additional storage of rice in the capital city. An 3.3 INDEMNITIES AND edict was given to the Supply INTERNATIONAL TRADE

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 40!

on China’s northwest frontier and the Another issue which probably contributed attendant disruptions on the traditional greatly to the settlement of the textile Silk Roads, the silk exchange persisted production was the tributes that the Song through the Khitans since they were government were forced to pay to its ambitious to trade their recently acquired neighbors in exchange for . Silk Chinese silks to other people in the west. always played a substantial role in the Given the newly developed technologies mainstream of the Song’s external of ocean shipping by its craftsmen, the diplomatic relations and consequently Song was a pioneering period for impacted the domestic economy. As seafaring and also a heyday for the promised in the Treaty of Shanyuan Maritime Silk Road across the Indian signed between Song and Liao in 1005, Ocean, which connected China to other the Song agreed to pay the Khitans an countries in South and Southeast Asia. annual payment of 100,000 ounces of The dominant goods were silk products, silver and 200,000 bolts of silk.xxvi Several consisting mainly of tabby fabrics, with a decades later, the Song were somehow few exceptions of brocade, twill, yarn and forced to offer a large increase in the gauze. Important destinations included annual peace indemnity by 100,000 units Japan, Korea, Vietnam, India, of both silver and silk, for the reason that Coromandel and the Philippines. xxix it was under pressure from Xi Xia [1038- Records of Arab and Persian merchant 1227] incursions in the northwest and communities dating back to Song times, vague threats of impending Liao military which organized the trading of delicate action in concert with them. The threat silks to the Central Asia and further to from the Tanguts Xi Xia bore heavily on Europe, are still found in costal cities used Song policy making, and they for international trading during that time, consequently received annually from Song such as Canton, Quanzhou in Fujian, or 255,000 units of silk, silver and tea.xxvii As Mingzhou in Zhejiang. for the Jurchen Jin, the tremendous military terror of crushing the Southern 4. CONCLUSION Song brought both sides to a treaty in 1142, fixing an annual tribute from the It is true that the SS is in some ways a Song comprising of silver and silk poorly organized compilation with amounting to 250,000 ounces and obvious inadequacies, and not bolts. xxviii These records uncover infreuquently there can be confusions something of the extent of Song silk about the coherence or relevance of manufacture, the amount of these silk various pieces of information contained in textiles used for tributes, and military its vast volumes. However, its value is expenditures. enhanced to a great degree by the fact that many sources upon which the SS was Apart from the large indemnities paid to based have since been lost. The cut-and- the conquest dynasties, a clear paste methods of its compliers should development of a vast exchange of goods rather be regarded as an asset, because this between the Song and the immediate method preserved a great number of nomadic states was indicated during the primary sources. In consequence, it is period. Silks, naturally, continued to be precisely these almost unmodified data much prized abroad and remained one of that provide us with immense first-hand the best goods, both in quality and “raw materials” for unpolished and multi- quantity. Despite the constant conflicts

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 41! dimensional study of the institutional and !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! economic aspects of Song China. ii Important publications are aomong others for instance Deng Gang, The Premodern Chinese Economy: The sparseness of detail and reliable Structural Equilibrium and Capitalist Sterility (New information does not permit us to carry York: Routledge, 1999); Richard von Glahn, Fountain of Fortune: Money and Monetary Policy in China, 1000- out a more profound analysis of the fiscal 1700 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996); operations in the period in question; Mark Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Past: A Social nevertheless, a circumstantial study of the and Economic Interpretation (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973). seemingly randomly organized official memorials and imperial edicts in the iii Tuo Tuo et al. ed., Songshi (History of the treatise on textiles can reveal not only Song). Punctuated and collated edition (Beijing: some facts of of textile production in Zhonghua shuju, 1977). different regions in Song times, but more iv Xu Song , Song huiyao jigao (Draft importantly, also provide vivid insights of Documents Pertaining to Matters of State in the Song into the unique textile policies adopted by Dynasty). Photoreprint of Beijing Library Copy (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1957). the Song government. v Li Tao . Xu Zizhi tongjian changpian Although a sea of both Chinese and (Collected Data for A Continuation of the international scholarship has been devoted Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government). Punctuated and collated edition (Beijing: Renmin to the study of the economic history of weisheng chubanshe, 1995). the Song, in order to reveal or revivify the distinctiveness of medieval China, more vi On the historiographical evaluation and criticism on comprehensive and in-depth studies are the History of Song, see by Ji Yun and Lu Xixiong , Siku quanshu zongmu (General still necessecary in the future, particularly Catalog to the Complete Texts of the Four as far as archaeological finds and material Repositories). Reprinted edition (Taipei: Yiwen culture are concerned. For instance, quite chubanshe, 1964), 993-994. a number of specific weaving technologies vii On-cho Ng and Q. Edward Wang, Mirroring the Past: that occurred in our treatise remain as yet The Writing and Use of History in Imperial China unidentified. Archaeological discoveries in (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2005), 181. times to come could possibly provide viii On the issue, see Jennifer W. Jay, “Memoirs and more direct or detailed information. In Official Accounts: The Historiography of the Song this sense, the short essay presented here Loyalists,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 50, no. 2 (1990): 589-612. is merely a preliminary approach of future projects to thoroughly examine the textile ix There are still intensive debates on the definition of production and economic policies these terms, so a proper translation is hard to be reached. For detailed description of these terms, see concerning textiles in medieval China. Dieter Kuhn, “Das Textilgewerbe in Sichuan in der Song-Dynastie: Redigierte Übersetzung von Dieter !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Kuhn” (The Manufacture of Textiles in Sichuan in the i For profound studies in these fields, see Sogabe Shizuo Song Dynasty, Edited Translation by Dieter Kuhn), in Beiträge zur Geschichte der Song-Zeit (Contribution to , Sdai zaisei shi (A the History of Song-Time), ed. Dieter Kuhn and Ina Financial History of the Song Dynasty) (Tokyo: Taian, Asim (Heidelberg: Edition Forum, 2006), 252. 1966); Shiba Yoshinobu , S dai sh gy shi kenky (Studies on the Commercial x Shelagh Vainker, Chinese Silk: A Cultural History History of the Song Dynasty) (Tokyo: Kazama Shobo, (London: The British Museum Press, 2004), 112-113. 1968); Qi Xia , Songdai jingji shi (Economic History of the Song Dynasty) (Shanghai: xi Philip C. Huang, The Peasant Family and Rural Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1988); Wang Shengduo Development in the Yangzi Delta, 1350-1988 (Stanford: , Liangsong caizheng shi (Finance Stanford University Press, 1990), 77-78. History of the Northern and Southern Song) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1995).

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! xii For exact figures, see the statistics provided in the xxvi On the Shanyuan Treaty, see David Curtis Wright, chart in Mary Backus Rankin, Elite Activism and From War to Diplomatic Parity in Eleventh-Century Political Transformation in China: Zhejiang Province, China: Song’s Foreign Relations with Khitan Liao 1865-1911 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986), (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 71. The fullest study of the treaty in 64. a Western language is by Christian Schwarz-Schilling, Der Friede von Shan-yüan (1005 n. Chr.): Ein Beitrag xiii Fei Zhu , Shujin pu (Spectrum of Shu). zur Geschichte der chinesischen Diplomatie (The Peace Reprinted in Ji Yun and Lu Xixiong , ed., of Shanyuan 1005: A Contribution to the History of Siku quanshu (Complete Texts of the Four Chinese Diplomacy) (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1959). Repositories). Photo reprint of the Wenyuange Copy.

Taipei: The Commercial Press, 1976. In the book there xxvii The accurate figures of silk among the total might be is also a detailed description of all kinds of specific silk 135.000 bolts of silk, see Jacques Gernet, A History of products manufactured in Sichuan. Chinese Civilization (Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press, 1996), 355. On the Song payment to the Xi Xia, xiv See the charts offered in Kuhn, “Das Textilgewerbe see also Frederick W. Mote, Imperial China: 900-1800 in Sichuan”, 253-254. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000),

117. xv See Vainker, Chinese Silk, 126.

xxviii Herbert Franke, “The Chin Dynasty,” in The xvi SS, 179: 4362. Cambridge History of China, vol. 6: Alien Regimes and

Border States, 907-1368, ed. Herbert Franke and Denis xvii Xu Mengxin , Sanchao beimeng huibian Twitchett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, (Compilation of Documents on the Treaties 1994), 234. with the North during Three Reigns). Photo reprint of the Wenyuange Copy (Taipei: The Commercial Press, xxix Vadime Elisseeff, The Silk Roads: Highways of 1976), 72: 9a. Culture and Commerce (New York: Berghahn Books, 2000), 295. xviii Michael Loewe, Imperial China: The Historical Background to the Modern Age (Taipei: Rainbow- REFERENCES Bridge Book Co., 1973), 35. Deng, Gang. The Premodern Chinese xix John K. Fairbank and Merle Goldman, China: A New Economy: Structural Equilibrium and Capitalist Sterility. History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, New York: Routledge, 1999. 1994), 89. Elisseeff, Vadime. The Silk Roads: Highways of Culture and Commerce. New York: Berghahn Books, xx Dieter Kuhn, The Age of Confucian Rule: The Song 2000. Transformation of China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Elvin, Mark. The Pattern of the Chinese Past: A University Press, 2009), 75. While Ping-ti Ho estimated Social and Economic Interpretation. Stanford: Stanford that the figure must have been over 70 million, see Ping- University Press, 1973. ti Ho, "An Estimate of the Total Population of Sung- Fairbank, John K. and Merle Goldman. China: Chin China," in Études Song, series 1, no. 1 (1970): 33- A New History. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University 53. Press, 1994. Fei Zhu. Shujin pu (Spectrum of xxi Dieter Kuhn, The Age of Confucian Rule, 71-72. Shu). Reprinted in Siku quanshu (Complete

Texts of the Four Repositories), edited by Ji Yun xxii See Wu Songdi, Zhongguo renkou shi, di san and Lu Xixiong . Photoreprint of the juan: Song, Liao, Jin, Yuan , : Wenyuange Copy. Taipei: The Commercial Press, 1976. (A Demographic History of China, vol. 3: Song- Franke, Herbert. “The Chin Dynasty.” In The Liao-Jin-Yuan) (Shanghai: Fudan University Press, Cambridge History of China, vol. 6: Alien Regimes and 2001), 122-137, 141-144, 394. Border States, 907-1368, edited by Herbert Franke and Denis Twitchett. 215-320. Cambridge: Cambridge xxiii Quoted and translated from Ge Jianxiong, University Press, 1994. Zhongguo renkou fazhan shi (A Ge Jianxiong . Zhongguo renkou fazhan History of the Development of Chinese Population) shi (A History of the Development of (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1991), 406. Chinese Population). Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1991. xxiv See Mark Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Past, 84. Gernet, Jacques. A History of Chinese Civilization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, xxv SHYJG, 156: 6111. 1996. von Glahn, Richard. Fountain of Fortune:

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Money and Monetary Policy in China, 1000-1700. Zhonghua shuju, 1977. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. Vainker, Shelagh. Chinese Silk: A Cultural Ho, Ping-ti. "An Estimate of the Total History. London: The British Museum Press, 2004. Population of Sung-Chin China." Études Song, series 1, Wang Shengduo . Liangsong caizheng no. 1 (1970): 33-53. shi (Finance History of the Northern and Huang, Philip C.. The Peasant Family and Rural Southern Song). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1995. Development in the Yangzi Delta, 1350-1988. Stanford: Wright, David Curtis. From War to Diplomatic Stanford University Press, 1990. Parity in Eleventh-Century China: Song’s Foreign Jay, Jennifer W.. “Memoirs and Official Relations with Khitan Liao. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Accounts: The Historiography of the Song Loyalists.” Wu Songdi . Zhongguo renkou shi, di Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 50, no. 2 (1990): 589- 612. san juan: Song, Liao, Jin, Yuan , : Ji Yun and Lu Xixiong . Siku (A Demographic History of China, vol. 3: Song-Liao-Jin-Yuan). Shanghai: Fudan University Press, quanshu zongmu (General Catalog to 2001. the Complete Texts of the Four Repositories). Reprinted edition. Taipei: Yiwen chubanshe, 1964. Xu Mengxin . Sanchao beimeng huibian Kuhn, Dieter. “Das Textilgewerbe in (Compilation of Ducuments on the Sichuan in der Song-Dynastie: Redigierte Treaties with the North during Three Reigns). Übersetzung von Dieter Kuhn” (The Manufacture Photoreprint of the Wenyuange Copy. Taipei: The of Textiles in Sichuan in the Song Dynasty, Edited Commercial Press, 1976. Translation by Dieter Kuhn), in Beiträge zur Xu Song . Song huiyao jigao Geschichte der Song-Zeit (Contribution to the (Draft of Documents Pertaining to Matters of State in History of Song-Time), edited by Dieter Kuhn and the Song Dynasty). Photoreprint of Beijing Library Ina Asim. 225-66. Heidelberg: Edition Forum, Copy. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1957. 2006. ------. The Age of Confucian Rule: The Song Transformation of China. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2009. Li Tao . Xu Zizhi tongjian changpian (Collected Data for A Continuation of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government). Punctuated and collated edition. Beijing: Renmin weisheng chubanshe, 1995. Loewe, Michael. Imperial China: The Historical Background to the Modern Age. Taipei: Rainbow- Bridge Book Co., 1973. Mote, Frederick W.. Imperial China: 900-1800. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000. Ng, On-cho and Q. Edward Wang, Mirroring the Past: The Writing and Use of History in Imperial China. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2005. Qi Xia . Songdai jingji shi (Economic History of the Song Dynasty). Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1988. Rankin, Mary Backus. Elite Activism and Political Transformation in China: Zhejiang Province, 1865-1911. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986. Schwarz-Schilling, Christian. Der Friede von Shan-yüan (1005 n. Chr.): Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der chinesischen Diplomatie (The Peace of Shanyuan 1005: A Contribution to the History of Chinese Diplomacy). Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz 1959. Shiba Yoshinobu . Sōdai shōgyōshi kenkyū (Studies on the Commercial History of the Song Dynasty). Tokyo: Kazama Shobo, 1968. Sogabe Shizuo . Sōdai zaisei shi (A Financial History of the Song Dynasty). Tokyo: Taian, 1966. Tuo Tuo et al. ed. Songshi (History of the Song). Punctuated and collated edition. Beijing:

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PUBLIC OPINION AND BUREAUCRATIC STONEWALLING: The Legalization of the Birth Control Pill in Japan Rebecca Tompkins Harvard University

ABSTRACT characterized Japanese birth control policy. But in March 1999, the Central Until 1999, Japan was the only developed Pharmaceutical Advisory Council (CPAC), nation in the world not to have legalized the committee within the MHW oral contraceptives, and circumstances responsible for reviewing and approving during the 1990s indicated that Japan’s new drugs, announced that it was Ministry of Health and Welfare intended finalizing prescription guidelines for the to prolong the ban indefinitely. But the approval of low-dose oral contraceptives. unprecedentedly speedy legalization of On June 16, 1999, ten different types of Viagra in January 1999 unleashed a oral contraceptive, marketed by nine firestorm of public criticism that pharmaceutical companies, were legalized essentially forced the Ministry to approve for sale, overturning the ban that had the pill with all due haste; oral been in place for more than thirty years. contraceptives were legalized in June, and The pill finally became available in Japan on the market in Japan by September by prescription on Sept. 2.ii 1999. In this paper, I argue that, as a result In July 1998, the Japan branch of of the hemophiliac HIV debacle that the international pharmaceutical company mired the Ministry of Health and Welfare Pfizer Inc. applied to the MHW for in scandal only a few years previously, the approval of its anti-impotency drug Ministry was acutely sensitive to broad- Viagra. In December, the MHW deemed based public criticism. In order to appease the drug safe and effective based solely on its critics and avoid further scandal, clinical trial data from the United States.iii therefore, the MHW quickly retracted its The new drug was “fast-tracked” to previous objections to the pill, and approval; on Jan. 25, 1999, a mere six legalized oral contraceptives a mere six months after the application was first months after the introduction of Viagra. filed, the MHW announced that Viagra was approved for sale. It became available INTRODUCTION by prescription in March 1999 – the same month that the Ministry announced that Until 1999, Japan was the only guidelines for pill approval were being country in the developed world – indeed, finalized.iv the only country in the United Nations – Although the timing is suggestive, not to have legalized hormonal oral there could be several explanations for the contraceptives, commonly known as “the sudden reversal of the long-standing pill pill.” Once the issue of possible ban. New evidence of the pill’s safety or legalization was examined and dismissed benefits may have come to light; by the Ministry of Health and Welfare alternatively, the MHW may have been (MHW)i in the 1960s, a de facto ban on made aware of the risks facing the pill use for contraceptive purposes estimated 200,000 Japanese women using

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 45! the older, high-dose version of the pill The only difference in the political off-label for contraception. v Perhaps situation surrounding the pill debate Japan’s mid-1990s electoral reform between March 1998, when the MHW encouraged Diet members, hoping to announced for the second time in eight impress women voters, to pressure the years that deliberations on pill approval MHW into legalizing the pill. Pro-pill would be postponed indefinitely, and pressure groups may have finally found March 1999, when it announced that it the right words to convince MHW was researching guidelines for the pill’s bureaucrats that the pill was beneficial to imminent legalization, was the fast-tracked society. approval of Viagra and the widespread, None of these explanations well-publicized criticism of ministerial adequately account for the facts. In 1995, hypocrisy that accompanied it. An the Ministry’s own CPAC released a examination of the process of pill report concluding that low-dose oral approval in Japan from 1961 to 1999 will contraceptives were safe and effective, but make clear that public outrage over the failed to approve them at every Ministry’s evident double standards deliberation meeting until 1999, after resulted in the MHW’s ultimate approval Viagra was approved. vi Petitions to the of the pill. MHW in the early 1990s pointed out the increased risk of side effects for Japanese THE FIRST PUSH FOR THE PILL: women who were using the high-dose pill 1961-66 (which was available by prescription for the treatment of menstrual disorders but Japan initially seemed set on a often used off-label for contraception), so course to approve the pill along with MHW bureaucrats were aware of this other developed nations, nearly all of danger to Japanese citizens. vii Diet which legalized the pill by 1968. Clinical members were clearly uninterested in pill trials of the pill had been conducted in approval – the pill was mentioned in Diet Japan in the 1950s, and in 1961 three sessions one time each in 1991, 1994, Japanese pharmaceutical companies 1996, 1997, and 1998; from February to applied to the MHW to market the newly March 1999, after Viagra was approved, developed drug as a contraceptive.x The the pill was brought up in four separate pill would likely have been approved Diet sessions. viii Pro-pill activist groups, within a few years had it not been for a including family planning organizations series of domestic and international drug and doctors’ associations, lobbied for the scandals (relating to sleeping pills and pill consistently from 1990, regularly thalidomide) in 1961 that resulted in submitting petitions to the government “activist groups … severely criticiz[ing] and speaking to the media about the need the government’s Drug Authorization for the pill. Their redoubled efforts Law for being too lax.”xi At the same time, following the approval of Viagra may have Socialist Diet member and birth control influenced the MHW’s decision to activist Kato Shizue voiced her approve the pill, especially insofar as they disapproval of the pill in a Diet committee increased media coverage of the session, questioning its safety and efficacy controversy. However, the degree and as well as its effects on public morals.xii amount of these groups’ lobbying efforts There were reports that the pill was not in early 1999 were not significantly approved because the prime minister’s different from those of previous years.ix wife “was worried that the pill’s use might lead to sexual immorality.” xiii By 1964,

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 46! doctors’ groups (the Japan Association of protest tactics that the group, and by Maternal Welfare, the Japan Association association the pill, was condemned by of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, and both the mainstream media and other the Japan Medical Association), family feminist organizations.xv planning groups (the Family Planning Federation of Japan and the Japan Family THE INTRODUCTION OF THE Planning Association), and the Japan LOW-DOSE PILL: 1987-92 Midwives Association had all stated their opposition to the approval of the pill. In the 1980s, feminist groups, These groups were motivated by both doctors, and family planning activists who financial interests (selling condoms and had previously opposed the pill (including providing abortions) and concern about Kato Shizue, now the president of the adverse effects on women’s health: Family Planning Federation of Japan), Although opposition to the pill among reversed course and began to lobby in these groups was largely motivated by favor of it. For women’s and family a desire to protect professional planning groups, this shift was caused interests, there was also genuine largely by the overwhelming evidence concern about the possible health from other countries that continued use risks posed by this new type of drug, of the drug had few ill effects; the which was to be taken not by sick development of a safer, low-dose pill people to cure illness but by healthy eased the minds of many women worried women to prevent pregnancy.xiv about side effects. For abortion providing doctors, some have speculated that the The authority of these groups on matters reversal was caused by declining demand relating to women’s health was for abortions; since doctors in Japan sell undeniable, and naturally their unified prescription medication to patients opposition negatively affected views of directly, the introduction of the pill was the pill among the public. likely seen as a means of increasing As has been amply demonstrated, flagging physician incomes.xvi the motives behind the initial ban on the In 1990, nine Japanese pill in the 1960s are fairly clear. Fear of pharmaceutical companies submitted an sexual immorality and possible side application for the approval of the new effects, but most importantly opposition low-dose contraceptive pill, based on data to the pill from influential activist groups, from Japanese clinical trials of 5000 caused the MHW to avoid approving the women conducted from 1987-1990, to the pill. The Oral Contraception Committee, Ministry of Health and Welfare.xvii There which was formed when the application were indications from within the Ministry for pill approval was first submitted by that the pill would be approved by 1992, Japanese pharmaceutical companies in and Japanese and international media 1961, was dissolved in 1966, and an outlets, academics, and activists speculated official verdict on the pill was never freely on the possible effects of the announced. anticipated approval; Carl Djerassi, one of Until the mid-1980s, very few the scientists involved in the creation of prominent groups advocated for the the pill in the 1950s, predicted that “six legalization of the pill; one prominent pro- million Japanese women may be using oral pill feminist group in the 1970s, Chūpiren, contraceptives by the turn of the employed such aggressive and anti-social century.”xviii

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In March 1992, the MHW AIDS was weak, and indicated that the pill announced that the application for oral would be approved in early 1996.xxiii The contraceptives would be shelved promised date came and went; in July of indefinitely.xix Initially no explanation for that year, then-Minister of Health and the decision was forthcoming; pressed by Welfare Kan Naoto stated publicly that he the media, the ministry later cited concern thought the Central Pharmaceutical that the pill would “discourage condom Advisory Council would approve the pill use and facilitate spread of human “around next year.” xxiv And indeed, in immunodeficiency virus (HIV) February 1997, the Council released a infection.”xx Some Japanese activists and report suggesting that the low-dose pill observers questioned the ministry’s true was both safe and effective – but that due intent: “Many believe that the AIDS issue to concerns about AIDS and sexually merely provided a convenient excuse, and transmitted diseases, the Council would that the real reason MHW bureaucrats refrain from a decision until the next refused to lift the pill ban was the fear that deliberation session, and ask for input pill use would further lower Japan’s from the public. xxv In June 1997, the already low birth rate.”xxi Public Health Council ambiguously stated From 1992 onward, the nine that increased public education about the pharmaceutical companies that had risks of STDs must accompany the applied to market oral contraceptives, as legalization of the pill, but did not issue well as the activists and doctors lobbying any recommendation for or against pill for them, were left in limbo. The MHW approval. In August, CPAC announced vacillated between approval and that an investigation into trends of postponement, always concluding “not sexually transmitted diseases was yet.” The Japan Association of Maternal necessary before a decision could be Welfare, the Japan Association of made, effectively delaying approval Obstetricians and Gynecologists, the another year. xxvi That the Ministry was Family Planning Federation of Japan, and deliberately dragging its feet on the issue the Japan Family Planning Association of pill approval was increasingly obvious, jointly submitted a petition to the MHW prompting the Mainichi Shinbun to remark, in 1993 demanding that deliberations on “There really isn’t any more reason to the pill be reopened, noting that there delay approval of a drug that has been were no studies linking pill use to the proven safe and effective, is there?”xxvii spread of AIDS. In explaining the motives As it happened, there was. In behind the petition, the president of the December 1997, a small environmental Japan Association of Maternal Welfare group submitted a petition asking the criticized the Ministry’s decision in no MHW to exercise caution with regard to uncertain terms: “The view that if [the the pill because of “the possibility that pill pill] is legalized AIDS infections will users’ urine, when released into the increase is unscientific, and insulting to environment, might cause hormonal women.”xxii imbalances in animals and humans.” xxviii Despite the fact that the original reports THE DEBATE DRAGS ON: 1995-98 of hormonal imbalance in human and animal populations near some industrial In 1995, deliberations on the pill plants in Europe and America concluded were officially reopened. The CPAC that industrial chemicals, not the pill, were issued a report concluding that the to blame, in March 1998 the MHW again relation between pill use and the spread of declared an indefinite postponement of

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 48! pill approval pending further research on an article highly critical of the MHW’s “low-dose OCs and cervical cancer, continued postponement of pill approval potential environmental pollution due to entitled “Unique in the world ‘pill residues of the hormonal drug in urine, isolation:’ Japan’s irresponsibility,” and possible teratogenic risks of OCs.”xxix featuring statements from Kitamura Pro-pill family planning activists Kunio and other health care professionals and gynecologists were taken aback by the about the pill’s proven safety and speed with which the MHW heeded the effectiveness, its long history of use in suggestions of a network of small local other countries, and its lack of connection environmental groups, especially with the spread of AIDS.xxxiii Despite this considering their own eight years of increase in criticism from activists, the petitions and lobbying for the pill. Ministry made no move to approve the Activists publicly criticized the ministry’s pill until the eruption of the Viagra delay, pointing out its inconsistencies. controversy. Kitamura Kunio, a Japanese gynecologist and director of the Japan Family Planning VIAGRA VS. THE PILL, 1999 Association’s Tokyo Family Planning Clinic, characterized the delay as As noted above, Viagra was unreasonable: “The claim that the pill approved by the Central Pharmaceutical could disrupt the hormonal system of Advisory Council in January 1999, six other people or wild animals does not months after its application was filed. The make sense. The estrogen level in the unprecedented speed with which a drug excrement of pill takers is not much designed to improve male sexual ability beyond that of non-takers, and anyway it was approved, compared to the indefinite is only one or two thousandths of the delays faced by a drug associated with level in pregnant women.”xxx female sexual independence, was These groups continued to lobby immediately judged a sexist double strenuously for the pill throughout 1998. standard by Japanese and international Kato Shizue, the President of the Family observers. News outlets jumped on the Planning Federation of Japan, submitted a story, comparing the record six-month new petition to the MHW calling for the approval period of Viagra to the nine immediate approval of the pill soon after years of deliberations on the pill. xxxiv the March announcement. The Female politicians vocally condemned the Professional Women’s Coalition for Ministry’s double standard. Diet member Sexuality and Health, led by gynecologist Nōno Chieko commented, “The situation Horiguchi Masako, promoted awareness epitomizes the sexism of our society. The of the pill through press releases and Health and Welfare Ministry gives [Viagra media interviews, and sent information for] sexual gratification. But are those men packets directly to politicians and MHW going to use it with their wives, who are bureaucrats. xxxi In contrast to the early not allowed reliable birth control?” xxxv 1990s, when media sources reflected the Upper House member Domoto Akiko widespread belief that the pill would soon questioned the MHW’s commitment to be legalized, media coverage of the pill in health care: “If they were really concerned 1998 was much more cautious, pointing about women's reproductive health, it out the Ministry of Health and Welfare’s wouldn't take such a long time to approve many delays and running articles featuring the pill.”xxxvi Japanese newspapers quoted both pro and con opinions of the pill.xxxii scathing reports from American and In December 1998, the Asahi Shinbun ran

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British news sources about Japan’s swift The physician heading the Japanese AIDS approval of Viagra, emphasizing the Study Group reported these findings to mounting international criticism facing the the MHW, but neither he nor the Ministry MHW and the government. xxxvii In informed the public, and further decided response to the Ministry’s official not to tell the patients themselves that justification for the swift approval, that they were HIV-positive, “reportedly black market sales and unsupervised use because they believed that since curative of Viagra among Japanese men posed an therapy for AIDS was lacking, there was urgent health risk, activist gynecologists no need to inform individuals about their such as Kitamura Kunio and Horiguchi HIV status.”xxxix The lawsuits against the Masako pointed out the dangers of Ministry and the physicians involved unwanted pregnancy, leading to Japan’s began in 1989; more than 1,800 Japanese high abortion rate, as well as the side hemophiliacs had been infected with HIV effects faced by the approximately due to untreated blood products, 500 of 200,000 Japanese women using the high- whom died as a result.xl In 1996, the new dose pill off-label for contraceptive Minister of Health and Welfare Kan purposes.xxxviii Naoto ordered an internal investigation The MHW reacted to this which turned up evidence that the criticism with uncharacteristic speed. In Ministry had been aware of the problem February, officials announced that the pill and done nothing for years – evidence would be approved later in the year; in which former Ministry officials had denied March the CPAC announced it was existed.xli finalizing prescription guidelines, and the This case understandably resulted pill was officially approved in June. It is in a torrent of public outrage directed obvious that the legalization of Viagra and against the MHW. Hemophiliac groups the public anger it incited played a role in organized a sit-in at the MHW in February the MHW’s decision. However, the 1996 that captured the attention of the Ministry was no stranger to criticism; media and the public, and their petitions indeed, it had brushed off the protests of garnered hundreds of thousands of family planning activists and other groups signatures. Official apologies from on this issue for years. Why should its executives of the pharmaceutical response be any different this time? companies that had sold the tainted blood as well as MHW officials were demanded CRITICISM AND PUBLIC OUTRAGE and received. The first arrest of an official involved in the case, blood policy advisor A broader view of the MHW’s Dr. Abe Takeshi, took place in August circumstances in the 1990s reveals that the 1996. The MHW was forced to undertake Ministry had ample reason to be very institutional reform, including opening sensitive to public criticism. In the 1990s, advisory committee meetings to the a tragic scandal dealt a serious blow to the public.xlii MHW’s reputation. It came to light that It is likely that this experience many high-level officials within the made MHW bureaucrats especially averse Ministry had been aware that untreated to criticism from the public. Before Viagra blood products already in use were likely was legalized, criticism of the MHW’s contaminated with HIV and neglected to repeated delay of pill approval came inform the public. In 1984, tests found almost entirely from interest groups, most that 23 of 48 blood samples from notably the pharmaceutical lobby and the Japanese hemophiliacs were HIV-positive. two doctors’ (the Japan Association of

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Maternal Welfare and the Japan he personally agreed that lifting the pill Association of Obstetricians and ban and preventing AIDS were two Gynecologists) and two family planning separate issues, the public was fearful of groups (the Family Planning Federation of AIDS, women were fearful of the pill, and Japan, and the Japan Family Planning not all women’s groups agreed that the pill Association) that submitted a joint should be approved.”xlv petition to the MHW urging swift After the hasty approval of Viagra, approval in 1993. Gynecologists however, criticism of the Ministry spread associated with these and other family from activist groups to the public in planning groups were especially general. This can be seen in the sudden outspoken.xliii However, these groups and increase in discussion of the pill in Diet individuals represented only a small subset sessions, as demonstrated above, as well of the Japanese population. In fact, as in the tone of newspaper articles surveys indicated that most Japanese mentioning the pill before and after the women were indifferent to the pill and did approval of Viagra. Comparing pill-related not plan to take it if legalized (see Figure headlines of the Asahi Shinbun pre- and 1). post-Viagra reveals a distinct shift in Figure 1: Do you want to use low- coverage: pre-Viagra articles presented dosage oral contraceptives if they are both pro-pill-approval and anti-approval approved for use?xliv opinion pieces (“Lifting the pill ban and AIDS prevention – Inoue Sakae;”xlvi “The choice of the pill is a 80% woman’s right – Kato 70% Shizue,” xlvii ) and news 60% articles examined both the pros and cons of 50% Yes approval (“Anticipation 40% No and anxiety for ‘pill 30% Don't know approval’ – Women’s group panel discussion 20% No answer next month;” xlviii 10% “‘Towards strengthening AIDS 0% countermeasures’ – The 1986 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 pill approval problem at the Public Health Council”xlix). But in the wake of Viagra’s Source: Mainichi Shinbunsha legalization, articles and opinion pieces Jinkō Mondai Chōsakai 2005 mentioning the pill became highly critical of the MHW: “The pill and Viagra – The Ministry was well aware of differences in approval speed;”l “A safe this public apathy toward the pill, and contraceptive, quickly – Viagra approved used it to rebuff critical activists: when in 6 months, pill deliberations for 9 representatives of the four family planning years;”li “The double standard lurking in and doctors’ groups presented their Viagra approval.”lii A similar trend can be petition to the Minister of Health and found in the archives of the Yomiuri Welfare in 1993, “he told them that, while Shinbun: “Large-scale postponement of pill approval/Pharmaceutical Advisory

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Council” (March 3, 1998) liii versus family planning activists, and the “Viagra’s speed approval – Why is the pill pharmaceutical lobby, but the issue did no good?” (Feb. 9, 1999). not arouse public interest. As these headlines reveal, the The record six-month approval of approval of Viagra shifted the context of Viagra brought the nine years of the pill debate from an issue of public bureaucratic stonewalling with regard to safety to an issue of bureaucratic the pill to the public’s attention. Where hypocrisy. The official reasons for the two previously public discourse had framed indefinite postponements of deliberations the pill in the context of health and safety, on the pill, the spread of AIDS in 1992 the Viagra controversy pushed sexism to and environmental degradation in 1998, the forefront of the debate, and brought suddenly seemed preposterous: at the time with it media scrutiny and public outrage. that Viagra was approved in Japan, 242 The MHW, which had been at the center deaths internationally were linked with the of a rancorous scandal inviting widespread drug, including one Japanese man whose condemnation by the public only a few heart stopped two hours after taking a years previously, sought to stem the Viagra tablet. liv In the Ministry’s own inevitable tide of acrimonious criticism words, the man’s death had the effect of and save what little face it could by swiftly ensuring swift approval: “Following the approving the pill. It was the desire to death in July [1998] of a man in his 60s avoid another scandal, rather than the after taking [Viagra], it was considered efforts of lobbyists, electoral reform, or a necessary to regulate use of the drug as genuine change of heart, that motivated soon as possible to prevent inappropriate the MHW to speedily reverse its long- use, one of the ministry's leading officials standing no-pill policy. said.”lv While this analysis of the pill As a matter of health and safety, approval process in Japan presents an the public was indifferent to the plight of extremely unflattering picture of the the pill, but when it became instead Ministry of Health and Welfare, it is evidence of bureaucratic stonewalling and notable that this Ministry, at least, is even sexism, the public was outraged. responsive to public opinion and Given its newfound allergy to widespread demands. Given enough negative public criticism, the Ministry’s near- attention, it seems, bureaucratic progress instantaneous capitulation is indeed can eventually be achieved. unsurprising. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! CONCLUSION i In 2001, the Ministry of Health and Welfare was combined with the Ministry of Labor to form the In the 1990s, the Ministry of Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare. It will be referred to as the Ministry of Health and Welfare or Health and Welfare seemed determined to MHW throughout this paper. keep the pill out of Japan. Some have speculated that this behavior was ii Aya Goto, Michael R. Reich, and Iain Aitken. "Oral motivated by concern that a reliable Contraceptives and Women's Health in Japan." Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) 282, no. 22 female-controlled contraceptive would (1999): 2173-2177. further lower Japan’s plummeting birthrate. lvi Whatever the MHW’s true iii Viagra was the first drug to be approved in Japan based solely on foreign clinical trial data, as a motivations, it acted consistently to block consequence of a new law passed in August 1998, based pill approval from 1992 to 1998. The on the recommendations of the International Ministry was opposed in this by doctors,

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Conference on Harmonization, designed to “prevent xvii Aya Furuta. "Latest attack on the pill comes from duplicate studies and to improve efficiency of drug environmental groups; Doctors, Activists Bemoan approvals” (Hollander 2006, 687). Setback In Birth-Control Battle." The Nikkei Weekly, July 13, 1998. iv Ilyssa Hollander. "Viagra’s rise above women’s health issues: An analysis of the social and political influences xviii Carl Djerassi, "The Politics of Contraception: The on drug approvals in the United States and Japan." Social View from Tokyo," Technology in Society 9 (1987): 157; Science & Medicine 62 (2006): 683–693. Takehiro Fukuda, "Drug houses readying for legalized 'Pill'," The Japan Economic Journal, October 13, 1990; v Hollander 2006. Yamauchi 1991, 1157; Yuzo Saeki, "Japan appears ready to end ban on pill for contraceptive; Reservations vi Mainichi Shinbun. "Piru, rainen 3getsu ni mo kaikin Remain As Threat Of AIDS Grows Globally," The Hininyou no teiyouryou - - Chuuouyakujishinchousakai Nikkei Weekly, March 7, 1992. [Lifting the pill ban next March Low dosage for contraception – Central Pharmaceutical Affairs xix Investigation Council]." Sept. 18, 1995. Mariko Jitsukawa and Carl Djerassi. "Birth Control in Japan: Realities and Prognosis." Science 265 (1994): 1048- vii Tiana Norgren. Abortion before Birth Control: The Politics 1051. of Reproduction in Postwar Japan. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001. xx Goto, Reich, and Aitken 1999, 2174. viii Kokkai Gijiroku, a searchable online database of the xxi Norgren 2001, 123. records of Japanese Diet proceedings, reveals that the birth control pill was brought up in Diet discussions xxii Mainichi Shinbun. "Piru souki ‘kaikin’ o Koushou ni four times in the two-month period from February to kyou youbousho – Sankafujinkagakkai nado 4dantai March 1999, compared to five times total during the [Petition today for an early lift of the ‘pill ban’ – 4 previous ten year period. (The search terms “pill” [] organizations, the Association of Obstetricians and and “contraception” [ ] were used.) “Viagra” was Gynecologists etc.]." May 12, 1993. also mentioned in two of the February meetings. Available online at http://kokkai.ndl.go.jp/. xxiii Mainichi Shinbun, Sept. 18, 1995.

xxiv Miyuki Nakamura. "Japan still finds the pill hard to ix Yuriko Ashino, "Long wait for birth control pills," swallow; Kan's Remark Reignites Debate Over Japan Quarterly 46, no. 4 (1999): 86-91; Kunio Kitamura, Legalizing Low-Dose Contraceptive." The Nikkei Weekly, "The Pill in Japan: Will Approval Ever Come?" Family Oct. 21, 1996. Planning Perspectives 31, no. 1 (1999): 44-45; Norgren 2001. xxv Mainichi Shinbun. "Piru kaikin, 5gatsu ikou ni Seikansenshou kenenshi jikai ni mochikoshi – x Lara V. Marks. Sexual Chemistry: A History of the Yakujishingikai [Lifting the pill ban, not until May at Contraceptive Pill. New Haven: Yale University Press, least Concern about sexually transmitted diseases, to be 2001. carried over to the next time – Pharmaceutical Advisory xi Samuel Coleman. Family Planning in Japanese Society: Council]." Feb. 26, 1997. Traditional Birth Control in a Modern Urban Culture. xxvi Mainichi Shinbun. "Piru kaikin, 98nen ni zurekomika Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983. Fukuyougo no doukou o chousa e - - Yakujishingikai xii Norgren 2001. [Lifting the pill ban, delayed until 1998? Toward an investigation of the aftereffects of the medication - - xiii Masaya Yamauchi. "Japan to lift ban on oral Pharmaceutical Advisory Council]." Aug. 13, 1997. contraception." British Medical Journal 303 (1991): 1157. xxvii Mainichi Shinbun. "Konmeisuru piru kaikin Anzen, xiv Norgren 2001, 111. yuuyousei wa kakunin zumi [Lifting the pill ban in turmoil – Safety, effectiveness already confirmed]." July xv Ashino 1999. 2, 1997. xvi Goto, Reich, and Aitken 1999. xxviii Norgren 2001, 129.

xxix Goto, Reich, and Aitken 1999, 2174.

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! xxx Furuta 1998. xliv Percentage of women responding “Yes,” “No,” “Not sure,” and no answer out of total. In 1986 and 1992, xxxi Yomiuri Shinbun. "Sanfujinkai Horiguchi Masako san only married respondents were asked this question. Piru ‘kaikin’ no tame ni [Ob-gyn Horiguchi Masako For the sake of lifting the ‘pill ban’]. " October 26, 1998. xlv Norgren 2001, 126. Norgren 2001. xlvi Asahi Shinbun, Sept. 21, 1999. xxxii Furuta 1998; Asahi Shinbun, "Piru kaikin to eizu no yobou Inoue Sakae [Lifting the pill ban and AIDS xlvii Asahi Shinbun, Oct. 7, 1999. prevention – Inoue Sakae]," September 21, 1998; Asahi xlviii Shinbun, "Piru no sentaku wa josei no kenri Kato Shizue Asahi Shinbun. "‘Piru shounin’ni kitai to fuan Josei [The choice of the pill is a woman’s right – Kato dantai ga raigetsu touronkai [Anticipation and anxiety Shizue]," Oct. 7, 1998. for ‘pill approval’ – Women’s group panel discussion next month]." June 28, 1997. xxxiii Asahi Shinbun. "Sekai yuiitsu ‘piru sakoku’ Nippon xlix no musekinin [Unique in the world ‘pill isolation:’ Asahi Shinbun. "‘Eizu taisaku kyouka o’ Piru kaikin Japan’s irresponsibility]." Dec. 21, 1998. mondai de koushuueiseishinbukai [‘Towards strengthening AIDS countermeasures’ – The pill xxxiv Asahi Shinbun, "Anzen na hininyaku, hayaku approval problem at the Public Health Council]." June Baiagura wa 6kagetsu de shounin, piru 9nenkan 17, 1997. shingichuu [A safe contraceptive, quickly – Viagra l approved in 6 months, pill deliberations for 9 years]," Asahi Shinbun, Jan. 16, 1999. January 30, 1999; Kay Itoi. "The Great Viagra li Asahi Shinbun, Jan. 30, 1999. Emergency," Newsweek (Pacific Edition), February 8, 1999. lii Asahi Shinbun. "Baiagura shounin ni hisomu nijuukijun xxxv Itoi 1999. [The double standard lurking in Viagra approval]." Feb. xxxvi Mina Hasegawa. "Japan ends holdout on birth- 1, 1999. control pill; Women Applaud Move But Fears Remain." liii Yomiuri Shinbun. "Piru kaikin, oohaba sakiokuri / The Nikkei Weekly, June 7, 1999. Yakujishingikai [Large-scale postponement of pill xxxvii Yomiuri Shinbun."‘Baiagura’ supiido shounin Naze approval/Pharmaceutical Advisory Council]." March 3, ‘piru’ wa dame na no ka [Viagra’s speed approval – Why 1998. is the pill no good?]." Feb. 9, 1999. liv Sheryl Wudunn. "Japan's Tale of Two Pills: Viagra xxxviii Asahi Shinbun, "Piru to baiagura Ninka supiido no and Birth Control." The New York Times, April 27, 1999. chigai [The pill and Viagra – differences in approval lv The Daily Yomiuri. "Ministry says two died after taking speed]," January 16, 1999; Itoi 1999; Kitamura 1999. Viagra." August 31, 1998. xxxix Peter D. Weinberg, et al. "Legal, Financial, and lvi Goto, Reich, and Aitken 1999; Hollander 2006; Evy Public Health Consequences of HIV Contamination of F. McElmeel, "Legalization of the Birth Control Pill in Blood and Blood Products in the 1980s and 1990s." Japan Will Reduce Reliance on Abortion as the Primary Annals of Internal Medicine 136, no. 4 (2002): 313. Method of Birth Control," Pacific Rim Law & Policy xl Weinberg, et al. 2002. Journal 8, no. 3 (1999); Norgren 2001. xli Andrew Pollack. "Japan Arrests Doctor in Case Of REFERENCES Bad Blood." The New York Times, Aug. 30, 1996. Asahi Shinbun. "‘Eizu taisaku kyouka o’ Piru kaikin mondai de koushuueiseishinbukai [‘Towards xlii Eric A. Feldman. "Blood Justice: Courts, Conflict, strengthening AIDS countermeasures’ – The pill and Compensation in Japan, France, and the United approval problem at the Public Health Council]." June States." Law & Society Review 34, no. 3 (2000): 651-701. 17, 1997. xliii Kitamura 1999. —. "‘Piru shounin’ni kitai to fuan Josei dantai ga raigetsu touronkai [Anticipation and anxiety

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! for ‘pill approval’ – Women’s group panel discussion Hasegawa, Mina. "Japan ends holdout on next month]." June 28, 1997. birth-control pill; Women Applaud Move But Fears Remain." The Nikkei Weekly, June 7, 1999. —. "Piru kaikin to eizu no yobou Inoue Sakae [Lifting the pill ban and AIDS prevention – Inoue Hollander, Ilyssa. "Viagra’s rise above Sakae]." Sept. 21, 1998. women’s health issues: An analysis of the social and political influences on drug approvals in the United —. "Piru no sentaku wa josei no kenri Kato States and Japan." Social Science & Medicine 62 (2006): Shizue [The choice of the pill is a woman’s right – Kato 683–693. Shizue]." Oct.7, 1998. Itoi, Kay. "The Great Viagra Emergency." —. "Sekai yuiitsu ‘piru sakoku’ Nippon no Newsweek (Pacific Edition), Feb. 8, 1999. musekinin [Unique in the world ‘pill isolation:’ Japan’s irresponsibility]." Dec. 21, 1998. Jitsukawa, Mariko, and Carl Djerassi. "Birth Control in Japan: Realities and Prognosis." Science 265 —. "Piru to baiagura Ninka supiido no chigai (1994): 1048-1051. [The pill and Viagra – differences in approval speed]." Jan. 16, 1999. Kitamura, Kunio. "The Pill in Japan: Will Approval Ever Come?" Family Planning Perspectives 31, no. —. "Anzen na hininyaku, hayaku Baiagura wa 1 (1999): 44-45. 6kagetsu de shounin, piru 9nenkan shingichuu [A safe contraceptive, quickly – Viagra approved in 6 months, Mainichi Shinbun. "Piru souki ‘kaikin’ o pill deliberations for 9 years]." Jan. 30, 1999. Koushou ni kyou youbousho – Sankafujinkagakkai nado 4dantai [Petition today for an early lift of the ‘pill ban’ – —. "Baiagura shounin ni hisomu nijuukijun 4 organizations, the Association of Obstetricians and [The double standard lurking in Viagra approval]." Feb. Gynecologists etc.]." May 12, 1993. 1, 1999. —. "Piru, rainen 3getsu ni mo kaikin Ashino, Yuriko. "Long wait for birth control Hininyou no teiyouryou - - Chuuouyakujishinchousakai pills." Japan Quarterly 46, no. 4 (1999): 86-91. [Lifting the pill ban next March Low dosage for contraception – Central Pharmaceutical Affairs Coleman, Samuel. Family Planning in Japanese Investigation Council]." Sept. 18, 1995. Society: Traditional Birth Control in a Modern Urban Culture. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983. —. "Piru kaikin, 5gatsu ikou ni Seikansenshou kenenshi jikai ni mochikoshi – The Daily Yomiuri. "Ministry says two died Yakujishingikai [Lifting the pill ban, not until May at after taking Viagra." Aug. 31, 1998. least Concern about sexually transmitted diseases, to be carried over to the next time – Pharmaceutical Advisory Djerassi, Carl. "The Politics of Contraception: Council]." Feb. 26, 1997. The View from Tokyo." Technology in Society 9 (1987): 157-161. —. "Konmeisuru piru kaikin Anzen, yuuyousei wa kakunin zumi [Lifting the pill ban in Feldman, Eric A. "Blood Justice: Courts, turmoil – Safety, effectiveness already confirmed]." July Conflict, and Compensation in Japan, France, and the 2, 1997. United States." Law & Society Review 34, no. 3 (2000): 651-701. —. "Piru kaikin, 98nen ni zurekomika Fukuyougo no doukou o chousa e - - Yakujishingikai Fukuda, Takehiro. "Drug houses readying for [Lifting the pill ban, delayed until 1998? Toward an legalized 'Pill'." The Japan Economic Journal, October 13, investigation of the aftereffects of the medication - - 1990. Pharmaceutical Advisory Council]." Aug. 13, 1997.

Furuta, Aya. "Latest attack on the pill comes Mainichi Shinbunsha Jinkō Mondai Chōsakai, from environmental groups; Doctors, Activists Bemoan ed. Chō shōshika jidai no kazoku ishiki [Changing family Setback In Birth-Control Battle." The Nikkei Weekly, July norms among Japanese women in an era of lowest-low fertility]. 13, 1998. Tokyo: Mainichi Shinbunsha, 2005.

Goto, Aya, Michael R. Reich, and Iain Aitken. Marks, Lara V. Sexual Chemistry: A History of the "Oral Contraceptives and Women's Health in Japan." Contraceptive Pill. New Haven: Yale University Press, Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) 282, no. 2001. 22 (1999): 2173-2177. McElmeel, Evy F. "Legalization of the Birth Control Pill in Japan Will Reduce Reliance on Abortion

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Nakamura, Miyuki. "Japan still finds the pill hard to swallow; Kan's Remark Reignites Debate Over Legalizing Low-Dose Contraceptive." The Nikkei Weekly, Oct. 21, 1996.

Norgren, Tiana. Abortion before Birth Control: The Politics of Reproduction in Postwar Japan. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001.

Pollack, Andrew. "Japan Arrests Doctor in Case Of Bad Blood." The New York Times, Aug. 30, 1996.

Saeki, Yuzo. "Japan appears ready to end ban on pill for contraceptive; Reservations Remain As Threat Of AIDS Grows Globally ." The Nikkei Weekly, March 7, 1992.

Weinberg, Peter D.; Hounshell, Jennie; Sherman, Laurence A.; Godwin, John; Ali, Shirin; Tomori, Cecilia; Bennett, Charles L.. "Legal, Financial, and Public Health Consequences of HIV Contamination of Blood and Blood Products in the 1980s and 1990s." Annals of Internal Medicine 136, no. 4 (2002): 312-319.

Wudunn, Sheryl. "Japan's Tale of Two Pills: Viagra and Birth Control." The New York Times, April 27, 1999.

Yamauchi, Masaya. "Japan to lift ban on oral contraception." British Medical Journal 303 (1991): 1157.

Yomiuri Shinbun. "Piru kaikin, oohaba sakiokuri / Yakujishingikai [Large-scale postponement of pill approval/Pharmaceutical Advisory Council]." March 3, 1998.

—. "Sanfujinkai Horiguchi Masako san Piru ‘kaikin’ no tame ni [Ob-gyn Horiguchi Masako For the sake of lifting the ‘pill ban’]. " Oct. 26, 1998.

—."‘Baiagura’ supiido shounin Naze ‘piru’ wa dame na no ka [Viagra’s speed approval – Why is the pill no good?]." Feb. 9, 1999.

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 56!

POLITICS OF IDEOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT: Case Study of Post-Transition China and North Korea Soomin Oh Columbia University

ABSTRACT North Korea and China became communist countries at similar periods in Why did North Korea and China history. North Korea was established as a follow different paths of political communist country in 1948 at the time of development, as indicated by their its birth, and China transitioned to ideological development in the 1950s? communism in 1949 after a lengthy civil North Korea, with its Juche ideology, war. Both countries were nominally based followed a path of independence from the on the principles of Marxism-Leninism at Soviet Union and China, whereas China, the time, and went through the process of with its “lean to one side” policy, followed ideological development or “localization.” a path of integration with the communist Curiously, North Korea adopted a path bloc. This is not coherent with our that led to its independence and isolation expectations: we would expect North in the international community, including Korea to integrate with the communist the communist bloc, by developing a bloc, against the threat of the foreign “uniquely Korean” interpretation of imperialists, i.e. the United States and Marxism-Leninism called Juche, whereas China, to follow an independent trajectory China adopted a path that led to an as a relatively large power with control integration of the country into the over its population. This paper examines communist bloc, by leaning toward the the politics of ideological development in Soviet model of development. This paper the two countries to explain the different explores the curious fate of North Korea’s outcomes. The analysis shows that North political development. Why did North Korea’s lack of control over domestic Korea, a newly built nation, choose a path power and high leverage of foreign of ideology that led to isolation whereas powers in its internal affairs contributed China chose a path that led to integration to its isolation. In short, North Korea’s into the international community? isolation was an attempt to assert control To explain these diverging over domestic politics and exert its trajectories of ideological development, I sovereignty. China, with a popular base in focus on the independent variables of the peasants and control over foreign isolation or integration into the relations, could instead follow a path of international system, and two dependent integration to reap the benefits from variables. The first is the power base of alliance. the regime, which I divide into peasants, the proletariat, and party elites. The I. INTRODUCTION regime’s relationship with its power base indicates the leadership’s control over PUZZLE major sources of support. The second dependent variable is the country’s foreign relations and its relative power position

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 57! among regional powers. The greater the ideology. However, such an explanation difference in the country’s position of would not explain why the ideology is power relative to regional powers, the adopted and indigenized. Political more likely it is to follow an independent psychologists’ explanations would instead path of development. focus on the role of the leader and his I hypothesize that the North perception, but this would portray the Korean trajectory of ideological ideology as the result of one leader’s development is due to the lack of a power opinions. Instead, I try to explore the base in the domestic sphere and relative question from a structural perspective by weakness among regional powers. China’s taking into account the domestic political trajectory, on the other hand, is based on structure as well as the international the shift in the power base from peasants political system. to workers in the domestic sphere, and on the country’s need to establish alliances LITERATURE REVIEW with the Soviet Union in the wake of the Cold War. The study of international I take a comparative case study influence on domestic politics has approach, which has four parts, in primarily interested the international examining North Korea and China. First, relations scholar, such as Peter I examine the historical context of the Gourevitch in “The Second Image transition to communism. Second, I Reversed.”[i] Gourevitch shows that the examine different factions within the international political environment and regime and the reason for the victory of domestic politics are related by discussing the winning faction in each country. This the mechanisms through which the section illustrates how the domestic power former influences the latter. Other recent base influences ideological development. scholars who discuss the relationship Third, I examine foreign relations and between international politics and power positions of the countries in domestic politics and structure include relations to the other major powers, Owen, Cooley and Spruyt.[ii] However, namely the Soviet Union and the United the literature has predominantly dealt with States. After examining these two cases, I the supply side of this relationship, i.e. a analyze their similarities and differences systematic understanding of how the and extract a common mechanism for international influence works, and has ideological localization. largely ignored the influence of domestic This study of ideological interests in accepting international development in North Korea and China structure or politics. Comparativists such would contribute to the study of political as William Easterly, Steve Levitsky and development by showing the different Lucan Way have dealt with the issue from structural mechanisms at work in the a regime transition perspective. Easterly countries’ ideological development, an discusses how foreign influence from understudied area in comparative politics either a democratic or an authoritarian and international relations. On the other power affects the level of in a hand, there are alternative explanations to country.[iii] Levitsky and Way show how explaining the trajectory of the Western linkage facilitates, as opposed to localization of ideology. For instance, the leveraging, a regime’s transition to Realist explanation would focus on the democracy.[iv] However, there has not yet change in balance of power that leads to been a systematic study of how domestic the promotion of a certain political agents perceive external influence and

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 58! how internal politics affect the way they natural candidate was Sun Yat-sen’s react to international structure and Kuomintang (KMT), then a fairly politics. While such literature exists in the disorganized revolutionary group found field of history, historical analyses of on the ideology of Three People’s international influence on domestic Principles—Nationalism, People’s politics lack external validity and are or Democracy, and People’s largely descriptive than explanatory. This Livelihood.[viii] As it became clear that paper, therefore, contributes to both the the main vehicle through which Soviet literature on international relations as well Union would influence China was the as comparative politics through its analysis KMT, the Chinese Communists began to of the demand side of international join KMT instead of the Chinese influence. Communist Party, which had already been established in 1921. The Sun-Joffe II. FINDINGS agreement was signed in 1923, and the Chinese Communists were “well on the CASE STUDY 1: CHINA road to forming a Bolshevik faction” HISTORICAL CONTEXT within KMT.[ix] It was during this decade of KMT-CCP collaboration and split that Marxism-Leninism in China has the different factions in CCP emerged. historical roots from the early 1900s with a widespread interest in . FRACTIONS WITHIN CHINESE Chinese students in and Tokyo were COMMUNIST PARTY drawn to the theories of Proudhon, Bakunin, and Kropotkin that denounced Examination of the different all authority ranging from governments to factions in CCP that existed before Mao’s family. These students put forward ideas stance on communism became of egalitarianism and emancipation of mainstream is important in answering a women from the family bonds and number of questions: what were other peasantry from exploitation.[v] In 1920s, approaches to communism in China? Why when the Bolshevik Revolution had did they not fare? These questions were brought Leninism to China, radical study considered to be essential for Risse- groups formed by intellectuals Kappen in answering Gorbachev’s shift in proliferated. One of these intellectuals was foreign policy line to answer the question Li Dazhao, who was then a professor at of why a particular track of reform was Peking University and later became one of chosen when there were two other the two founders of the Chinese options.[x] Therefore, such questions Communist Party (CCP). Li had organized would in turn answer the question of why a Marxist study group in 1920.[vi] Maoism, not other interpretations, In addition to the preexisting basis became mainstream and determined the for Marxism-Leninism, there was also the path of Chinese revolution. supply of the ideology from Soviet Union. There seem to have been four The Bolsheviks, having recently won the identifiable factions in CCP during the Civil War, attempted to apply their period: Chen Duxiu’s “Right Wing” experience and perspectives to China.[vii] faction, Chü Chiu-pai’s “leftist” faction, Li Because Lenin wanted to work through an Li-san’s faction, and Mao’s faction. These existing “bourgeois” revolutionary four factions advocated different relations organization, as opposed to setting up a with the KMT and had different views on Soviet-based independent movement, the who should lead the revolution. I argue

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 59! that Maoism prevailed in the end because idea of Chü Chiu-pai leadership was that Mao was able to identify the power base KMT was still the vehicle to achieve the of the country: the peasants. Despite the revolution, yet CCP needed to win fact that the Soviet line of ideology hegemony within the KMT to win the emphasized the proletariat, Mao was more hegemony over the Chinese proletariat pragmatically oriented and appealed to itself and to organize the KMT into a those who constituted the majority of the genuine organization of the working class population, in order to gain support and of town and country. The fall of Chü’s loyalty for Mao’s ascendance to power. leadership came after the failure of The first faction was Chen Duxiu Canton Commune in December 1927, and the “Right Wing” faction. Chen was which was a Comintern-instigated urban one of the two founders of CCP, uprising under “the most unfavorable alongside Li Dazhao. Chen’s ideological conditions imaginable.”[xiii] Stalin sent stance can be inferred from his writings: two of his personal emissaries to Canton firstly, he was critical of the imperialistic to organize the uprising, because Stalin and militaristic aspects of KMT. He and the Comintern postulated a rising believed that national revolution should wave in China and thought that be “to overthrow imperialism and insufficient attention was paid to the militarism by the masses of all classes and urban centers. Despite the fact that Chü the liberation of our people—particularly leadership was not primarily responsible the workers and peasants.”[xi] Secondly, for the uprising, the responsibility of the his writings show distaste for the peasants. failure was placed on entirely on the Chen argued that the peasants’ culture central organs.[xiv] The failure of the level was low, their forces were scattered, uprising alongside the disintegration and that they inclined toward within the party due to Chü’s political . However, at the same time ineptness all added to his loss in power as Chen did recognize that the peasantry the leader, allowing Li Li-san faction to be could serve as a revolutionary supporting seated in power. Further, the failure force: “The peasantry constitutes the showed the faultiness of the claim of the overwhelming majority of the Chinese “rising wave” of revolution in China. people…if the Chinese revolution does The third strand of communism not enlist the peasants, it will be most was the Li Li-san faction. This faction was difficult for it to succeed as a great an outcome of a shift in line in national revolution.”[xii] Chen Duxiu’s Comintern’s strategies that took into line was what Mao somewhat takes after, account the particular local conditions and although as will be explained later, Mao the differences between advanced takes a more radical view on the role of capitalist countries and backward agrarian the peasants than Chen. countries, although still under the The second strand of communism worldwide Communist propaganda.[xv] in China is the Chü Chiu-pai faction, or This is because Comintern was no longer the “leftist” wing, which emerged with the able to continue the previous line after the rise of Chü Chiu-pai to the leadership of failures of Canton Commune. Comintern CCP in the August Seventh Emergency was thus more inclined to accept the Conference. This Emergency Conference “peasantist” minority within the CCP.[xvi] was held to reconsider the leadership of The Li Li-san faction was thus mandated Chen Duxiu, and confirmed CCP’s to complete the “agrarian” revolution, but alignment with the Comintern line of only under “proletarian hegemony.”[xvii] working within the frame of KMT. The This faction believed that CCP needed to

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 60! recapture its basis among the proletariat, In these three broad currents of because “only a proletarian mentality can factions within CCP, Mao Tse-tung was lead to correct revolutionary road.”[xviii] merely a side current. His interpretation of Despite the shift in line, the Li Li-san Marxism-Leninism can be seen in the faction still faced the indifference of the 1927 Hunan report, a seminal piece in the Chinese urban proletariat, and faced the Chinese communist revolution, although same fate as the Chü Chiu-pai faction. it cannot be taken as a complete The fall of the Li Li-san faction came with expression of Mao’s political thought a failure of another “leftist adventure”: since it deals with specific events and a Red Army’s attack on Changsha, the very limited subject.[xx] What is capital of Hunan province, in 1930. The highlighted in the Hunan Report is a main aim of this attack was to place revolutionary approach to Marxism- proletariat at the hegemony of the Leninism: placing the poor peasantry as movement. This meant that the Red the “revolutionary vanguard,” Mao Army, which consisted of peasants, was to highlights the revolutionary potential of take over a large city to place power in the the peasants. Based on the realities of hands of the proletariat. In addition to China—rural and peasant-based—Mao creating an inherent tension or argues, “without socialization of contradiction, this failed to arouse any agriculture, there will be no complete and working-class uprising.[xix] Li Li-san, at consolidated socialism.”[xxi] This is a the end, was convicted of putschism and radical departure from the previous disgraced. The Central Committee factions in CCP that placed utmost afterwards was to be controlled by a emphasis on the hegemony of the group called “twenty-eight Bolsheviks,” proletariat in leading the revolution, and i.e. loyalists to the Soviet Union and this shift can be interpreted as an attempt Comintern. at localizing Marxism-Leninism to The three factions within CCP are Chinese conditions—peasant-based characteristic in that each emphasized the agrarian country. While Mao had these leadership or the hegemony of the thoughts in 1926 and 1927, CCP was in a proletariat. Although each differed in the united front with KMT, and Mao’s specific strategies of achieving the peasant-based ideas could not be revolution—for example, within the tolerated. It was only when Mao became framework of the KMT or the framework head during the Jiangxi-Soviet Republic of agrarian revolution—in essence the period from 1931 that his ideas could be proletariat was to lead. This line in implemented.[xxii] thought was mostly due to the influence The two events that led to Mao’s of the Soviet Union and Comintern, victory in the civil war show that Mao which points to China’s lack of identified the power base correctly. First dominance over its own revolution. there was the Long March of 1934-1935, a Although each of the three factions period during which CCP tried to avoid occupied the leadership positions, the fall the pursuit of KMT at the same time as from power of the leader meant the end trying to find new territorial base outside of his interpretation of Marxism- the periphery of the power of KMT. The Leninism, for there was no mass support Long March, despite the losses in lives of for each of the three interpretations. CCP and Red Army, was crucial in helping Mao emerge as the new leader of MAO’S LINE OF THOUGHT CCP and to spread CCP ideas in the rural areas. The routes CCP and the Red Army

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 61! took during the Long March was on the Union; and lastly, the shift of emphasis periphery of China, reaching areas like from the “peasants” to the “masses.” I Ruijin, Guilin, Kunming and argue that this second phase of ideological Chengdu,[xxiii] and allowed CCP to gain development is motivated primarily by support from the peasants in the rural China’s need as a newly emerging peripheral areas. communist nation to establish alliances The second crucial event was the and to integrate into the communist bloc. Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945). To illustrate, the first evidence of The war brought KMT and CCP to halt the reversion to the original tenants of the fight to form a second united front Marxism-Leninism is in the 1945 against the Japanese invading forces. The Constitution of CCP: “The CCP takes the CCP tactic of guerilla warfare was theories of Marxism-Leninism and…the particularly successful in firstly, avoiding ideas of Mao Zedong as the guiding deaths of the members of CCP and the principles of all its work.”[xxviii] This Red Army and secondly, indirectly introduction to the Constitution suggests weakening KMT stationed in the cities that Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong where the major fights took place.[xxiv] Thought exist on equal plains, whereas The war against Japan was also useful for previously, only Mao Zedong Thought CCP in representing itself as the had been highlighted. Also, in Mao’s nationalist party,[xxv] with rhetoric such speech in commemoration of the twenty- as: “Exterminate the Traitor Peace eighth anniversary of the CCP in 1949, Preservation Committees! Comrades! Mao makes the argument that China Japan has invaded our Shansi… Rise up “must unite in common struggle with the and join a guerilla self-defense unit! Soviet Union, and to ally with the Overthrow Japanese imperialism!”[xxvi] proletariat and the broad masses in the As Skocpol explains, the ability of the people in other countries, to form an Communists to take advantage of the international united front.”[xxix] This same wartime conditions that debilitated clearly indicates a shift in Mao’s discourse the KMT depended upon their eventual that previously emphasized China as a success in combining nationalist appeals unique nation to China as a communist to potential educated recruits with nation. concrete responses to the interests of the Another main feature of the peasantry.[xxvii] second phase in ideological development is the shift in emphasis from the CHINA’S FOREIGN RELATIONS “peasants” to “masses.” Before the AND POSITION OF POWER revised version of the Constitution of 1945, the 1938 version still highlighted the There is a second phase of peasant class as a distinct class from the ideological development, which begins workers: “the tasks are to link the workers after Mao’s ascendance to the chairman of and peasants … by Communist the party in 1945. This phase can be propaganda and agitation … to discuss characterized as a reversion to the original their demands from the viewpoint of the tenants of Marxism-Leninism. The major revolutionary class struggle” (Article 18). features of the second phase of ideological There is a dichotomy of workers and the development are first, an increased peasants. In the revised version, it writes: incorporation of Marxism-Leninism in the “to unite the masses closely with the Party party ideology; second, an increased to carry on propaganda and organizational emphasis on the relations with the Soviet work among the masses with a view to

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 62! carrying out the Party programs and the transporting Nationalist armies to decisions of higher Party organs” (Article Manchurian cities and other parts of 52). There is a shift from the dichotomy North China.[xxxi] This intervention by between the peasants and the workers to the US on the anti-communist side was a the dichotomy between workers and the major threat in the eyes of CCP. Party. What this seems to indicate is a Meanwhile, the Soviet Union re- relative downplay on the unique role of equipped the CCP after the civil war with peasants in China’s communist discourse heavy weaponry in increasingly and bringing Party to the center. conventional and large-scale offensive Lastly, during Mao’s operations. According to Soviet sources, commemoration speech, he highlighted the Russians supplied more than 1,800 that the revolutionary struggle “needs the pieces of artillery and 700 tanks.[xxxii] leadership of the working class” because This was a clear incentive for CCP, which they are the “most far-sighted, just and was a new power in the country. unselfish and endowed with revolutionary Therefore, the logical trajectory was to thoroughness.”[xxx] This is a striking shift lean towards the Soviet side at the cost of from the 1927 Hunan Report during independence in order to ensure regime which Mao named the peasants as the survival. “vanguard of the revolution.” At least according to the documents, the peasants CASE STUDY 2: NORTH seem to have lost the priority in Mao’s KOREA[xxxiii] discourse. HISTORICAL CONTEXT The second phase of ideological development seems to be a logical North Korea is a product of response to China’s perception of threats Japanese decolonization and the and interests. The threat to China’s power occupation of the Korean Peninsula by and sovereignty came from the United the two Cold War axes — the US in the States and Japan, and the interests came South and the Soviet Union in the North. from the Soviet Union. First, the United The formal establishment of North Korea States had become an important factor in began in 1948 with its own election, and Chinese politics towards the end of the the North Korean Workers’ Party Second World War. The US wanted KMT emerged in 1949. With the power vacuum to move into the East Asian power formed after Japanese decolonization, vacuum that would be created by the fall socialists and nationalists within North of Japan. In the fall of 1945, soon after Korea formed provincial people’s the war with Japan has ended, the committees, before they were centralized Communist forces moved across North into a single party — the Korean China to compel the Japanese to Worker’s Party, headed by Kim Il Sung, surrender to them; the KMT reacted by who was previously involved in ordering the Japanese to fight off the communist guerrilla activities under the Communists and recover any territory umbrella of the Chinese Communist they had gained. In effect, the KMT made Party. use of Japan, the ex-imperialist aggressors, to fight off the social revolution. The FRACTIONS WITHIN THE KOREAN United States, following the example of WORKERS PARTY KMT, moved 53,000 US Marines into North China to hold Beijing and Tianjin The factions within the KWP against a possible Soviet incursion, while were, in essence, proxies for foreign

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 63! communist powers. There were four COMECON.[xxxvii] Essentially, the factions in the party during the period of Kapsan faction is in search of self- 1945-1956. First, the Soviet-Korean sufficiency and sovereign power, whereas faction, consisting of ethnic Koreans who the Soviet-Korean and Yenan factions are had lived and studied in the Soviet Union willing to become integrated into the and were sent to serve in administrative international economy regardless of self- positions in northern Korea after 1945. sufficiency. Second, the Yenan faction, made up of What seems to be characteristic of those Koreans who lived in China during the factions in KWP is that there were Japan’s colonial rule over Korea. Third, confrontations between Kim and the the South Korean domestic faction which leaders of each faction, but the debate was consisted of those who had survived primarily strategies to govern the party as Japanese repression in Korea and Japan opposed to their different interpretations and who were split into North and South of Marxism-Leninism and the policy factions at that time. Lastly, the Kapsan implications. For example, in Kim’s faction, made up of former anti-Japanese confrontation with Hǒ Ka-I, the highest- guerilla fighters.[xxxiv] Even by the ranking Soviet-Korean, the issue was over numbers, one is able to see that the how to reorganize the tattered party and Kapsan faction, to which Kim Il Sung how to handle party members who were belonged, was not very significant; in the not completely loyal. Kim argued that the Standing Committee of KWP, it held 2 war had distinguished the loyal from out of 13 seats; in the Central Committee disloyal, and that appropriate steps should in general, 4 out of 43 seats.[xxxv] be taken to punish the disloyal regardless Nevertheless, it was through the Soviet of their position in the party. The party, Union that Kim Il Sung of the Kapsan Kim argued, should be magnanimous to faction was installed as North Korea’s the lower ranking members and avoid premier and chairman of the KWP. indiscriminate purges, and Hŏ was to Although there is a lack of carry out these orders. Hŏ, however, did evidence in regards to the specific debates exactly the opposite of what Kim had told amongst the factions, there is a general him to do: he conducted indiscriminate sense of the contents of the dispute. In purges of lower ranking members and general, the Soviet-Korean faction and the punished 450,000 of the 600,000 members Yenan faction had a propensity to try to of the party. Another example of the “replicate developments in the Soviet and dispute between the Soviet-Korean Chinese parties,” respectively, and a faction and Kim Il Sung regards the willingness to “violate the principle of organization of the party, on whether to democratic centralism to ensure that these build an elite Communist party in the style foreign experiences be imitated.”[xxxvi] of the Soviet Union or a mass party, as the As for the development models, Kim Il Soviet authorities had taught Kim to do. Sung’s Kapsan faction advocated for the Kim said later that Hŏ had argued for an “Stalin-inspired heavy industry at the elite party of fewer than 60,000 members; expense of light industry and consumer Kim argued that Korea must build a mass goods,” whereas the Soviet-Korean party in order to suit the unique faction and the Yenan faction encouraged characteristics of North Korea. The result the development of light industry and of a series of confrontations between Hŏ consumer durables and supported North and Kim was the expulsion of Hŏ from Korea’s further integration into the the party.[xxxviii] international division of labor through

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world system and seriously attempted to JUCHE IDEOLOGY construct an independent, self-contained economy. Bruce Cumings argues North Kim Il Sung’s own interpretation Korea to be “the most autarkic industrial of Marxism-Leninism — Juche ideology economy in the world.” Evidence to — was able to emerge after the support his claim is that North Korea elimination of factions within the KWP in never joined COMECON, the socialist August 1956. With the emergence of de- would-be common market. The second Stalinization in the Soviet Union, there characteristic of Juche ideology is was a burgeoning critical sentiment sovereignty and anti-imperialism. Kim amongst the domestic factions against declared Juche to be an “indigenous Kim Il Sung’s increasingly personalistic expression of Korean sovereignty and rule over the party. According to Lankov, autonomy.”[xlii] Kim was strongly critical Choe Chang Ik, who led the Yenan of imitation of foreign ways: “we are not faction, and Pak Chang Ok of the Soviet- engaged in any other country’s revolution, Korean faction “conspired to challenge but solely in the Korean revolution.” Kim and his authoritarian rule in favor of These criticisms and assertion of an a collective leadership and easing of the indigenous identity of Korean tightly controlled party machine.”[xxxix] communism as primarily directed against This was the first serious challenge to the political influence of the SU and Kim’s leadership. As a result, the Soviet- China, which is furthermore evident in his Koreans and the Yenan-Koreans were attempts to purge his political rivals, expelled from the party as “reactionary especially those in the Soviet and Chinese and anti-party elements.”[xl] By 1961, factions of the party. The last Kim Il Sung and his Kapsan faction had characteristic of Juche ideology is successfully eliminated all domestically corporatism. The society is viewed as one bred Communists from North and South big family, led by a benevolent father to and all the foreign-trained Communists whom unconditional respect and gratitude from Russia and China. Historians like are owed. The leader is revered like a Sungbo Kim argue that the purging of parent by the whole society—an idea that Yenan and Soviet factions within the party is likely to be rhetorically reminiscent of is an expression of North Korea’s Korea’s Neo-Confucian tradition.[xliii] determination to exclude foreign influence Juche is not a class-based ideology but in its domestic affairs and to walk the communitarian, and this is symbolically independent trajectory of development. evident in the symbol of the Worker’s The substantive expression of Party of Korea: hammer, sickle, and North Korea’s determination to walk an calligraphy brush, which represent the independent trajectory is shown in Kim Il working intellectual. Sung’s Juche ideology. Juche ideology officially appears in the North Korean NORTH KOREA’S FOREIGN Workers’ Party in 1955 in Kim’s speech to RELATIONS AND POSITION OF party propagandists and agitators entitled POWER “On eliminating dogmatism and formalism and establishing Juche in Historians argue that Juche ideological work.”[xli] The major ideology was a reaction to the foreign characteristics of Juche ideology are first, pressure from the Soviet Union and China economic self-reliance. North Korea to exert influence on North Korea. North consciously withdrew from the capitalist Korea, threatened by foreign interference,

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 65! decided to follow a path of independent China and North Korea is that the Soviet development in all aspects of politics, Union had deeply penetrated into North economy and foreign relations. Taking Korea physically and substantively, with this a step further, I wish to examine in the presence of the Soviet faction in the this section the details of foreign pressure center of the government and with the on North Korea to the extent that North presence of Soviet forces in North Korea decided to follow an independent Hamgyeong Province. path. Second, North Korea’s status as a First, North Korea’s foreign postcolonial nation is another important relations with the Soviet Union are a point in its decision to follow the crucial element. Based on a deep-rooted trajectory of independent development. relationship from before the construction Socialism with a nationalistic character of the country, the Soviet Union exerted that appealed to African nations such as influence over North Korea. The Soviet Tanzania after their decolonization from Union interfered in the construction of the Western powers. The prospect of a the people’s committees in the regions, centralized regime after a power vacuum arguing that there should be an equal in addition to the emphasis on the representation of socialists and noninterference of foreign powers with nationalists, in the fear that nationalism the nationalist element must have would threaten their presence in North appealed to North Korea and the African Korea. Further, when the Chosun nations equally. This logic is based Independence Alliance, an anti-Japanese fundamentally on the element of military alliance, came back to Korea with perception of threat. With a stark power a volunteer army, the Soviet Union argued balance between a newly built nation of that there cannot be a military when there North Korea relative to its regional is no nation and forcefully demilitarized powers, especially the Soviet Union and them. Even after the creation of the China, North Korea naturally felt North Korean nation, the Soviet Union threatened by both countries’ attempts to interfered in the domestic affairs of the exert influence on the country. In state. In 1955, when the North Korean addition, the Sino-Soviet split that began economy went down a slope, the Soviet in the 1950s and 1960s exacerbated the Union decided to actively engage in North dichotomy of the influence; unable to Korea. Conflicting with the support from choose either one of the powers, North China, the Soviet Union pressured North Korea naturally chose to follow a Korea to change its economic policies nationalistic path. fundamentally. Also, China increased its leverage in North Korea after the Korean III. LESSONS FROM THE TWO War. There were over 100,000 Chinese CASES AND CONCLUSION troops in North Korea even after the Korean War, exerting a physical presence The examination of the two in the country. cases of the politics of ideological Although China also went through development in China and North Korea a period of Soviet influence in its show that the two variables, control over domestic affairs, such as a Soviet domestic power base and the country’s provision of armed forces for the foreign relations, are proxies to examine improvement of Chinese army in the the extent to which the leadership had aftermath of the second Sino-Japanese control over the domestic politics and War, the fundamental difference between foreign relations of the country. As for

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 66! domestic control, Mao was able to locate !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! the power base of the nation, the [i] Peter Gourevitch. “The Second Image Reversed: The International Sources of Domestic Politics.” peasants, and strategically appeal to them International Organization 32 (4) (1978): 884-912. for support. North Korea, on the other hand, had a diffused power base, for it [ii] John M. Owen, Clash of Ideas in World Politics: Transnational Networks, States and Regime Change was only a newly built nation without a 1510-2010 (Princeton University Press, 2012); Alexander prominent class to which it could appeal. Cooley and Hendrik Spruyt. Contracting States: All politics had been managed within the Sovereign Transfers in International Relation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009) central committees, and factionalism within the central committees of the party [iii] William Easterly, Satyaniah Shanker, and Daniel led to a major threat to North Korean Berger, “Superpower Interventions and their Consequences for Democracy: An Empirical Inquiry” leadership. The second variable is the Working Paper, New York University (2008) country’s foreign relations. As Easterly et al. show, the foreign interference in the [iv] Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, “International Linkage and Democratization.” Journal of Democracy. nation is shown to have adverse affects, 16 (3) (2005): 20-34 regardless of whether the foreign power is an ally or an adversary.[xliv] The crucial [v] John Fairbank, China: A New History, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), 275 difference between China and North Korea was the balance of power in East [vi] Ibid, 276 Asia. North Korea was a newly built [vii] Richard Thorton, China: A Political History, 1917- nation with a need to exert national 1980, (Boulder: Westview Press, 1973), 4 sovereignty on the international scale as well as legitimacy on domestic scale, [viii] Ibid,281 whereas the CCP had come to power [ix] Ibid, 7 through a civil war, defeating the KMT, so it had a power base within the country. [x] Thomas Risse-Kappen, “Ideas do not float freely: transnational coalitions, domestic structures, and the end This research does not stay in of the cold war,” International Organization. 48 (2) the realm of history and has important (1994): 185-214, 210 policy implications. In analyzing the way [xi] Benjamin Schwartz, Chinese communism and the rise of Mao (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, ideology developed with the change in 1964), 57 international situation, policymakers need to take into account that the strains on [xii] Ibid., 65 autocratic countries such as North Korea [xiii] Lucien Bianco, Origins of the Chinese Revolution, are highly likely to have detrimental 1915-1949 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1967), effects. Particularly in the case of North 69

Korea, the strains imposed on the regime [xiv] Schwartz, Chinese Communism, 108 through international sanctions, for example, are not likely to achieve the [xv] Ibid., 109 effects that the policymakers want, i.e. [xvi] Bianco, Origins, 70 North Korean concession on issues like human rights or the nuclear program, but [xvii] Schwartz, Chinese Communism, 127 are likely to consolidate North Korea’s [xviii] Ibid., 137 rhetoric on self-dependence and anti- imperialism. Therefore, this study would [xix] Bianco, Origins, 70 function as a warning against hostile i [xx] Brant, 77 policies towards rogue regimes.

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! [xxi][xxi] Mao, quoted in Conrad Brandt, A [xxxvii] Ibid., 448 Documentary History of Communism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952), 80 [xxxviii] Tai Sung An, North Korea in Transition: From Dictatorship to Dynasty (Connecticut: Greenwood [xxii] Fairbank, China, 304 Press, 1983), 123-126

[xxiii] Refer to map, Ibid., 307 [xxxix] Suh, Dae-sook. Kim Il Sung: The North Korean Leader (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), [xxiv] Ibid., 312-316 150

[xxv] Small n, for Nationalist party represented the [xl] An, North Korea, 19 KMT [xli] Kim, Il Sung, Kim Il Sung, Selected Works [xxvi] Chalmers Johnson, Peasant Nationalism and (Pyongyang: Foreign Languages Publishing House, Communist Power: The Emergence of Revolutionary 1971), 582 China 1937-1945 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962), 4 [xlii] Eun Hee Shin, “The Sociopolitical Organism: The Religious Dimensions of Juche Philosophy.” In Buswell, [xxvii] Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolution: A Robert ed. In Religions of Korea in Practice (New Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2007), 217 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 256 [xliii] Bruce Cumings’ argument in his book is that [xxviii] CCP 1945, quoted in Brandt, A Documentary, North Korea’s Juche ideology is primarily based on 422 Neo-. Cumings, Bruce. Korea’s Place in the Sun: A Modern History (New York: W.W. Norton, [xxix] Mao 1949, quoted in Ibid., 449 1997)

[xxx] Ibid., 458 [xliv] Easterly, “Superpower,” 30

[xxxi] Fairbank, China, 328-337 REFERENCES

[xxxii] Thorton, China, 219-220 Acharya, Amitav. “How Ideas Spread: Whose Norms Matter? Norm Localization and [xxxiii] The sources on North Korea are by no means Institutional Change in Asian Regionalism.” comprehensive. Even the books written by the most International Organization 58 (2004): 239-275. prominent scholars in the field of North Korea need to An, Tai Sung, North Korea in Transition: be taken with a grain of salt; for example, An’s book From Dictatorship to Dynasty. Connecticut: takes a highly critical attitude towards the regime and Greenwood Press, 1983. when the time of its composition is taken into Bianco, Lucien, Origins of the Chinese account—1981, during the Cold War—such an attitude Revolution, 1915-1949. Stanford: Stanford is comprehensible, and one can say that An could have University Press, 1967. been subject to the Cold War paradigm. Although these Brandt, Conrad, A Documentary History political attitudes of the scholars may not hinder directly of Communism. Cambridge: Harvard University their account on the localization of the communist Press, 1952. ideology in North Korea, they may affect how the Checkel, Jeffrey, “Norms, Institutions, localization. Therefore, I try to examine as many sources and National Identity in Contemporary Europe.” available, and work with the primary documents International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 43, No. 1 published by the North Korean government on Kim Il (2009): 83-114. Sung’s sayings to decipher the validity of the scholars’ Cooley, Alexander and Hendrik Spruyt, examinations. Contracting States: Sovereign Transfers in [xxxiv] James F. Person, “New Evidence on North International Relation. Princeton: Princeton Korea in 1956.” Cold War International History Project University Press, 2009. Bulletin, Issue 16, 447 Cumings, Bruce, Korea’s Place in the Sun: A Modern History, New York: W.W. Norton, [xxxv] Andrei Lankov From Stalin to Kim Il Sung: The 1997. Formation of North Korea 1945-1960 (New Jersey: Easterly, William, “Superpower Rutgers University Press, 2002), 82 Interventions and their Consequences for Democracy: An Empirical Inquiry.” Working [xxxvi] James F. Person, “‘We Need Help from Paper. New York University (2008). Outside’: The North Korean Opposition Movement of Eckert, Carter et al., Korea Old and New: 1956,” CWIHP Working Paper 52, August 2006, 14 A History. Ilchokak Publishers, 1990. Fairbank, John, China: A New History.

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006. Gourevitch, Peter, “The Second Image Reversed: The International Sources of Domestic Politics.” International Organization. 32 (1978): 884-912. Johnson, Chalmers, Peasant Nationalism and Communist Power: The Emergence of Revolutionary China 1937-1945. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962. Kim, Il Sung, Kim Il Sung, Selected Works. Pyongyang: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1971. Lankov, Andrei, From Stalin to Kim Il Sung: The Formation of North Korea 1945-1960. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2002. Levitsky, Steve and Way, Lucan, “International Linkage and Democratization.” Journal of Democracy. 16 (2003): 20-34 Lowe, Donald, The Function of “China” in Marx, Lenin, and Mao. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. Owen, John, Clash of Ideas in World Politics: Transnational Networks, States and Regime Change 1510-2010. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2010. Person, James, “New Evidence on North Korea in 1956.” Cold War International History Project Bulletin, Issue 16. Person, James, 2006. “We Need Help from Outside’: The North Korean Opposition Movement of 1956,” CWIHP Working Paper 52. Risse-Kappen, Thomas. “Ideas do not float freely: transnational coalitions, domestic structures, and the end of the cold war.” International Organization. 48 (1994): 185-214. Thorton, Richard, China: A Political History, 1917-1980. Boulder: Westview Press, 1973. Schwartz, Benjamin, Chinese communism and the rise of Mao. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964. Shin, Eun Hee, “The Sociopolitical Organism: The Religious Dimensions of Juche Philosophy.” In Buswell, Robert ed., In Religions of Korea in Practice. Princeton University Press, 2007. Skocpol, Theda, States and Social Revoultion: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979. Suh, Dae-sook, Kim Il Sung: The North Korean Leader. New York: Columbia University Press, 1988. !

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A TEMPORARY RELEASE FROM REGULATION: Geographical and Social Movement During Japan’s Tokugawa Period Matthew Hayes Written while at University of Oregon Currently at University of California, Los Angeles

ABSTRACT I. INTRODUCTION

The Tokugawa period (1600-1868) It is commonly understood that a brought significant social, legislative, and new social order in Japan, which began its institutional change to Japan, including formation during the outset of the 17th peace and stability that pervaded much of century, was maintained by society's early modern society. Life in these new ideological adherence to stability, security, social conditions was experienced under and a collective obligation to political the authoritative and ideological influence authority. In stark distinction to the of the shogunal regime, which sought to atmosphere of provincial warfare and order society in a way reflective of instability that plagued Japan in prior administrative ideals. However, this article centuries, this new social order meant will offer a more nuanced picture of many things for the Japanese citizens Tokugawa religious life than is often living in dense urban areas such as Edo presented in scholarship, one in which and Ōsaka. Most notably, social change portions of society may have fluidly during this era meant a new relationship maneuvered within the boundaries of the shared between the governing body and hegemonic structure. While control over its people, one that can be represented as Tokugawa inhabitants existed to a certain a system of exchange involving the degree, three also appears to have been prospect of national progress and instances of geographical and social normalcy delivered by the shogunate on release from such control through the one hand, and the recognition of its engagement in religious pilgrimage and absolute sovereignty by society on the ritual. Practices such as these allowed other. In this way, Japanese society and its some citizens to move around and shogunal leader became bound together through the modes of confinement by promise and power, and the terms of established by authorities. This movement this exchange manifested as ideological, is indicated below through a consideration material, and geo-political shifts meant to of customs particular to each practice, unify the country. while the inclusion of contemporary ritual Ideological shifts took place theory helps to illuminate such a release insofar as citizens, under the rule of the from regulation. It is hoped that social new shogun , were made and religious complexities such as these to adjust to new economic pressures that come to be further studied in a future were exerted at the threshold of early approaches to Tokugawa religious history. modernity. Japan was no longer a country pulled in opposing directions by clan disputes or contending claims to lineal authority. Instead, it was unified through

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 70! the political legitimacy of a single military The early modern period was not government that sought to homogenize its the first instance in Japan’s history people in an effort to establish a definitive wherein ideology and religion became identity as a leading country and economic bound to one another. As Michael Como force. This becomes clear when we has shown, in the seventh and eighth consider the rapid development of centuries Buddhist lineal authority and extensive maritime routes that began to immigrant kinship conferred by court commercially network important areas of literati helped influential figures such as Europe and East and Southeast Asia. As Prince Shōtoku emerge as figureheads of surrounding countries began to rise to the Buddhism, able to establish and forefront in trade and exportation, Japan contribute early on to its place within also felt an obligation to lead the way Japanese culture and identity. ii Ancestry toward economic ideals newly redefined and lineage thereafter not only became a by the early modern era. In order to permanent feature within the religious maneuver through these pressures as a imagination in Japan, but also became the single entity, the country first had to be source of authoritative political power for brought together by an ideology founded the Buddhist adherents stationed in on the political legitimacy of its ruling government. In this way, as a religious shogun, and it was necessary that this tradition recognized as having a necessary authority be conferred as something role in cultural, social, and political wholly righteous and fundamentally change, Tokugawa era Buddhism had different from previous regimes. The already held within it the considerable Tokugawa represented a force that power of ties to political legitimacy. In differed greatly from the military might that sense, the changes wrought by the exhibited by past bastions of power, and Tokugawa administration were more indeed held far more potential for evolutionary than revolutionary, but they conditioned social change. With regard to were significant nonetheless. this transfiguration of power, Herman The material and geo-political Ooms suggests that “a discourse was unification of the country became a spun, a conceptual cocoon in whose dark necessary byproduct of the new this center power could hide from view. Thus Tokugawa ideology that pervaded society. power came to be accepted almost After all, the stratification of society and unknowingly, because it had found a way the restrictions placed on its movement to maintain itself behind a new symbolic were made possible only after such language that gave it legitimacy.” i This ideological power had gained a foothold symbolic language, which manifested as in the mind of the public. These changes an underlying ideology of social tangibly reinforced concepts of stability, formation, group identity, and religious security, and order to such a degree that homogeneity that pervaded social the difficulty of physical movement within consciousness, will be shown to have held society became a notable characteristic of the most potent influence for the Tokugawa social order. For instance, the Tokugawa shogunate. Furthermore, the establishment of permanent castle towns social misrecognition of this appeal to an as central urban hubs meant an influx of ideological expression of power, toward people of all sorts, which gave rise to a which Herman Ooms gestures, is precisely degree of commerce and mercantilism what enabled the legitimization of such never before seen in Japan. Shogunal stifling assertions of authority by the favor toward this economic productivity, bakufu.

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 71! as well as the establishment of guilds, fluidity. What we will see is that the forms religious confraternities, and other social and functions of movement during this groups, placed greater importance on the era were more varied than is often four-tier class system that further stratified assumed. That is, there are parameters of society. This was realized most vividly in social and ritual logic and praxis, with Edo, where merchant, entertainment, and their attendant dynamics of hierarchy and warrior “districts” became clearly equality, individuality and collectivity, and delineated. More drastic efforts at the loss and accrual of capital in all realms restriction involved the establishment of of human activity: emotional, social, the danka system, which gave rise to economic, material, and so forth. A obligatory religious affiliation with a deeper consideration of these components Buddhist temple, and allowed for a degree brings into relief the complexities that of religious surveillance by temple monks existed within the relationship between newly endowed with the administrative the Tokugawa bakufu and its subjects, responsibility of conducting censuses and some of which may be contrary to certifying temple-householder assumption. In comparing the somatic relationships. iii While these social and movement through a confining physical religious delineations may appear to have space on the one hand with movement separated rather than unified the Japanese through a conceptual, social space on the people, it was actually the greater other, we are presented with important emphasis on contributive social roles, issues concerning identity, coercion, group identity, and the importance of confrontation, and the power of proximity in obligatory temple registration economic and ideological concerns. These that spatially tied together the religious two types of movement and their patron, temple, and the economic urban surrounding issues beg to be addressed center. Thus, the Tokugawa period is with the hope of revealing a more often assumed to be a time of suppressive complex layer of Tokugawa social and stability. On the one hand, the bakufu was religious history. able to wield stifling institutional power in maintaining social order. On the other II. THE TOKUGAWA TRAVEL hand, while the Japanese population EXPERIENCE enjoyed this new atmosphere of security and relative peace, it did so with neither The physical movement that the ease of physical mobility throughout occurred during the Tokugawa period the country nor the possibility of social serves to illustrate a unique type of mobility within a hierarchical, hegemonic passage through the restrictive measures social structure. put into place by the bakufu. Physical However, while the period is often movement may be considered more of a described as a time of rigid confinement, striking representation of hegemonic which indeed may have existed under the transcendence than social movement, as veil of order and stability, the situation the efforts called for bodily exertion and was much more complex and begs further physical risk. As we will see, the stakes in considerations of the varying types and this type of movement involved real degrees of movement that occurred in physical demands, necessitated a Tokugawa society. Just as Japanese willingness to temporarily abandon the citizens may have endured degrees of comforts of sedentary life, and confronted physical and social confinement, there the individual with visceral realities of also appears to have been some degree of early modern travel. Furthermore, much

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 72! can be said generally about acts of women and peasants. Peasants were physical movement during this period in required to find a guarantor to sign a that they allowed for a temporary permit request form, which was then redefinition of spatial realities and a taken to the village head or elder who reconstruction of identity for a sedentary would act as a second guarantor. The citizen on the move; the assertion of the form was then presented to the Senior body through highly regulated space was Village Headman who would need to as much a physical endeavor as it was a endorse the form before forwarding it to transformative experience for the traveler. the proper magistrate, depending on the The trend of movement that is most village location. In a similarly cumbersome revealing with regard to such procedure, women were required to reconstructions and redefinitions, and that report to certain issuers for a more which allowed for passageways through an scrutinizing approval process, which otherwise obstructed route of travel, was involved the collection of highly detailed the religious pilgrimage. information for the permit itself. Unlike The development of the five- permits issued to males, those issued to highway system (gokaidō) during the 17th females were required to provide such century effectively networked the main details as rank, marital status, hair length, urban hubs of early modern Japan, and age, mental health, and visible wounds or created “arms and legs” for the realm in other markings.v that it expanded power asserted over Once a citizen was able to acquire certain domains, controlled foreign policy, the necessary permits for travel along this allowed the bakufu to more easily oversee new road system, other issues continued daimyo disputes, and enabled alternate to make movement difficult and attendance. iv After construction of the unpredictable. Particularly, the system began in 1601, movement for the experiences that awaited the traveler at Tokugawa administration became much post stations (sekisho) along the roads were easier. Whether it involved movements of notably distressing. Here, all travelers with martial forces or officials, or the the intention of passing through these conveyance of communications, the five- stations were required to submit to an highway system enabled the bakufu to inspection of their belongings and a control the realm with better efficiency confirmation of identity. Constantine and greater breadth. Conversely, the Vaporis illustrates the intimidation and development of such extensive road fear that surrounded these post stations, a systems did not carry the same symbolic reminder of the reach of the opportunity for ease of movement for the shogunate outside of Edo. Travelers average Tokugawa citizen. For example, “ordinarily would be flanked by two foot all potential travelers in the Tokugawa era soldiers carrying staves. Walking past were required to apply for a travel permit, them, he would see an edict board to his something that necessitated both time and right listing the regulations for passing money. In rural areas, an intendant issued through the sekisho ... [then] the traveler the travel permit, in bakufu cities the City would see a number of weapons displayed Magistrate, and in Edo the Keeper of Edo to impress with the authority of the Castle, the only individuals allowed to institution those who were about to face administer the proper permits for the officials at the sekisho.”vi An interview movement away from a major city. The to confirm one's identity and the process was quite involved, especially for authenticity of travel permits awaited in the Inspector’s Office, as well as a

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 73! physical examination for women. With administrative concerns over economic everything in order, and with the production overrode those of the religious compliance of the traveler, passage was individual. Accordingly, from the allowed, and the process repeated at each perspective of some Tokugawa of the 17 main post stations along the authorities, “those desirous of becoming busiest routes of the five-highway system. pilgrims were threatening the stable order Additionally, these posts were only open of human society. By abandoning their during certain hours, with exceptions proper tasks they were failing in their duty made only for official shogunate travelers, as human beings, flouting the moral way and thus provided the bakufu with the which it was part of their humanity to illusion of controlling not only space but follow.” viii Despite the administrative also time outside of Edo. vii Perhaps an discouragement of travel over economic unsurprising reflection of the bureaucratic concerns, the pace at which the process that so often functions in highly bureaucratic process operated in issuing regulated societies, the steps involved in expensive travel permits, and the acquiring a travel permit and setting out atmosphere of intimidation at post on the roads became time-consuming, stations during travel itself, we will see expensive, stressful, and sometimes that religious pilgrimage nonetheless frightening for the Tokugawa citizen. allowed for individuals and groups to Furthermore, aside from some of the physically move beyond these confines.ix overt appeals to fear by the bakufu in keeping travel well-ordered and regulated, III. INSTANCES OF it is also worth noting that movement was GEOGRAPHICAL MOVEMENT at times outright discouraged. As already mentioned, the early modern period According to Laura Nenzi, brought new pressures of economic nukemairi () is the phenomenon production from which naturally arose an of “stealing away on pilgrimage,” wherein emphasis on social contribution, especially the pilgrim practically dropped their from farmers and skilled laborers. If an farming tools or walked out of their shop individual or groups of individuals were to in order to embark on a spur of the leave for an extended period of time, moment religious journey. x Her simple production would see a decline in that explanation of this activity is particularly village or region, which meant less taxable interesting in light of the new Tokugawa product for the bakufu. social order for two reasons. First, the The discouragement of pilgrimage, spontaneity that surrounded the nukemairi which is outlined by Carmen Blacker in speaks directly to a seemingly urgent need her work on travel in the Tokugawa to embark on a religious journey, as if the period, illustrates a real contention shared individual was somehow lead outward on between society and its ruling body. From this sacred pilgrimage. Considering the the perspective of citizens, many thought burden of the bureaucratic process it necessary to commit to pilgrimage as a required before travel, as well as the religious practitioner despite the difficulties inherent to travel itself, this regulatory atmosphere surrounding spontaneity reveals a physical effort movement away from large urban areas. unbound by propriety and protocol. From the perspective of the bakufu, while Secondly, the fact that these individuals citizens may have appeared as traveling may very well have simply stopped what practitioners bound institutionally to a they were doing in order to embark on Buddhist temple by this time,

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 74! nukemairi illustrates a voluntary distancing together to their destination, receiving from their normal social duties and alms at stops along the way. Interestingly, obligations. Like spontaneity, this distance the cyclical nature of okagemairi, its between the individual and their relationship to village custom, as well as contributive social role represents a the highly numbered groups that temporary abandonment of the embarked on the pilgrimages may have all confinements of obligation, and is contributed to its success in helping exemplary of those very concerns over Tokugawa citizens to move beyond some economic production shared by the of the physical barriers put in place by the bakufu. In fact, the characteristics of bakufu. For instance, in certain local areas, nukemairi reveal an opportunity for one’s such as Aizu in Fukushima province, identity to be redefined in ways other than village custom decreed that boys and girls occupationally or economically. By make a 13th-year pilgrimage with a committing to an act of spontaneity and parental escort as a rite of passage into occupational distancing in the name of adulthood, signifying the start of the religious pilgrimage, the individual was child’s ability to contribute to their able to reassert certain dimensions of their village. xi Strikingly, it was during these identity that may have been dissolved in rites of passage, which often accompanied the name of social homogeneity. Through larger groups on an okagemairi pilgrimage, this bodily movement, individuals were that bakufu administrators turned a blind able to redefine themselves as religious eye to those without permits as they observers and travelers, not merely as passed the sekisho along the roads. This workers contributing to the larger may have occurred for a combination of economic or productive cause. In this reasons, but two stand out as being way, the temporary abandonment of a directly linked to the nature of okagemairi collective cause also reveals a reappraisal as a particular form of pilgrimage. First, of interests, in that spiritual pursuits held there was the practical difficulty of more importance for the individual than checking the sheer amount of permits that the economic concerns of society at large. may or may not have been carried by Moreover, they were able to resituate those embarked on a pilgrimage. themselves in parts of Japan’s landscape Constantine Vaporis cites one instance in that existed outside of sprawling castle 1705 at a sekisho in Hakone through which towns, undoubtedly a reminder of rural 33,000 people passed on the last day of lifestyles experienced by many before this the first month alone, noting that some period. Thus, spontaneous journeys were had permits while others did not.xii The as much reclamation of the autonomous importance of large numbers during power of the body as they were a okagemairi, whether a conscious effort on reimagining of what constitutes an behalf of the travelers or simply a natural individual in a hegemonic society. occurrence of the cyclical pattern of the While the majority of nukemairi pilgrimage, most certainly enabled a were endeavored by individuals or very degree of movement beyond the physical small groups, there were instances of mass fixtures and symbolic representations of pilgrimages undertaken by large groups, control and authority that dotted the main most of which ventured to Ise shrine. routes of the five-highway system. The These larger pilgrimages, or okagemairi ( second reason that travelers were largely ), often involved many individuals permitted passage during okagemairi may from the same village who traveled also have been due to the pilgrimage’s link to regional custom. It appears that some

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 75! domains were more reluctant to prohibit travelers. Moreover, okagemairi’s ties to their citizens from embarking on regional custom also allowed individuals okagemairi for fear of rising discontent to circumvent these barriers, as the among the populace, or “losing the hearts importance of rites of passage into of the people,” a likely occurrence should adulthood trumped those of preserving a customary rite of entrance into administrative protocol. Those who freely adulthood be challenged. xiii Similarly, undertook okagemairi in the name of the though perhaps less of an influence was 13th-year pilgrimage were able to do so the fact that the 13th-year pilgrimage also because keeping the “hearts of the meant the start of a child’s ability to people,” especially those who would properly contribute to society as a young commit to contributive social roles after adult; any impediment to necessary rites returning from the pilgrimage, became a of custom also meant an impediment to primary concern for many domain the propriety of filling future social roles. administrators. In this way, okagemairi, whether Since nukemairi appears as a more undertaken as an adult paying thanks to transgressive form of pilgrimage, in that it popular deities at sites such as Ise, or as a meant an unplanned departure from home young adult experiencing a local rite of and station without the permission of passage into adulthood, enabled citizens political authorities, this phenomenon to bypass the cumbersome and distressing more clearly captures a concerted effort to experiences at the sekisho as they left their circumvent the confines of Tokugawa urban center. social order. As mentioned earlier, the More notably, however, okagemairi spontaneous nature of the pilgrimage, as and nukemairi serve to show not only a well as the distancing between the physical movement beyond the barriers individual and their social role appear as that characterized Tokugawa travel, but two of the most telling characteristics of they also illustrate a redefinition of this form pilgrimage as a mode of identity for the sedentary citizen on the movement. For this reason, while move. In the case of okagemairi, its feature individuals willing to endeavor these of involving mass amounts of people spontaneous pilgrimages effected a more headed to the same location with a similar drastic redefinition of their own identity in purpose illustrates the inherent contention comparison to those of the okagemairi, between a citizen’s spiritual aspirations they were also redefined by certain social and the shogunate’s inability to practically groups and often marginalized for their deal with the difficulties of regulating seemingly selfish behavior. For instance, movement; the passage of tens of Nenzi points out that unauthorized thousands of people on that single day in pilgrimages were sometimes seen as “a Hakone shows that no matter how way for the underlings of society to enjoy streamlined a regulatory system may have a temporary respite from their toil,” and appeared, the sheer number of individuals those who committed to nukemairi were on a pilgrimage allowed the system to labeled as “escapists” or “non- break down. While the allowance of conformists.” xiv However, these pilgrims passage without a travel permit may also redefined themselves autonomously. appear as a trivial triumph for the They committed to the act of temporarily Tokugawa citizen, it is more broadly abandoning their social role, undoing the representational of a practical gap in a conceptual bonds that stratified and system that had been inadvertently ordered Tokugawa society; economic exposed by the effort of amassed religious implications aside, an individual who

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 76! abandoned their productive duties may gannin, or religious street performers, we have been seen as a challenge to authority find a group of people who were able to and a danger to the stability of early reside within the delineated social modern society in the eyes of the structure of Tokugawa Japan as religious administration. Nevertheless, whether devotees, entertainers, and ritualists, but nukemairi meant following a spontaneous who were also able to gain a degree of urge, simply finding “respite from their social movement within that framework. toil,” or was a conscious dismissal of Though this instance of movement does authority, it became a definitive not appear as an obvious effort to reclamation of selfhood for an individual. circumvent the confines of the bakufu as Similarly, whether okagemairi meant the was seen in nukemairi or okagemairi, it fulfillment of a regional custom or nonetheless provides another perspective individual spiritual desire, its particular from which to view social fluidity, and characteristics allowed pilgrims a degree may reveal further insight into of fluidity in an otherwise confining conceptions of group identity and social physical space. roles. In both of these types of The ritual theory of Catherine Bell pilgrimage we find religious desire to be at is particularly helpful in illuminating some their core. As Victor and Edith Turner of the complexities of social movement indicate, in religious pilgrimage there that we find in the case of the gannin, and occurs a movement “from a mundane serves to illustrate the way in which center to a sacred periphery which religious ritual may have helped this social suddenly, transiently, becomes central for group to transcend the boundaries of the individual, an axis mundi of his [or her] hegemonic society. In her work Ritual faith.”xv This spiritual impulse within the Theory, Ritual Practice, she outlines her individual, which leads them from the concept of “redemptive hegemony,” a center to the fringe, allows us to better theoretical model that can help to understand the type of redefinitions that illustrate the relationship shared between may have been effected for those who the gannin and the Tokugawa bakufu. In embarked on nukemairi and okagemairi. her model, individuals in a society may Though temporary, there occurred a ascend the hierarchy if able to strategically degree of transformation of social identity transmit the meaning and purpose of and a reconstruction of spatial realities; ritual, embody a “cultural sense of ritual,” with religious desire at its core, pilgrims and uphold the disposition necessary for were able to experience a release from the ritual socialization. At the same time, this physical confines of Tokugawa regulation. “redemptive” quality of an imposed social structure, which allows for some degree of IV. INSTANCES OF SOCIAL movement by the individual or group, also MOVEMENT grants its hegemonic source the ability to define, constrain, or empower the Along with instances of physical movement of those within the ritual mobility established amidst the regulatory system.xvi In Bell’s work, we are presented atmosphere of travel in Tokugawa Japan, with a model that outlines the delicate it is also interesting to consider the degree exchange of power shared between social to which a more conceptual movement groups and their ruling body, one that is occurred within the confines of an based on ritual embodiment and propriety ordered, hegemonic society. In Gerald but also on the interests of those at the Groemer’s historical accounts of the top of the hegemonic structure. Thus,

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 77! while the gannin will be shown to have pervaded Tokugawa society, able only to transcended the confines of hegemonic avoid arrest or the status of hinin (literally social delineations, the inherent “non-human”) by their loose affiliation misrecognition of the passage of power with religious temples or shrines. which Bell addresses in her theory, and However, the gannin did contribute which Ooms indicated was a “conceptual to society by providing a variety of cocoon in whose dark center power” lay religious services for Tokugawa citizens. hidden, existed as yet another vehicle for They offered Shintō services such as social order. hearth exorcisms, the sale of talismans, As we turn toward the gannin, it is and proxy water ablutions, but also first worth noting that they were offered Buddhist services such as the perceived as marginal members of society. recitation of Japanese Buddhist hymns, Like other mendicant or ascetic groups, the street-side chanting of litanies, prayers they made a livelihood by begging for or invocations, and the burning of alms, though also offered religious incense.xviii Through the variety of services services, entertainment, and sometimes offered, others of which were secular in sold amulets or talismans. What was nature and aimed at entertainment, the particular about the gannin in Tokugawa gannin indeed held a place in society as society was their appearance and behavior. figures that could potentially address the Many wore the most minimal of attire, spectrum of religious needs expressed by sometimes nothing but a headband and almost all people. However, perhaps the straw rope around their waist, while most beneficial service rendered by the others donned illegal facial coverings, gannin was the proxy pilgrimage; sponsors outlandishly tall, stilt-like clogs, or were able to avoid the hardships wooden buckets balanced as hats on their associated with travel, but reap the heads. While some regularly wore this spiritual rewards of paying thanks at eccentric clothing, others still wore sacred temples and shrines that populated Buddhist garments, Shintō costumes, and areas outside of Edo and Ōsaka. This other religious garb, oftentimes service began like any other, as the gannin interchanging them all. Behaviorally, the walked the streets shaking a bell to attract gannin stood out in a crowd. They chanted the attention of potential clients, though loudly and obnoxiously, paraded through sometimes they brandished a sacred town with portable shrines, and danced object with the intent of bringing it with provocatively. With such conspicuous them in the name of sponsors. Those who appearance and behavior, the gannin were were interested handed over a fee, and in sometimes considered a nuisance, return the gannin traveled in their stead to especially by those hoping to preserve the popular sacred sites such as the temple- welcoming atmosphere of storefronts and shrine compound of Ōyama or the tranquility of homes, though they were Bishamonten, paid thanks and prayed for enjoyed by children. xvii In order to the coming year.xix illustrate the degree of social movement This service, which became made my the gannin, it is important to especially popular among citizens in Edo, understand their place in society from the is striking to consider in light of the start: they were perceived as eccentric, general concern over pilgrimages religious entertainers that stood out expressed by the Tokugawa shogunate. As against the backdrop of the burgeoning discussed, the discouragement of mercantilism and productivity that pilgrimages arose out of a greater concern

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 78! for economic and productive decline Kuruma administration, and were granted suffered after the departure of rights and powers by the shogunate in contributing members of society from return for keeping order among the gannin urban hubs. To a degree, the proxy underlings. Not only did this new pilgrimages offered by the gannin remedied organization endow the gannin with the this concern insofar as productive social power and safety of Kuruma temple, but roles were kept intact at those locations. it also spelled considerable advantage for a Additionally, the religious needs of group previously at odds with the new productive citizens, still an important social climate of early modern cultural fixture in keeping the “hearts of productivity. Furthermore, in an even the people,” remained addressed. In this more explicit example of notoriety gained way, the gannin appear to have benefitted by the gannin, some were hired as three groups of people with their offerings shogunate spies, charged with keeping of proxy pilgrimages. The first two groups track of suspicious or mischievous were those directly involved in the individuals entering or leaving the city of exchange of service, as the gannin Edo and were compensated as such.xxi In themselves were able to carry out a this way, we see a social group previously livelihood as purveyors of a religious marginalized for their unorthodox service while the Tokugawa citizen appearance and behavior, yet useful to received the spiritual benefits of the act. society for their wide array of religious However, the third beneficiary in this services offered. Similarly, we find in the exchange of service was the Tokugawa same social group, and for the very same shogunate itself. reasons, people upheld by the bakufu to be With the religious needs of its worthy of their own organizational subjects addressed by a group of people temple, and even occupations within the offering a wide spectrum of services, one shogunal administration itself. of which also kept productive, Returning to Catherine Bell’s contributing citizens in place rather than model of “redemptive hegemony,” it on the roads, the Tokugawa shogunate becomes clear how the gannin were able to may have begun to look upon the gannin transcend the confines of Tokugawa social with different eyes. While this particular order. This social group strongly exhibited inadvertent contribution to social order a “cultural sense of ritual,” as they may have gone unnoticed as such by the understood the importance of pilgrimage bakufu itself, the gannin did gain notoriety as a religious act while taking into that held a similar contributive function in consideration the new practicalities of regulating society. According to Gerald travel, offering proxy pilgrimages for Groemer, the gannin and the bakufu those who were willing to pay. They “frequently stood at cross-purposes, [but] offered a wide array of religious services by the later decades of the seventeenth including Shintō and Buddhist, thereby century the cornerstones of a hierarchical strategically transmitting the meaning and system designed to allow the Kuruma purpose of ritual as each recipient saw fit. temple to oversee the gannin throughout In demonstrating this ritual mastery as a the land had been set in place.” xx practical endeavor that spoke to the Accordingly, in a final recognition of inherent needs of a religious society, the affiliation with this temple, “chief” gannin gannin also showed that they could exhibit were organized into two groups, Taizō-in the “disposition necessary for ritual and Enkō-in, made up much of the socialization.” According to Bell, ritual

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 79! may be seen as “dramatizing collective population. Similarly, the hiring of gannin representations and endowing them with a as spies only advanced the aims of the mystical ethos that in the course of the shogunate for a safe, secure, and stable communal experience did not merely early modern capital city. Both of these promote acceptance of those acts of misrecognition, which Bell refers representations but also inculcated deep- to as a reality “experienced as a natural seated affective responses to them.” xxii weave of constraint and possibility,” was This is most clearly illustrated by the the true operative force in the relationship gannin as marginalized figures in society; between the gannin and the Tokugawa despite their social marginality, the ability shogunate. While there indeed occurred a of this group to uphold ritual propriety movement by this group of people, one closed the conceptual gap between society that transcended social delineations and and the gannin, the citizen and the other. administrative hierarchies, it was a Their unorthodox behavior and movement that lent to the very social appearance, and their existence on the order it cut across. This is not to imply a fringes of society lent a degree of mystery lack of redefinition in the identity of the and exoticism to their religious services, gannin. While the result of their movement further dramatizing a ritual act found from marginalized ritualists to bearers of elsewhere in society to be more orthodox. administrative power may have led to a Thus, as individuals adept at appeasing greater degree of social order and control society’s needs for religious service, the for Tokugawa authorities, the movement gannin were able to expend such social itself represents a certain transformation capital and dissolve their marginal by the gannin. Through their varied boundaries. The allowance of Kuruma application of ritual as a marginalized temple as administrative headquarters, social group, and the eventual exchange of status as an officially sanctioned religious power that occurred in the latter half of confraternity, and the instances of hire as the seventeenth century, the gannin were shogunal spies each represent the tangible able to occupy a social station not “redemption” for the gannin in this originally their own. As they made a lateral hierarchical structure. Indeed, in practical, movement inward from the fringes of social, and cultural displays of ritual society and a vertical movement upward mastery, the gannin were able to fluidly to the heights of the Tokugawa maneuver more than most throughout administration, they became definitive Tokugawa society. symbols of the changes wrought by early However, Bell’s model of modernity. In other words, the new “redemptive hegemony” must be qualified concerns of the bakufu did not simply as an inevitable system of coercion, where restrict the movements of the gannin, but even the most fluid of social movement rather allowed for the shift and flow of nevertheless serves a hegemonic source. their social identity within the regulated As a result, while the gannin were afforded structure. a degree of power on behalf of the bakufu, they failed to recognize its effects. While V. CONCLUSION Kuruma temple became a place of safety and power for the gannin, it was only While the Tokugawa era was granted under the condition that the indeed a time of rigid geographical and administrative Taizō-in and Enkō-in kept social confinement, these instances of order within the lower ranks of its movement demand consideration as part of this historical period. It seems too

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 80! convenient to cast the early modern experience of mobility through discursive period, especially its initial years, as a time examination alone, and yet acknowledges of absolute regulation. The phenomenon a deep connection between travel and of okagemairi reveals a regulatory system religious meaning. In the case of with gaps to be practically exploited, but pilgrimage, religious belief and individual also illustrates that, while Tokugawa identity work complementarily as a hegemony may have sought to control singular expression of the pilgrim. They many aspects of life for the citizen, the both arise together and are proclaimed in power of custom remained an important the course of spiritual travel.xxiii Turner’s consideration. As a contrastingly references to the “sacred periphery” and transgressive example, those who chose to the importance of unorthodoxy for the embark on nukemairi were able to exhibit a gannin seem to indicate that perhaps there reassertion of their identity as a citizen may be other, unquantifiable aspects of unbound by obligatory social roles. religious awareness that cannot be Finally, in a conceptual illustration of determined through discursive theories of movement during this same period, we behavioral or ritual study. This concept find in the gannin an example of social may be better discerned through methods fluidity that served both the individual and of approach not immediately obvious, and the hegemonic structure within which may be worth exploring in future research. they existed. While the redeeming factors Regardless, these examples do of ritual mastery in a religious society may provide a glimpse into trends of have propelled the gannin through social movement overlooked all too often in barriers that were so characteristic of the considerations of Tokugawa communal Tokugawa era, this potential was unable to life. They each may have allowed for a exist apart from social constraint. temporary release from the regulatory Although these examples reveal a atmosphere and, perhaps even more temporary release from the varieties of importantly, a redefinition of identity for Tokugawa control, they do not fully an early modern citizen on the move. address the possibility of religious release as such. That is, a behavioral examination !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! of pilgrimage and the application of the i Herman Ooms, Tokugawa Ideology: Early Constructs, theoretical models of Bell may not 1570-1680, 21. exhaustively account for the religious lives ii Michael Como, Shōtoku: Ethnicity, Ritual, and Violence of the inhabitants of Tokugawa society. in the Japanese Buddhist Tradition, 2008. While it is impossible to determine whether or not such geographical or social iii Nam Lin-Hur, Death and Social Order in Tokugawa release was understood as part of a larger Japan: Buddhism,Anti-Christianity, and the Danka System, religious experience for the individuals Part 1, Section 3. that engaged in various movements iv Constantine Nomikos Vaporis, Breaking Barriers, 12, internally and externally, one may wonder 17. Alternate attendance, which became if the movement beyond the socially institutionalized in 1635, demanded that daimyo make defined modes of confinement came to annual trips from their respective domains to Edo in hold a spiritual significance beyond order to help with shogunal administrative matters. The movement inward from their less regulated measure. In his preface to a collection of domains to an atmosphere of detail and scrutiny also essays on the relationship between early became a symbolic gesture of loyalty and trust, in modern religion and travel, Hatakama that the daimyo spent a period of the year “exposed” Kazuhiro recognizes the difficulty in to their leader, far away from the comforts of their capturing such a sacred element in the own domain.

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! v Constantine Nomikos Vaporis, Breaking Barriers, 137- xxiii Hatakama Kazuhiro 幡鎌一弘, “Ryokō kara miru 159. kinsei shūkyō” 旅行からみる近世宗教, Kinsei minshū shūkyō to tabi , 4-5. vi Ibid., 160. 近世民衆宗教と旅 REFERENCES vii Laura Nenzi, Excursions in Identity: Travel and the Intersection of Place, Gender, and Status in Edo Japan, 19. Bell, Catherine. Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. viii Carmen Blacker, “The Religious Traveler in the Edo Blacker, Carmen. “The Religious Traveller in the Edo Period,” 605. Period,” Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 18/4, Special Issue: Edo Culture and Its Modern Legacy (1984), 593-608. ix While it is not discussed here, scholars have addressed Como, Michael. Shōtoku: Ethnicity, Ritual, the important component of leisure within and Violence in the Japanese Buddhist Tradition. New York: religious travel. For an example of leisure within Oxford University Press, 2008. Tokugawa Japanese pilgrimage, see Nenzi Excursions Groemer, Gerald. “A Short History of in Identity, 5-8. For a broader discussion of travel in the Gannin: Popular Religious Performers in Tokugawa Japan,” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, Nanzan its secular and religious forms, see Erik Cohen, University, Vol. 27/1-2, (Spring, 2000), 41-72. “Phenomenology of Tourist Experiences,” Defining ——— . “The Arts of the Gannin,” Travel: Diverse Visions, Ed. Susan L. Robertson, Asian Folklore Studies, Nanzan University, Vol. 58/2, Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2001. (1999), 275-320. Hatakama Kazuhiro 幡鎌一弘. “Ryokō kara x Laura Nenzi, “To Ise at All Costs: Religious miru kinsei shūkyō” 旅行からみる近世宗教. Kinsei Implications of the Early Modern Nukemairi,” 76. minshū shūkyō to tabi 近世民衆宗教と旅. Ed. Hatakami Kazuhiro 幡鎌一弘. Kyōto-shi: Hōzōkan, 2010. xi Shinno Toshikazu and Laura Nenzi, “Journeys, Pilgrimages, and Excursions: Religious Travels in Hur, Nam-Lin. Death and Social Order in the Early Modern Period,” 456-458. Tokugawa Japan: Buddhism, Anti-Christianity, and the Danka xii Constantine Nomikos Vaporis, Breaking Barriers, 205. System. Cambridge (MA) and London: Harvard University Press, 2007. xiii Ibid., 207. Moerman, D. Max. Localizing Paradise: Kumano Pilgrimage and the Religious Landscape of Premodern Japan. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005. xiv Laura Nenzi, “To Ise at All Costs: Religious Nenzi, Laura. Excursions in Identity: Travel Implications of the Early Modern Nukemairi,” 78. and the Intersection of Place, Gender, and Status in Edo Japan. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai’I Press, 2008. xv Victor and Edith Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in ——— . “To Ise at All Costs: Religious Christian Culture: Anthropological Perspectives, 34. and Economic Implications of Early Modern Nukemairi,” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, Vol. 33/1 xvi Catherine Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, 221. (2006), 75-114. Ooms, Herman. Tokugawa Ideology: Early xvii Gerald Groemer, “The Arts of the Gannin,” 279- Constructs, 1570-1680. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985. 283. Shinno Toshikazu and Laura Nenzi. “Journeys, Pilgrimages, Excursions: Religious Travels in xviii Ibid., 278. the Early Modern Period,” Monumenta Nipponica, Sophia University, Vol. 57/4 (Winter, 2002), 447-471. xix Ibid., 284. Turner, Victor and Edith. Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture: Anthropological Perspectives. xx Gerald Groemer, “A Short History of the Gannin: New York: Columbia University Press, 1974. Popular Religious Performers in Tokugawa Japan,” Vaporis, Constantine Nomikos. Breaking 47. Barriers: Travel and the State in Early Modern Japan. Cambridge (MA): Harvard University Press, 1994. xxi Ibid., 56. ——— . “Caveat Viator: Advice to Travelers in the Edo Period.” Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. xxii Catherine Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, 171. 44, No. 4 (Winter, 1989): 461-483.

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CLOTHING AND UNCLOTHING, SEEN AND UNSEEN: A Study of Pan Jinlian in Jin Ping Mei Melody Yunzi Li Washington University in St. Louis

ABSTRACT pornographic work, its literary and artistic achievement has scarcely been affected by This paper addresses the relationship the controversy about its pornography. In between materials and sexual politics in fact, it has won national and international Jin Ping Mei (The Plum in the acclaim, as two Jin Ping Mei scholars Ning Golden Vase). The women in this novel, Zongyi and Luo Derong point out: whether clothed or unclothed, seen or “Whether one examines the novel by unseen, are represented as objects from placing it among the Chinese novels of which Ximen Qing can gain endless manners or explores it by placing it with sexual and visual pleasure. Among all the the novels of similar subject matter in the women in the novel, clothing and worldwide context, it will not lose its i unclothing functions most effectively in status as a brilliant masterpiece.” The the female protagonist Pan Jinlian, as it worldwide recognition of this brilliance elevates her beauty and femininity and tells of the novel’s lasting appeal as a work maintains her as an appealing object to of art. The most striking characteristic of Ximen Qing. However, Pan Jinlian is not this work is the author’s highly content with being Ximen Qing’s sexual sophisticated skill with erotic narratives. object. Rather, she tries to transgress her This novel may be easily read as inferior position and become the female an explicit portrayal of eroticism. counterpart of Ximen Qing through her However, such a reading sees Jin Ping Mei control of clothing and unclothing, as well as no different from other erotic as through “stolen love.” Clothing and narratives such as Rouputuan (), unclothing to her are weapons to initiate Huanxi Yuanjia () and Yipian sexual intercourse, and to compete against Qing (). Its special appeal, I argue, Ximen Qing’s other women. Pan Jinlian’s lies in the paradoxical nature of its sexual invisible human desires, her ambitions for politics. Human desires for sex, wealth, sex and status, are brought to the front in and power in this novel are usually her usage of these materials. Her lust is represented in material objects such as not satisfied in the end, and she never money, clothes, and food. Previous succeeds in winning anything more than scholarship on this issue has differed. the physical function of a concubine. Some studies focus on the symbolic meanings of the body and materials in the Key Words: Jin Ping Mei, clothing, novel and their association with sexual unclothing, visibility, stolen love. economy.ii Some others focus on the act of making or giving materials in the novel. INTRODUCTION For example, in his “Brocade of Human Desires,” Ming Dong Gu sees the novel Although Jin Ping Mei has as a “woven fabric of human desires consistently been regarded as a couched in linguistic signifiers,” and he

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 83! compares the principle of composition to fails. Several other women will be the act of weaving (zhi ).iii discussed for the purpose of comparison. Nevertheless, his emphasis is not on the symbolic meanings of the materials, but CLOTHING rather on the novel’s art of composition. Sophie Volpp examines the consumption Clothing is a means of shaping and circulation of materials in Jin Ping one’s identity and sphere of influence or Mei. The circulation of the objects, she power. As a mode of cultural expression argues, symbolizes the transfer of power and mediation, clothing is a medium from the world of officialdom to the through which characters respond to mercantile realm. iv Although all these social structure. The clothing of different studies touch on the materials in Jin Ping characters not only gives us a visual Mei, none of the scholars have done an picture of their personalities but also extensive study of the materials and sexual implies their status and relationships. For politics in the novel. instance, in a scene in Chapter 56 in which In this paper, I hope to fill this Ximen Qing is relaxing with his wives in gap by examining the novel’s exposure of the Hidden Spring Grotto in his garden: human desires in relation to the notion of Ximen Qing, being at home with “visibility,” with an emphasis on clothing nothing to do, was enjoying and unclothing. I argue that the women in himself in the flower garden with the household, whether clothed or Wu Yueniang, Meng Yulou, Pan unclothed, seen or not seen, are Jinlian, and Li Ping’er, five of represented as objects from which Ximen them in all. On his head, Ximen Qing can gain endless sexual and visual Qing wore a “loyal and tranquil pleasure. Pan Jinlian, the female hat.” On his body he wore a long protagonist in this novel, embodies an gown of willow-green moiré, and ambitious desire for sex and power. white-soled boots. Yueniang was Although she is objectified as a sexual wearing a willow-green jacket of object along with the other women in the Hangzhou chiffon that opened household, she tries her best to control down the middle, over a light blue the objectification. This paper will focus skirt of water-patterned pongee, on how clothing and unclothing, as well as and gold-red phoenix-toed, high- “stolen love” represent Pan Jinlian as the heeled shoes. Meng Yulou was female counterpart of Ximen Qing, vis-à- wearing a raven-black satin jacket, vis her desire for sex and power. over a skirt of gosling-yellow This paper attempts to explore pongee, and peach-red high- Pan Jinlian’s invisible human desires, her heeled shoes of plain silk with ambitions for sex and power. I will purfled gold-spangled edging. Pan explore how her clothing represents Jinlian was wearing a pink crepe female sexuality, how she uses clothing blouse that opened down the and unclothing as means of sexual middle with a white chiffon lining, attraction, how she competes with Ximen and a vest of gold-red material Qing’s other wives and struggles for with a bright green border, over a dominance in the big household, and how, skirt of white Hangzhou chiffon in her attempts to become the female with a decorated border, and high- counterpart of Ximen Qing, she ultimately heeled shoes of pink patterned silk. Only Li Ping’er was wearing a wide-lapelled jacket of plain blue

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Hangzhou chiffon, a skirt of dressed up “seductively and bewitchingly” finished pale blue moon-colored to keep Ximen Qing’s company. The chiffon, and light blue plain silk women’s beautiful dressing inscribes an high-heeled shoes. The four of anxiety about seducing their man, and also them: their struggle for sexual dominance. The main purpose of the ladies’ dressing up is Seductively and bewitchingly, to please their man Ximen Qing by kept Ximen Qing company while creating visual appeal. Therefore, the he enjoyed himself beauty of the nicely dressed in the novel is Scanning the flowers and mainly observed from the “male gaze.”vi inspecting the willows.v Although born and reared a slave, Pan Jinlian has a fine taste for clothes, and takes good advantage of luxurious clothing to create visual appeal for Ximen Qing. She is not satisfied with being a passive, objectified female figure, but actively controls her own objectification. In Chapter 19, we see the delicate but evocative description of Jinlian through Ximen Qing’s eyes: (T)he woman was wearing a blouse of aloeswood-colored moiré with variegated crepe edging, which opened down the middle, over a drawnwork skirt of white glazed damask. Shoes of scarlet iridescent silk, with white shoes, satin high heels, and gold- spangled toes were visible beneath her skirt. On her head she wore a chignon, enclosed in a fret of silver filigree, in front of which there was a tiara of jade, encased with gold, representing the scene At this point in the narrative, the list of “plucking the cassia in the moon the ladies’ luxurious clothes can hardly be palace.” Her hair was further terribly striking to the readers, as readers adorned with plum-blossom would have become accustomed to the shaped ornaments with kingfisher copious descriptions of clothing feather inlays, and a host of throughout the novel. Jin Ping Mei trinkets were stuck about the frequently indulges in lists of the ladies’ temples, which had the effect of colorful clothes, the various materials of further enhancing: the clothing, and the different hairstyles of the ladies. The lists, however, are seldom The fragrant redness of her ruby depicted with sentiment as shown in this lips, and passage. Such lists speak to the way in The glossy whiteness of her which clothing functions in the novel. In powdered face. vii the paragraph above, the four ladies are

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earlier years. Her adorned beauty, however, is not enough to secure her position in the household. Ximen Qing’s family is an extraordinary household in a number of ways, and these changes show herald of her adaptation to the household. In order to compete with other wives in the household and, more ambitiously, to strive for upward mobility, Pan Jinlian not only imitates what the Jinlian appears as an alluring and wealthy higher-class ladies wear, but also lady in a big family. The ostentatious distinguishes herself from the others by materials and colors of her clothing are making something different. In Chapter chosen to display her own beauty and 27, the descriptions of Pan Jinlian and power. Her costume, impeccably matched, Ling Ping’er’s clothes are parallel to each is meticulously designed. These expensive other. They both dress “in their everyday items of clothing symbolize her shift of garb of wine silver-striped silk blouses and social status from a lower to a higher long trailing skirts of honey yellow silk social class. These luxurious pieces suggest brocade with a drawnwork motif of her departure from the simplicity and ‘phoenixes traversing the flowers” ( purity with which she first appears in the novel: her hair is held by a “comb of ).ix The materials, aromatic wood,”( designs, and colors of their blouses and ) and she wears a “pale blue skirts show their similar status in the homespun blouse, with wide sleeves and family. This luxurious clothing matches jacket to match,”( the wealth and status of Li Ping’er, but ) complemented by the “embossed not Jinlian’s original status. Without marrying Ximen Qing, Jinlian would never silk of her beige skirt.” ( have had such access to luxury and wealth ) She has a figured handkerchief dangling as Li Ping’er does. Besides, she is anxious from the mouth of her sleeves, and a to make herself appear outstanding by sachet of pomander hanging low at her viii dressing up. Jinlian’s special luxurious waist (). hairstyle reveals her eagerness to be Compared with her clothing in the above unique: instead of wearing a headdress as scene, this adornment of Jinlian at an Ping’er, she has done her hair up in the earlier stage shows her inborn beauty Hangzhou style, fastened with a “cloud- without disguising it. Even without much shaped ornament with kingfisher feather deliberate adornment, she appears so inlays” (). She optimizes beautiful that “the mere sight of her every piece of clothing to enhance her makes one’s ethereal and material souls beauty. take flight” ( ). This Nothing is spared in Jinlian’s reflects her youth and natural effort to create freshness and uniqueness seductiveness, before she is abused by the in her appearance. In Chapter 40, we find first man she encounters. The affluent life a detailed description of her dressing up in the family she marries into enables her like a maidservant: to enjoy the luxury of dress, but deprives …she approached the mirror her of the uncontaminated grace of her stand, took off the fret enclosing

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her chignon, and did up her hair in complains about not having “appropriate two curled knots on either side of clothes” as the First Lady while the other her head. She then made up her wives do, and suggests that Ximen Qing face until it was snow white, make newly purchased fabric into clothes painted her lips bright red, put on for the wives to wear. Without hesitation a pair of gold lantern earrings, Ximen Qing promises to ask Tailor Zhao applied three beauty patches, to make clothes for all his wives. What he adorned herself with a purple gold makes, however, shows the unequal status lamé headband, and donned an of the wives. Yueniang is given two scarlet outfit consisting of a jacket of full-sleeved brocade robes, and four scarlet brocade over a blue satin outfits of figured material. Only two skirt. The idea was to present outfits but not a robe are made for Sun herself in the guise of a Xue’er. The other wives are given the maidservant in order to have some same robes and outfits.xii fun with Yueniang and the others.x From a woman’s standpoint, to be given nice clothes is to recognize Ximen ( Qing’s favor with her. Wearing luxurious clothes, as the other wives do, makes Jinlian’s status in the household visible, which helps her gain a sense of security. Therefore, Jinlian frequently asks for nice clothes, especially when she sees beautiful clothes on other women. For example, in Chapter 52, when Ximen Qing indulges in sexual intercourse with Jinlian and plans to buy a set of patterned silk clothing for Jinlian entertains the other wives by her, she immediately requests a dressing as a maidservant; more drawnwork silk skirt of glossy gosling- importantly, she brings fresh visual yellow with silver stripes, just like the one pleasure to Ximen Qing, who is “carried Guijie has. Without hesitation, Ximen xiii away by lecherous desires” ( Qing promises to buy her one. Jinlian hopes that, through dressing herself in )xi as a result. Given a knowing wink luxurious clothes worn by the ladies of from Ximen Qing, Pan Jinlian changes her higher class, she will be able to transcend hairstyle, retouches her face and rerouges her low-class origins. her lips. Her cloud-shaped chignon For this reason Jinlian strongly delights Ximen Qing, and she offers him desires the clothing of others. She keeps another cup of wine, insisting this one an eye on Li Ping’er’s clothes. After Li represents her personal undertaking unlike Ping’er has died, Jinlian tries to get her the one she offers within the crowd. This nice fur coat, which is worth sixty taels of offering, together with her special make- silver. It is the only time in the novel that up, shows her ambition to possess her Ximen Qing hesitates to give her a man. clothing item. For Jinlian, if she is given Jinlian’s intense possessiveness is the fur coat, she is acknowledged as being also demonstrated by her desire for nice a good wife. But Ximen Qing says clothes. The scene discussed above is wearing the coat will only make her immediately followed by Jinlian’s request ostentatious. To get rid of her for more high quality clothing. She disadvantaged position of this quarrel,

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Jinlian tries hard to bring about Ximen’s negotiation, they would not have come up orgasm with her mouth. This immediately with this harmonious agreement. makes Ximen Qing walk over to Li Ximen Qing is not just a Ping’er’s quarters to get the beautiful fur negotiator, but more importantly, the coat for Jinlian. master in the circulation of clothes within Jinlian’s request for Li Ping’er’s the household. From the discussion clothes demonstrates her desire for power above, we notice that the giving of clothes and property in the household. She plays an essential role in this novel. As a becomes a more and more dangerous silk dealer, Ximen Qing usually gives his figure as the story progresses. Yueniang wives and concubines silk or clothing as senses the danger of Pan Jinlian in her gifts. His possession of the materials for dream, which she describes to Ximen making clothes suggests his dominant Qing. Yueniang dreamed that when power in the family. Every time after Ximen Qing had taken a robe of crimson Ximen Qing makes love with Pan Jinlian, velvet out of Li Ping’er’s trunk and given he always promises to give her the clothes it to Yueniang to wear, Pan Jinlian the she requests. Giving clothes to the women Sixth grabbed it away from her and put it is not just to please them, but also to on herself. Jinlian even tore a large hole in satisfy his own lust. In this novel, the the robe. xiv Through the primary wife direct result of Ximen Qing seeing his Yueniang’s dream, we see Jinlian’s nicely dressed women is visual pleasure excessive desire at this point is rising to an being gained or sexual desire being extent that is hardly controllable. aroused. The ladies’ clothing, therefore, It is interesting to observe the becomes a means of inflaming his sexual circulation of the clothes within the desire. household, in which Ximen Qing acts as a Pan Jinlian’s effort to reveal her negotiator. In this circulation, Jinlian is female sexuality and to restore her role as more active and demanding while some Ximen Qing’s privileged sexual partner other wives are more compliant. In has been dramatized by her unceasing Chapter 35, when Ximen Qing’s family is effort to beautify herself by dressing up invited to Wu’s “third-day party” to and asking for nice clothes. Both gestures celebrate her son’s marriage, Jinlian aim to make her beauty and sexuality initially refuses to go with the excuse that visible to her lover and other wives. It she does not have a good complimentary does not help, however, in subverting her gift. When Ximen Qing asks her to take a inferior status as the fifth wife within the bolt of red silk as her gift, she rejects, household. Undoubtedly she is appealing claiming that the “diaphanous silk stuff” and enticing, being able to satisfy her would be a tease. Ximen Qing then picks man’s needs and get what she wants. out two bolts of jet silk in Li Ping’er’s Nevertheless, she is an objectified sexual belvedere, and asks Li Ping’er to come up figure to Ximen Qing. with a blouse of cloud-patterned damask In order to secure her position as for Jinlian to give as a complimentary gift. Ximen Qing’s primary sexual partner, Pan Ping’er generously agrees to give away an Jinlian not only strives for dominant outfit lying around made of brocaded ownership of nice clothes, but also uses cloud-patterned damask, and lets Jinlian clothes to compete against other wives. In pick what she wants. Jinlian, however, is particular, red clothes become a useful reluctant to present a complimentary gift weapon for her. First, they symbolize her with her. xv Without Ximen Qing’s lust for sex and power. In Jin Ping Mei, no other wife except for the primary wife

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Yueniang is often given red clothes on argues.xviii In this context, “red,” which is special occasions, which symbolize her often associated with auspiciousness and status as a ritual leader among the wives. happiness in Chinese tradition, reverts to Jinlian is particularly fascinated with red. its original, vulgar meaning, “blood,” by She frequently wears red clothes and Jinlian’s immoral act. shoes such as a bodice of red chiffon, a From the above, we know “red” is coverlet of red silk and red embroidered used by Jinlian to attract and seduce shoes. Her fondness for red proves her Ximen Qing and the cat. If we read it eagerness to transgress her position in the rhetorically, both Ximen Qing and the cat household. In this way, the color red is are trained by Jinlian to get attracted and used by her to subvert the order of the seduced. Similarly, Jinlian’s body wives in the household. This fire-like underneath the red clothes is no better color embodies her fierce sexual desire. It than the fresh meat wrapped in the red is a color that easily makes her seductive cloth. The death of Li Ping’er’s son and attractive. Time and again Ximen indicates the similar disaster that will soon Qing is attracted to the body under her happen to Jinlian. Red is a signal or red clothes.xvi emblem of desire for sex and power that Related to this, her killing of forms part of the sequence of Jinlian’s Ping’er’s son is an incident that assuredly tragic fate in the end. strikes horror into every reader. When Li Ping’er gains much favor after having a CLOTHING AND UNCLOTHING son, Jinlian contrives a way to kill the son. By this act she becomes a monster with Jin Ping Mei not only calls our whom readers can hardly sympathize. attention to clothing, but also to the Knowing that Li Ping’er’s son bodies underneath. Instead of directly likes cats, Jinlian deliberately keeps a fat displaying the naked bodies in the erotic cat and cultivates its strange habitual diet. scenes, the novel often gives ample space Instead of eating calves’ liver or dried fish, to the description of clothing and this cat eats much raw meat, and is trained unclothing. Clothing and unclothing in to eat meat wrapped in red silk. One day, this novel translate into two contradictory seeing Ping’er’s son Guan’ge dressed in a impulses: the former implies covering up, red shirt, the cat pounces onto his body while the latter is meant to reveal. While and tears at him with its claws. When clothing signifies one’s cultural identity, interrogated by Yueniang, Jinlian pretends undressing in these scenes suggests to be innocent, ”(m)y cat is happily asleep exposing the human desires beneath the in my room, isn’t it. You’re talking clothes. It is the juxtaposition and nonsense. How could it have frightened coexistence of the two that make the the child? You’d better not try to blame it novel successful in the genre of erotic on me.” ( narratives. Through examining the xvii undressing of the characters we are able to ) The readers’ note see their erotic emotions. In the following following this scary scene gives us insight scenes, we can find that Jinlian always into Jinlian’s sinful plot, which is to kill actively undresses herself while Ximeng her rival Li Ping’er’s son in order to regain Qing’s other sexual partners allow Ximen Qing’s favor. By this unforgivable themselves to be undressed passively by act Jinlian turns into a monster, a figure him. This comparison shows her as a undeserving of pity, as C.T. Hsia rightly shameless lady overwhelmed by her sexual

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 89! desire. Undressing herself and exposing frequently appears: “enjoyed to the full her body to her lover implies her internal the pleasures of connubial bliss” ( struggle for dominance in love and power ).xxi The narrative contains no cue about in the big household. It is her ambition the real sexual act. In fact, this omission and excessive desires that lead to her of the actual sexual encounter brings the tragedy in the end. readers’ attention to the foreplay, where Dress to Jinlian not only clothing and unclothing play an important represents advancement in social status, role. Jinlian succeeds in seducing Ximen but also becomes an important means of Qing through the skillful act of feeding seduction. In Chapter 19, Jinlian’s and undressing. Exposing her body to appearance dressed in her beautiful bring her lover’s visual pleasure is just like adornments apparently titillates Ximen feeding him to satisfy his hunger. Qing and arouses his lecherous desires. Despite her beauty and skillful The description of Jinlian’s clothing is seductive techniques, Jinlian cannot secure followed by foreplay between the couple, a privileged position in her sexual “(t)aking her two hands in his, he relationship with Ximen Qing. In Jin Ping embraced her and gave her a kiss” ( Mei, Ximen Qing is described as a sexually ). greedy man. Not only his wives, but the They then “sucked each other’s tongues” ( servants as well, become sexual objects for ). Jinlian seduces him by hitching up him. her skirt and sitting in his lap. The hitched One of the greatest threats to skirt allows her body to touch Ximen Jinlian’s privileged position is the simple- Qing. xix She continues the seduction by minded Huilian. The description of the transferring a sip of wine from her mouth love affair between Huilian and Ximen to Ximen Qing “like a bird feeding its Qing is more succinct and direct than the young.”xx She also feeds walnut kernels to one between Jinlian and Ximen Qing. The Ximen Qing with her mouth. When scene begins with Huilian’s deliberately Ximen Qing shows a strong inclination to unlatching the door. This simple gesture play with her breasts, she unhesitatingly directs readers to the sexual scene. Ximen “unfastened the gold chatelaine with its Qing is sitting there with candle in hand. three pendant charms that she wore at her Huilian is instantly assailed by the cold collar and held it between her teeth while wind once she enters. Then she gently she pulled open her silk blouse” ( “unrolled the bedding on the bench and then laid a sable robe, cut like a Chan monk’s cassock, on top of it” ( ). This effectively reveals her beautiful body: “Her fragrant and creamy ). xxii There is little description of any bosom” () and “tight and clothing besides the sable robe on the bed. squeezy breasts” ( ). Silently, they close tight the double-leaved Jinlian’s undressing further provokes her door, and go to bed. Here Huilian is lover’s desire. He “fondled and caressed” identified as a much purer and shyer ( ) her breast, while woman than Jinlian. She neither dresses “sucking at the teats like a young calf” ( up as a wealthy lady, nor does she undress ). Strangely, instead of proceeding piece by piece to seduce Ximen Qing. into a description of their intercourse, this However, her purity and simplicity is scene ends with the laughter of the attractive enough to win Ximen’s favor. couple, followed by a statement that After taking off his own garments, Ximen

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Qing removes her trousers. This quick attempts to win her master’s favor by undressing is immediately followed by his competing against Jinlian in beauty. She brutal sexual act, “he took her onto his lap further questions Jinlian’s status by with her two legs splayed to either side pointing out that she was not a pure virgin and abruptly inserted his organ into her at the point she married Ximen Qing. vagina” ( Hearing these words, Jinlian mutters ). xxiii Their excitement is suddenly angrily, calling Huilian “slave of a whore” raised by the rapid erotic action without twice. Jinlian and Huilian are in fierce any foreplay. In this scene Ximen Qing’s competition in winning Ximen Qing’s sexual pleasure comes from his ability to attention. However, Huilian is defeated in dominate the whole act. Here we see the this battle and finally commits suicide passivity of Huilian, as if she were nothing (Chapter 26). but an unmediated sexual object. Ximen An even greater threat to Jinlian’s Qing’s resolute undressing of both sexual relationship with Ximen Qing is Li himself and his sexual partner exemplifies Ping’er, a lovable, rich lady. In Chapter 27 his dominance in the sexual act. there is an erotic scene between Ximen Ximen Qing’s love affair with Qing and Li Ping’er. Ximen Qing’s sexual Huilian makes Jinlian extremely anxious. desire is aroused when he sees her “jade She tries her best to overhear what they bones and icy flesh” () exposed say in private. The brief mention of under the translucent scarlet silk under- Jinlian’s luxurious clothing, such as drawers. Unable to resist the temptation, “wave-tripping” stockings or skirts, shows Ximen Qing bends Ping’er over a bench Huilian’s low status in the household and and undresses her rudely. He turns up her lack of assets. Ironically, after making love beige skirt and takes down her red with Ximen Qing, Huilian asks for shoe drawers. This undressing is followed by uppers, as if they would compensate for their habitual pose of erotic exchange, what she lacks to match her beautiful feet. “poking up the fire on the other side of She says, “The only thing is I don’t have the mountain”(). All any shoe uppers. Couldn’t you contrive to through this scene Li Ping’er does not buy me a pair somehow?” ( present a slight sense of enthusiasm and excitement. She is only a passive sexual ). Her request for nice shoe covers object being manipulated by Ximen Qing suggests her ambition to raise her own at his own will. After having sex, she tells status. xxiv She becomes confident when Ximen that she is pregnant. The fact that she finds that her feet are smaller, hence she says that only after their anal prettier than Jinlian’s. When Ximen Qing intercourse suggests that she bears the expresses his surprise at seeing her feet pain to satisfy her lover. She is not just smaller than Jinlian’s, she replies proudly: passive, as Huilian, but masochistic in “There’s no comparison,” she says, “The addition. Her pregnant condition is later other day I tried on one of her shoes and jeered at by Jinlian in front of Ximen. In found that I could wear it over my own. fact, there are few sexual scenes between But it’s not size that matters so much as Ximen Qing and Li Ping’er. The only two direct descriptions are found in Chapter the stylishness of the shoe” ( 27 and Chapter 50, both occurring when Ping’er is not well. Jealous of Li Ping’er, Jinlian ).xxv She attempts to retrieve Ximen Qing’s favor.

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Overhearing Ximen Qing’s praise for aroused. In just a quick moment, he Ping’er’s white bottom, Jinlian whitens her undresses himself and inserts his sexual own body to lure Ximen in Chapter 29. It organ into her vagina. After he manages is important now to note the sexual scene to thrust and retract several tens of times, between Ximen Qing and Jinlian right she says naughtily, “You crazy ruffian! after the one between him and Li Ping’er When did you sneak in here without in Chapter 27. After amusing themselves anyone’s knowing it?” ( xxvi with sexually suggestive games, they ) xxviii Pretending to be voluntarily undress themselves. After ignorant of what Ximen Qing has done to Ximen takes off his jade-colored silk tunic her, Jinlian acts in a pettishly charming and returns to the room, Jinlian has manner like a spoiled child. Her already stripped herself and exposed her sophisticated skills in seducing, acting, and naked body. She positions herself on the lovemaking never fail to satisfy Ximen mat, with scarlet shoes on her feet and silk Qing. fan in her hand. As usual, she succeeds in It is easy to find a similar pattern stimulating Ximen’s lecherous desires. in the sexual play between Jinlian and Taking off his underclothes, he titillates Ximen Qing: the depiction of Jinlian’s her clitoris until her vaginal fluids flow. clothing, Jinlian’s seduction by feeding or He then takes off the woman’s red shoes undressing, and then the sexual act. and suspends her feet from the grape Jinlian’s body is represented exhaustively arbor with her foot bindings, making her as iconic of an unconstrained female look like “A Golden Dragon Extending figure longing for love and sex. Clothed or Its Claws” (). Here a lot of unclothed, her body remains sexually erotic imagery like “Red Hook” (), appealing to Ximen Qing. “Chicken Tongue” ( ), and “jade Compared with Huilian and chowrie handle” () are employed. Ping’er, Jinlian shows initiative in seducing With elaborate description of sexual play Ximen Qing, while the other two remain and the imaginative term “inserting the in a passive state in the sexual scenes Arrow Upside Down” (),xxvii the examined above. She finds victory in the sexual realm by deeply engaging herself in author creates a vivid picture of the erotic sexual play, thereby providing him with scene that can be easily visualized by the sexual comforts. Dressing and undressing readers. Therefore the imagery on the becomes Jinlian’s weapon to win her pages could satisfy male elite readers. husband’s favor. Jinlian is an objectified Their sound and the woman’s unceasing sexual object for Ximen Qing, but she moans further emphasize the excitement wants to subvert her objectified status by of the couple. Comparatively, Jinlian is actively controlling her sexual intercourse more interactive and performative than with him. other ladies in sexual play with Ximen It is significant how Jinlian, an Qing. indisputable beauty, finishes her life in the Jinlian’s unclothed body gives her end. Her life culminates in the scene when seduction a cutting-edge sophistication. Wu Song tears her clothes off and kills her Her naked body becomes a gesture to call violently (Chapter 87). To Wu Song, her for sexual activities. In Chapter 29, she unclothed body is not an attractive sexual again exposes her “jade body,” with object, but a contaminated, disgusting nothing on her body but a bodice of red object. To avenge his brother’s murder, chiffon. Whenever Ximen Qing sees her Wu Song inserts the knife into Jinlian’s naked body, his lecherous desires are

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 92! heart, and her blood splatters. However, difficult path to satisfy her desire. In fact, this ignominious ending does not most of Ximen Qing’s “stolen love” is necessarily strike surprise into readers, for legitimized in the novel, and many of his it is a natural retribution against such an secret lovers are naturally brought into his evil figure.xxix She falls victim to nothing household after his sexual intercourse but her own excessive desires. with them. Pan Jinlian, however, needs to hide her secret love affair and is criticized SEEN AND UNSEEN for “stealing man” (touhan ) most of the time. There is no “invisible” love The above discussion of clothing affair for Ximen Qing per se, but secret and unclothing illustrates Pan Jinlian’s lust love affairs happen to Pan Jinlian. This for sex and power. Ximen Qing’s gaze comparison is shown in the secret love becomes the focus of this sexual game. To affairs between Pan Jinlian and Chen win his attention and satisfy his sexual Jingji, Ximen Qing and Wang Liu’er. desire is the purpose of the women in this Pan Jinlian is brave enough to game within the household. Ximen Qing touhan (having adulterous affairs), not only attains pleasure from seeing his through which she transgresses the beautiful ladies, but also from seeing boundaries of being an obedient himself. In the scene where he burns concubine in an inner chamber. It is an incense on Ruyi’s body after doing so to attempt to convert her objectified position Lin Taitai’s, he entertains himself by in the household to that of a sexual watching himself in the mirror when they subject. In the secret love affair between make love. Likewise, when Ximen Qing Pan Jinlian and Chen Jingji, both of them makes love with one of his paramours, express affection and enthusiasm. This is Wang Liu’er, he lifts her haunches in apparent in their sexual intercourse in order to observe the sight of his sexual Chapter 53: organ in and out of her body. Through Chen Jingji kept on uttering the self-observation he witnesses his own word “darling” with his mouth, masculinity, which reminds him of his while beneath the single thickness xxx domination in the household. of his gown, his organ, like a bar Invisibility is as important as of red-hot iron, surged forward visibility in this novel. As the saying goes, beneath the fabric. Jinlian, for her “A wife isn’t as good as a concubine, a part, couldn’t help thrusting her concubine isn’t as good as a maid, a maid body forward to meet the isn’t as good as a prostitute, a prostitute overheated organ beneath his xxxi isn’t as good as stealing!” “Stolen love” gown. Unable to restrain herself, (touqing ) is uniquely enjoyable to Jinlian lifted Chen Jingji’s gown Ximen Qing, and the most formidable aside with her hand and firmly opponent in this regard is Pan Jinlian, for gripped his male organ. Chen she is the only wife who dares to have Jingji was so flustered that in “stolen love.” Their mutually matched trying to pull down Jinlian’s infidelity in love leads them to their deaths waistband, he only succeeded, in the end. with a rending sound, in ripping From the beginning, we see their out one of the pleats in her skirt. similar desire for sex. However, Ximen xxxii Qing can easily get access to every woman he likes, while she has a much more

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dies. At one time the servant Chunmei sees them making love; in order to keep her silent, Jinlian allows her to sleep with Jingji and gives her lovely clothes and jewelries. Pan Jinlian and Chen Jingji’s love affair remains invisible and never legitimized until the end. The “stolen love” between Ximen Qing and Wang Liu’er is described in much greater detail. Calling Ximen Qing xxxv In this scene Jinlian clearly takes “Dada,” Wang Liu’er lets him to do control of their lovemaking, from whatever he wants and shows her special thrusting her body towards his organ to patience. In Chapter 38, Ximen Qing undressing the man. She does not show unwraps her foot binding and suspends the slightest sense of guilt or shyness her leg from the latticework partition of when she makes love with her secret the bed. This gesture makes her lover. On the opposite, Chen Jingji is not uncomfortable but she does not complain as sophisticated in this play and rips out a at all. Her obedience and compatibility in pleat in her shirt. Jinlian calls him “lousy the intercourse increases Ximen Qing’s slave,” and complains, “How clumsy can enjoyment. In this play, Wang Liu’er is you get? You’re still so unused to objectifying herself into Ximen Qing’s snitching your food, and so timorous in plaything. Readers might assume this is going about it” ( “hidden love.” Later in the Chapter, we find that Wang Liu’er’s husband knows ). Jinlian laughs at about it. The couple sees Liu’er’s sexual Jingji because he is not used to “stolen intercourse with Ximen Qing as a love,” which sounds ridiculous to readers. business rather than personal relationship. At the same time, this reminds us of her “Now that we’ve already got this fifty taels experience in fornication, from which her of silver in hand,” the woman says, “in the relationship with Ximen Qing starts. She future he’s sure to add a few taels in is so experienced that she keeps ordering addition and find a decent house for us. Chen Jingji about during their lovemaking. It’s all owing to my willingness to However, their enjoyment is disrupted by surrender my body to him. We might as the dogs’ barking. Hearing Ximen Qing well take advantage of the opportunity to arrive, they are thrown into consternation get what we can out of him and improve and separate immediately. xxxiii Afterwards Ximen Qing finds her private parts our life-style” ( sopping wet and jokes that she has been hankering after a man. This joke unintentionally hits upon her “stolen love” with Chen Jingji, so she flushes and ).xxxvi Surprisingly, Liu’er’s husband Han xxxiv tries to cover up as best she can. It is Daoguo pretends to know nothing and clear in Pan Jinlian’s mind that she cannot encourages his wife to cater to Ximen afford to leave Ximen Qing and lose all Qing. Liu’er’s body then is just a the luxury she is enjoying. Therefore Pan commodity to earn money for their Jinlian feels apprehension at her “stolen family. Calling herself the whore, the love” being discovered. This woman permits Ximen to do at his will, apprehension stays even after Ximen Qing “the body of this whore of yours is yours

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 94! to command”(). get her into trouble. Ximen Qing, To please the woman, Ximen promises to however, is able to enjoy illicit love send her husband silver and appoint him constantly. This contrast further proves as a purchasing agent. Wang Liu’er is so Jinlian’s failure to compete with Ximen happy with this arrangement that she Qing in this game. swears to commit herself completely to Ximen Qing.xxxvii Her “stolen love” with CONCLUSION Ximen Qing is deliberately “not seen” by Han Daoguo for the sake of financial Coming from a family of low return. In this way the secret love between status and means, Pan Jinlian shows keen Ximen Qing and Wang Liu’er can be eagerness to rise above her origins. She sustained as long as he can directly feed makes every effort to struggle for their family. dominance in the sexual relationship with Ximen Qing’s illicit love affairs are Ximen Qing, to compete against his other hardly disrupted by the observers. For wives for his favor with her beauty and example, in a scene when Ximen Qing skills in seduction, and to conceive every and Li Guijie make love, Ying Bojue means to humiliate her rivals. She hopes, happens to see them and he jokes, through these attempts, that she can get a “Quicky, fetch some water to splash on sense of security and satisfy her own them. The two rutting creatures have desires. Her body becomes a site where gotten themselves stuck together” ( femininity is defined and demonstrated. Sex is not merely a natural phenomenon for Jinlian and in this great novel of ). Keith McMahon takes Ying xxxviii manners. Clothed or unclothed, she is Bojue as an example of a detractor, established as a charming and seductive someone who satirizes those caught in a woman in the big household. She lovers’ solipsism. However, his attempt to becomes an attractive sexual being and intervene in their sexual discourse turns takes control of her lover in sexual into failure. He finally gives up disrupting intercourse. In addition, she tries to their “stolen love.” Given a kiss by Li transgress her inferior position and Guijie, he puts the latch on the door and xxxix become the female counterpart of Ximen leaves the couple alone. In addition, Qing through “stolen love.” But her sometimes Ximen Qing’s hidden love journey to enter the domain of power in affairs are overheard by his wives and this household is hardly successful. She is servants, but none of them can prevent fixed in her determination, but at what him from constantly indulging in “stolen cost? Pan Jinlian is anxiously avid for love.” Instead, all the observers pretend secure status, but all her efforts never that they have seen nothing. Therefore, succeed in winning anything more than his “stolen love” becomes visible to the function of concubine.xl others, but normally remains “invisible.” His power and status brings him pleasure !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! and invisibility at the same time. i Luo Derong and Ning Zongyi . Jin Although Jinlian shares the same Ping Mei dui xiaoshuo meixue de gongxian drive to have “stolen love” as Ximen (Tianjin: Tianjin Shehui Kexueyuan Qing, she does not have the same capacity chubanshe), 1. for legitimizing her secret love affairs as ii Please see Ding, Naifei. Obscene Things: Sexual Ximen Qing does. Her hidden love with Politics in Jin Ping Mei. Durham [N.C.]: Duke Chen Jingji, once seen by others, would University Press, 2002, and Satyendra, Indira.

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! “Metaphors of the Body: The Sexual Economy of the xix JPMCH, 257; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 1, 383. Chin P’ing Mei Tz’u-hua.” Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR) 15 (December 1993): 85–97. xx This image is added in the translation. iii Gu, Ming Dong. “Brocade of Human Desires: The xxi JPMCH, 257; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 1, 384. Poetics of Weaving in the Jin Ping Mei and Traditional Commentaries.” The Journal of Asian Studies 63.2 (May xxii JPMCH, 325; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 2, 52. 2004): 333–356. xxiii JPMCH, 325; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 2, 52. iv See Volpp, Sophie. “The Gift of a Python Robe: The Circulation of Objects in Jin Ping Mei.” Harvard Journal xxiv For a discussion of shoe uppers, see Ko, Dorothy, of Asiatic Studies 65.1 (June 2005): 133–158. and Bata Shoe Museum Foundation. Every Step a Lotus: Shoes for Bound Feet (Berkeley: University of California v Jin Ping Mei Cihua, 860-861; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Press, 2001), 105. Mei, vol 3, 376-377. Wade-Giles transcriptions have been converted to Hanyu pinyin. xxv JPMCH, 326; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 2, 53. vi “The gaze” is a psychoanalytical term brought into xxvi Such games include “Crossing the Bridge,” modern usage by Jacques Lacan. Based on this notion, “Inserting the Arrow Upside Down,” “A Pair of Wild Laura Mulvey introduced the term “male gaze” into Geese in Flight,” “Passing the Examinations and feminist theory and media studies. She argues that male Qualifying for Office,” etc. See JPMCH, 391; Roy, gaze takes precedence over female gaze in films, and trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 2, 143. women are objectified through the gaze of the heterosexual man. xxvii JPMCH, 391; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 2, 143. vii JPMCH, 257; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol.1, 383. xxviii JPMCH, 419; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 2, 188. viii JPMCH, 29; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol.1, 51. xxix For a discussion of retribution in Jin Ping Mei, see ix JPMCH, 384; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 2, 132. Paul Varo, Martinson. “Pao, Order, and Redemption: Perspectives on Chinese Religion and Society Based on a x JPMCH, 597; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 2, 444. Study of the Chin P’ing Mei”. PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 1973, 59. xi JPMCH, 600; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 2, 449. xxx For a discussion of this point please see McMahon, xii JPMCH, 602; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 2, 451- Keith. Causality and Containment in Seventeenth- 452. century Chinese Fiction (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1988), 83. xiii JPMCH, 780; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 3, 257. xxxi The Chinese original is “ ” xiv JPMCH, 1227-1228; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 4, 421. xxxii JPMCH, 806; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 3, 297. xv JPMCH, 506-507; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 2, xxxiii JPMCH, 806; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 3, 314-315. 298. xvi In Chapter 29, for instance, Ximen Qing’s lecherous xxxiv JPMCH, 807; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 3, desires are aroused at the sight of her wearing nothing 300. but a bodice of red chiffon, under a coverlet of red silk. Jin Ping Mei Cihua , 418; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, xxxv Originally coming from Mongolian, Dada is usually vol. 2, 188. used by women in the most exciting moments of sexual intercourse. See Yao Ling Pingwai zhiyan xvii JPMCH, 922-923; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 3, 468-469. (Tianjin: Tianjin shuju, 1940), 158-159.

xxxvi xviii C.T.Hsia makes this argument based on Jinlian’s JPMCH, 561; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 2, murder of her first husband, and in her treatment of her 392. stepdaughter, Ying’er. For detail see Hsia, Chih-tsing. xxxvii “Chin P’ing Mei.” in The Classic Chinese Novel: A JPMCH, 952-953; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. Critical Introduction (New York: Columbia University 4, 9-10. Press, 1968), 165-202.

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! xxxviii Keith McMahon argues that there are three types of observers: the detracting observer, the deprived observer, and the participating observer. For detail see McMahon, Keith. Causality and Containment in Seventeenth-century Chinese Fiction (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1988), 98-99. xxxix JPMCH, p. 792; Roy, trans., Chin Ping Mei, vol. 3, 276. xl There is an interesting discussion of “containment” in Causality and Containment in Seventeenth-century Chinese Fiction. See Chapter One, 1-25.

REFERENCES

Ding, Naifei. Obscene Things: Sexual Politics in Jin Ping Mei. Durham [N.C.]: Duke University Press, 2002. Gu, Ming Dong. “Brocade of Human Desires: The Poetics of Weaving in the Jin Ping Mei and Traditional Commentaries.” The Journal of Asian Studies 63. 2 (May 2004): 333–356. Hsia, Chih-tsing. “Chin P’ing Mei.” In The Classic Chinese Novel: A Critical Introduction, 165–202. New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1968. Ko, Dorothy. Every Step a Lotus: Shoes for Bound Feet. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001. Luo Derong and Ning Zongyi . Jin Ping Mei dui xiaoshuo meixue de gongxian (The Plum in the Golden Vase’s contributions to the aesthetics of fiction). Tianjin: Tianjin Shehui Kexueyuan chubanshe, 1992. Martinson, Paul Varo. “Pao, Order, and Redemption: Perspectives on Chinese Religion and Society Based on a Study of the Chin P’ing Mei”. PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 1973. McMahon, Keith. Causality and Containment in Seventeenth-century Chinese Fiction. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1988. Satyendra, Indira. “Metaphors of the Body: The Sexual Economy of the Chin P’ing Mei Tz’u-hua.” Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR) 15 (December 1993): 85–97. Volpp, Sophie. “The Gift of a Python Robe: The Circulation of Objects in Jin Ping Mei.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 65.1 (June 2005): 133–158. Xiaoxiaosheng. Jin Ping Mei Cihua: Mengmeiguan jiaoben. Taibei Shi: Li ren shu ju, 2007. ———. The Plum in the Golden Vase, or, Chin Pʻing Mei. trans. David Tod, Roy. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1993.

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THE UNITED STATES AND ITS ROLE IN THE TAIWAN-CHINA RELATIONSHIP Priscilla Hsu Claremont McKenna College

ABSTRACT with China, in particular, has the potential to sustain worldwide economic growth An elaboration of five potential and the management of pressing global policy options that the U.S. could pursue problems, including climate change and in Taiwan-China relations show that the the proliferation of weapons of mass peacefulness of cross-Strait relations destruction. On the other hand, clearly rests in the hands of leaders in worsening relations with a huge military Beijing and Taipei, though the U.S. should establishment like China could lead to a try to help ensure that this contract colossally destructive war that might have happens harmoniously. The U.S. should repercussions for decades, even if avoid getting too involved in Taiwan- following conventional methods. A China affairs, whether that is by actively sensitive topic, the U.S. needs to figure playing a mediator role or by choosing out how to navigate its China relationship sides, but it should also avoid while maintaining relations with Taiwan. complacency, for it still has international This is important for the maintenance of commitments to uphold with China, regional peace and perhaps even more so Taiwan, and other allies in the Asia Pacific for international credibility. There is region. While the U.S. works on its overall reason to believe that Taiwan is going to commitment to improving U.S.-China be an important contemporary issue in the relations, such as increasing economic context of improving U.S.-China relations, interdependence, the U.S. should maintain though the issue is one that America has an ambiguous but supportive role of been tiptoeing around for decades. Taiwan. Not only could this improve U.S. Though there are multiple policies the relationships in the Asia Pacific, it could U.S. could pursue, the most pragmatic also stabilize the region as a whole. There seems to be a push towards dialogue—not is a lot to be gained from a peaceful as a mediator, but as an encouraging resolution between Taiwan and China, but sideliner. it is up to the two parties to decide how Taiwan is of significant that resolution might be reached. importance to the United States for the reasons of maintaining regional peace and INTRODUCTION America’s international credibility. The United States can use Taiwan to provide The nature of Sino-U.S. relations leverage in expressing American is heavily influenced by policy dissatisfaction with China over arms surrounding Taiwan. The United States proliferation, trade, intellectual property believes that improved relations in the rights, and human rights. The physical Asia Pacific could lead to open markets position of the island provides certain with opportunities for investment, trade, geographic leverage, but it is argued that and technology. Improved U.S. relations U.S. military support is unnecessary for

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 98! the immediate defense of Taiwan, and the mounting friction between Washington island in turn is unnecessary for the and Beijing, friction that the Obama security of the United States and its administration hoped to alleviate with a regional interests. By itself, Taiwan’s “reset” of U.S.-China relations. Once it military remains one of the twenty largest became apparent that “reset” wasn’t armed forces in the world, with close to working and the U.S. needed to adopt a 270,000 active-duty troops and a defense new strategy in approaching China, the budget of some $10 billion. i However, Obama administration then shifted to a investment in Taiwan’s geographic “pivot towards Asia.” location does reassure U.S. allies— The rhetoric of Obama’s first term particularly Japan, whose sea lanes of called for “visionary leadership” to “lead supply and communication pass close to the world, by deed and by example.” iv Taiwanii—of safety with the United States’ Outlined by goals to maintain “sustained, international credibility. direct, and aggressive diplomacy—the While U.S. investment and kind that the Bush administration ha[d] physical presence in Taiwan does not been unable and unwilling to use,”v the guarantee the security of allies in Asia like new foreign policy strategy was termed Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand, the “reset” policy. Obama’s first grand and the Philippines, its support of Taiwan strategy, as explained in various speeches has a lot to do with upholding historical and administration initiatives in his first commitments and maintaining year, was “to make lemons out of international credibility. The ending of an lemonade.” vi But the administration alliance with Taiwan would be more quickly found out that an improved significant than is generally appreciated, standing for the U.S. did not actually give for it would not only signal abandonment the U.S. greater policy leverage. China, of the containment of China but also Russia, and other aspiring powers did not threaten the concept of collective view themselves as partners of the United security. iii Granted, America has often States. The administration’s strategy was held an ambiguous position regarding perceived as promoting narrow U.S. Taiwan, interpreting and citing different interests rather than global public goods. agreements based on current self-interest. In response, the administration However, in keeping with commitment, reset its policies after its first 18 months in future policy options should remain office, pivoting toward a second, more compliant with the Joint Communiqué on assertive strategy. The U.S. also tightened the Establishment of Diplomatic economic and security relationships with Relations of 1979 while simultaneously China’s neighbors in the Asia-Pacific acknowledging policies such as the 1979 region, forcing Beijing to rethink its Taiwan Relations Act and Reagan’s Six strategy by demonstrating a willingness to Assurances of 1982. balance against rising threats. In doing so, the U.S. hopes to reassure its allies that it FOREIGN POLICY OF THE OBAMA will not be retreating into isolationism ADMINISTRATION anytime soon. Though key allies in the Pacific Rim may be reassured, Obama has President Obama inherited a yet to clearly outline his foreign policies to foreign policy relationship with China that the American people, who grow resentful was based on general separateness and as over troubling domestic affairs, an issue little interaction as possible. The previous that will be discussed in the policy options term with President Bush showed signs of of the next section.

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Moving into the new term, The U.S. can pursue the following Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has policy options: noted that one of the most important tasks for America in the next decade is to a. Stay out and do nothing lock in a substantially increased b. Actively mediate between Taiwan and investment—diplomatic, economic, China strategic, and otherwise—in the Asia- c. Aggressively support Beijing and “One Pacific region. The Strategic Economic China” Dialogue, a forum for bilateral talks, d. Support Taiwan, openly defying Beijing seems dedicated to improving U.S.-China e. Encourage dialogue economic interdependence. Clinton has expressed a commitment in using action Doing Nothing: to back up economic and strategic Although America is engaged in commitments, for “peace and security the international world, the American across the Asia-Pacific is crucial to global public generally believes that domestic progress.”vii She also expresses a need to issues should take priority. Likewise, “guarantee that defense capabilities and factions in the Beijing leadership have communications infrastructure of alliances argued that the U.S. is too preoccupied are operationally and materially capable of with its own affairs to intervene in a deterring provocation from the full dangerous situation on Taiwan’s behalf.viii spectrum of state and nonstate actors,” a The U.S. has officially stated support of diplomatic way of expressing that the U.S. China’s “One China” policy with plans to be ready to take action if anything documents like President Nixon’s occurs that challenges the status quo. Shanghai Communiqué of ’72, aimed While much of Clinton’s speech addresses towards the normalization of US-China the benefits of economic interdependence relations, and President Carter’s Joint between the U.S. and China, Clinton’s Communiqué on the Establishment of rhetoric also emphasizes a support of Diplomatic Relations, a formal human rights and democracy. This is said announcement establishing official to be the heart of their foreign policy, relations with the People’s Republic of including in the turn to the Asia-Pacific China (PRC). Despite this, the Taiwan region. The Obama administration claims Relations Act (TRA) of 1979 states that to be committed to the pivot towards the the U.S. would view violence in the Strait Asia-Pacific as one of the most important with grave concern, and commits diplomatic efforts of our time. Washington to arming Taiwan to allow it to defend itself if attacked. It does not, POLICY OPTIONS WITH TAIWAN however, require the U.S. to protect the island directly. The U.S. could officially Washington has several policy choose to do nothing if armed conflict options regarding U.S.-China-Taiwan arose between Taiwan and China. relations. The implications of each will be However, economic interests must outlined in the following section. be kept in mind. Even if China does not However, whatever policy Washington directly apply military force, the scare of a decides to pursue, it will still need to blockade or missiles fired at offshore decide whether to make its intentions islands could intimidate Taiwan’s trade clear or remain ambiguous over its likely partners away from investment. During response to fighting in the Strait. the 1996 crisis, when Beijing test-fired nuclear-capable M-9 missiles to land close

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 100! to Taiwan’s two major ports, China’s effort to prevent a resurgence of civil war actions caused Taiwan’s stock market to by reconciling the Nationalists and fall, significantly reducing foreign- Communists. The effort failed, in part due exchange reserves and generally to a lack of willingness from both sides to destabilizing the economy. ix Washington compromise, but also because Marshall’s has historically been instrumental in the mediation was biased in favor of the island’s democratic development, has democratic Nationalists. Washington has invested heavily in its economy and has been, and probably should be, hesitant to been the key to maintaining its defensive intercede so directly again. capabilities. In 2010, two-way trade Stepping in as a mediator could between Taiwan and America reached $59 put the U.S. in an uncomfortable position billion and Taiwan ranked as America’s for several reasons. Since the U.S. seems ninth-largest trading partner. x In 2012, to have more vested interests in U.S.-Taiwan relations included the maintaining Sino-U.S. ties and it is possibility of a controversial sale of F-16 assumed that U.S. mediation would yield C/D fighter jets that Taiwan has been an outcome pleasing to China, Beijing is requesting since 2006. xi It is clear that more in favor of this policy than Taipei. America has made a significant Therefore, if talks produced results investment in Taiwan, making it unclear as unexpectedly favorable to Taiwan, U.S. to why the U.S. would choose to pursue a relations with China could deteriorate policy that does nothing. There is too quite rapidly. Washington’s mediating role much at stake for the U.S. to do nothing could also incur obligations unwelcome to about Taiwan. Congress and the American public, such As stated before, America has no as the responsibility of imposing formal responsibility to use military force compromises and monitoring outcomes. to prevent Chinese action on Taiwan. A look at the general American response However, history and current politics to U.S. involvement in the , suggest the U.S. would find it difficult to the Iraq War, and most recently, Libyan watch the subjugation of Taiwan’s intervention, illustrate public democratic government by the dissatisfaction in the perceived Communist Chinese. Not only would this unnecessary involvement in foreign threaten U.S. economic interests, but U.S. affairs. If the U.S. does not need to credibility in Asia might also be damaged intervene between China and Taiwan, it if it failed to react to a Chinese attack. should not try. Even without formal obligations, the Taking a mediator position would Obama administration has demonstrated a force the U.S. to distinctly outline its commitment to proving American policies, as opposed to maintaining a reliability, to make it clear that the U.S. historically ambiguous stance. In 1972, remains an Asia-Pacific power. The do- when the U.S. and China reached their nothing policy does not seem to follow first compromise over Taiwan with the the kind of reputation the U.S. wants to Chinese ‘One-China’ position, display. Washington acknowledged the Chinese position but did not accept it. Though Active Mediation: members of the China-policy community The U.S. has previously been a now blur the distinction, it is unlikely that mediator in China-Taiwan relations. In the U.S. will be allowed to take a nuanced 1945, President Harry Truman dispatched position if acting in the mediator role. General George C. Marshall in a failed

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This policy does not seem to be in line to mention discontent from Taiwan. with American interest. Official U.S. policy is to acknowledge the One-China policy. But changes in the Aggressive Support for Beijing in the nature of the government, as well as “One-China” Policy: growing national sentiment in Taiwan, is The U.S. has particular interest in changing the amount of influence the U.S. improving U.S.-China relations. China’s has in exerting pressure for reunification. main priority regarding Taiwan is to Current president-elect Ma Ying Jeou prevent independence and all policies that advocates policy aimed at improving promote it. Before pursuing this policy, cross-strait relations, but Taiwan’s people the U.S. will need to decide how heavy the are showing trends of a desire to reclaim benefits from relinquishing the notion of some of the attributes of nationhood, an independent Taiwan, either by particularly an international voice. This is encouraging Taiwan to reunite with China particularly true of the growing number of or by allowing for forced reunification, young people in Taiwan who do not will actually weigh in on the improvement identify culturally with the mainland, but of U.S-China relations. see themselves as distinctly Taiwanese. Chinese administrative officials The growth of the Democratic Political claim that Taiwan’s interests and Party (DPP), whose main party platform improved U.S. relations with Beijing are supports Taiwanese independence, mutually exclusive, persuading U.S. illustrates this trend. xiii Taiwanese officials that compliance with Beijing’s nationalism is not only an impeding factor policies could lead to a stronger Sino-U.S. in China’s pursuit of reunification, but relationship benefitting all parties also increasingly in Taiwan’s resistance to involved. Realists offer an alternative reunification. The option of pressured explanation to China’s push for reunification is likely to mull over poorly reunification. Rising powers are often with the citizens of Taiwan. drawn to challenge territorial boundaries Furthermore, the history of U.S. and international institutional relations with Taiwan provides arrangements that were in place when they considerable precedent for those who were relatively weak. China, with an argue that the U.S. should and would expanding economy and growing military intervene if China tried to forcibly bring capabilities, is identified by most realists as Taiwan under its control. In 1954 and a rising power and will be strongly 1958, the U.S. deployed significant naval inclined to become a real hegemon. xii power in the Strait to intercept armed Some think that the changes China’s conflict between the PRC and the ROC. leaders seek are relatively limited: the In both instances, though more in the first reintegration of Taiwan with the than the second, President Dwight D. mainland, rectification of some disputed Eisenhower’s administration won public borders, and the acceptance by the and Congressional support as it international community of its claims to successfully deescalated heightened portions of the South China Sea. tension between China and Taiwan. In Appeased with these conditions, China 1996, President Bill Clinton also will perhaps calm down on its harsh dispatched two aircraft-carrier battle territorial expansionist policies. groups to defend the Taiwan area as However, accommodating China Chinese missiles fell into the waters just on these terms would lead to serious off Taiwan’s coast. discontent in the Asia Pacific region, not

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The fact remains that the U.S. is allies in the Asia Pacific just as it needs to an ideological country whose foreign uphold its agreements with China. The policy is influenced by its ideals of consequences of upsetting China on this protecting democracy and freedom. issue could potentially extend Though the forced reunification of consequences beyond the economy and Taiwan may benefit the U.S.-China further into armed conflict. Given that the relationship in the short term, others rules circumscribing U.S. military presence argue that China might see it as a sign of in Taiwan are relatively strict, there are no American weakness and that the coordination procedures in place for joint credibility of American reliability could be U.S.-Taiwan action in an emergency, seriously damaged. This option would put which threatens to impair operations and the U.S. in a position that not only directly endanger lives should circumstances contradicts its ideals of democracy and require cooperation. freedom, but also risks ruining The American public is unlikely to Washington’s standing in world politics. want to support this policy. As outlined in reasons why the U.S. should not take an Supporting Taiwanese Independence: active mediator role, the long economic Under the TRA’s provisions, the downturn has jaded Americans on U.S. has no obligation to send forces to engaging with the rest of the world, protect Taiwan. It does, however, outline making any activist foreign policy a tough a responsibility to sell Taipei weapons to sell. Recent Libyan intervention allow it to defend itself and to give it the underscores this attitude. Said Obama of courage to try. China protests against his actions, “wherever people long to be these sales as an unacceptable violation of free, they will find a friend in the United Chinese sovereignty. In 1982, China States.”xvii But because Libya is not a core extracted a communiqué out of President national interest, this has left Obama in an Reagan that pledged that U.S. arms sales awkward position of trying to explain his would “not exceed, either in qualitative or foreign policy priorities, something he quantitative terms, the level of those should be hesitant of doing again in taking supplied in recent years” and that the U.S. a position to support Taiwanese would “reduce gradually” the levels of its independence. Even when taking sales. xiv But these stipulations have not America’s obligation to preserve completely deterred the U.S. from democracy and freedom into account, the continuing to sell arms to Taiwan, as potential deterioration of U.S.-China evidenced by a $5.85 billion weaponry relations makes this position seems too package to meet Taiwan’s defense needs.xv risky for the U.S. The U.S., as Taiwan’s third largest foreign investor,xvi supports Taiwan with Encouraging Dialogue, but Not Much economic investments and arms sales, but More Than That: the triangular relationship fashioned Current U.S. policy advocates during the normalization era of Sino-U.S. dialogue between China and Taiwan to relations limits U.S. mobility in developing resolve differences and maintain regional a bilateral relationship with Taiwan. Under peace. This is a comparatively the terms of its recognition communiqué disinterested posture in contrast to with Beijing and the TRA, Washington mediation, where the U.S. would assume can have only informal relations with responsibility for outcomes and Taiwan. The U.S. needs to uphold its implementation. To pursue this policy historical commitments to Taiwan and option, Washington has to continue to be

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 103! careful not to set goals or to suggest a would react, and what demands Congress path for China and Taiwan to follow on and the American public would place this basis of cross-Strait dialogue. A look upon it, should fighting break out in the at the failed talks between Chinese Taiwan Strait. The cause of conflict would Communists and Chinese Nationalists in be crucial to U.S. decision-making but it 1945 show that the U.S. must remain would not be easy to judge initial unbiased if they choose to join in the provocation. Thus, it is best for the U.S. conversation. By signaling that to maintain ambiguity while encouraging Washington is respecting China’s peaceful dialogue between China and territorial integrity, this policy could lead Taiwan. to force reductions by China, as well as an end to its Taiwan-focused military attack THE PLAN TO MAINTAIN PEACE drills. A resolution reached between Taiwan and China itself could create a An elaboration of five potential model for the peaceful resolution of policy options that the U.S. could pursue China’s many resource, boundary, and in Taiwan-China relations shows that the military conflicts throughout Asia.xviii The peacefulness of cross-Strait relations U.S. objective may be only to prevent clearly rests in the hands of leaders in forceful reunification. Beijing and Taipei, though the U.S. should Encouraging dialogue seems to be try to help ensure that this contract the best policy that encompasses the happens peacefully. While the U.S. works protection of U.S. interests while avoiding on its overall commitment to improving unnecessary conflict. Whatever policy the U.S.-China relations, such as increasing U.S. decides to pursue regarding the economic interdependence, the U.S. China-Taiwan debate, it will also need to should maintain am ambiguous but decide whether to clarify its intentions or supportive role of Taiwan. There is no leave them ambiguous. In the past, doubt that the economic downturn has ambiguity has worked towards the U.S.’s made the American people tired of risk, advantage. Today, critics argue more war, and foreigners with problems, but strongly than before that ambiguity they also believe in democracy and jeopardizes rather than protects regional freedom. The U.S. should avoid getting peace. According to this view, ambiguity too involved in Taiwan-China affairs, invites rash action; firm principles would whether that is by actively playing a make a more compelling deterrent.xix mediator role or by choosing sides, but it However, if the U.S. clarified its should also avoid complacency for it still policy, saying that it would not defend has international commitments to uphold Taiwan, leaders in Beijing might be with China, Taiwan, and other allies in the encouraged to take rash action. On the Asia Pacific region. other hand, a firm U.S. declaration that it That being said, the Obama would protect Taiwan may prompt administration should fulfill the Taiwanese radicals to hasten a crisis by responsibilities outlined in the Taiwan leading them to believe themselves Relations Act and continue with arms invulnerable in the event of a Chinese sales. China will never believe that there is attack. Ambiguity regarding the U.S. a good time for the U.S. to sell weapons position during a cross-Strait dispute to Taiwan, but in the past two years, the seems to provide the U.S. with the largest United States has sold almost $13 billion buffer for action. Furthermore, the U.S. in weapons to Taiwan, and cross-Strait government cannot be certain how it relations are in the best shape in decades.xx

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Without military security, Taipei might !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! feel too insecure and Taiwan’s leaders too viii Nancy Bernkopf. Tucker "China-Taiwan: US Debates and Policy Choices." Survival 40.4 (1998): 152. politically vulnerable to negotiate with China. Arms sales facilitate cross-Strait ix Ibid: 153. compromise by giving Taiwan confidence. x “US comfortable with improved cross-Taiwan Strait An abandoned and isolated Taiwan might, ties,” The China Post, in desperation, declare independence or http://www.chinapost.com.tw/taiwan/foreign- even revive efforts to produce nuclear affairs/2011/03/09/293936/US-comfortable.htm. More information at “Top U.S. Trade Partners,” weapons. A Taipei that feels vulnerable International Trade Administration, would not necessarily pursue unification http://www.trade.gov/mas/ian/build/groups/public/ as Beijing assumes. Because of this, it @tg_ian/documents/webcontent/tg_ian_003364.pdf as cited in Nancy Bernkopf and Bonnie Glaser. "Should would seem that U.S. support is helpful, the United States Abandon Taiwan?" The Washington not harmful to China’s interests. The Quarterly 34.4 (2011): 32. continuation of arms sales does come with xi “Arms sales to Taiwan: Fighter-fleet response”, The a caveat though. If Washington continues Economist, to support Taiwan, it must simultaneously http://www.economist.com/blogs/banyan/2012/05/ar find ways to convince Beijing that the ms-sales-taiwan

United States does not seek to prevent an xii Aaron L. Friedberg. "The Future of U.S.-China accommodation between Taiwan and Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable?" International Security China. America should try to sustain 30.2 (2005): 19. peaceful conditions in which Taiwan and xiii As indicated in “2012 ELECTIONS: Wary of China, China can reach a solution by themselves. many Taiwanese hope for DPP win”, Taipei Times, Not only could this improve U.S. http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/20 12/01/10/2003522881 as well from personal relationships in the Asia Pacific, it could communication and insight from family in Taiwan also stabilize the region as a whole. There is a lot to be gained from a peaceful xiv Nancy Bernkopf Tucker. "China-Taiwan: US Debates and Policy Choices." Survival 40.4 (1998): 154. resolution between Taiwan and China, but it is up to the two parties to decide how xv “Arms sales to Taiwan: Fighter-fleet response, The that might be reached. Economist, http://www.economist.com/blogs/banyan/2012/05/ar !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ms-sales-taiwan i Andrew Scobell and Andrew J. Nathan. "China's Overstretched Military." The Washington Quarterly 35.4 xvi Nancy Bernkopf and Bonnie Glaser. "Should the (2012): 140. United States Abandon Taiwan?" The Washington Quarterly 34.4 (2011): 32. ii Nancy Bernkopf Tucker and Bonnie Glaser. "Should the United States Abandon Taiwan?" The Washington xvii Daniel W. Drezner. "Does Obama Have a Grand Quarterly 34.4 (2011): 32. Strategy?" Foreign Affairs 90.4 (2011): 66. iii Earl C. Ravenal "Approaching China, Defending xviii Bruce Gilley. "Not So Dire Straits." Foreign Affairs Taiwan." Foreign Affairs 50 (1972): 44. 89.1 (2010): 45. iv Barack Obama. "Renewing American Leadership." xix Nancy Bernkopf. Tucker "China-Taiwan: US Debates Foreign Affairs 86.4 (2007): 4. and Policy Choices." Survival 40.4 (1998): 162. v Ibid: 9. xx Nancy Bernkopf and Bonnie Glaser. "Should the United States Abandon Taiwan?" The Washington Quarterly 34.4 (2011): 34. vi Daniel W. Drezner "Does Obama Have a Grand Strategy?" Foreign Affairs 90.4 (2011): 64. REFERENCES vii Hillary Clinton. "America's Pacific Century." Foreign Clinton, Hillary. "America's Pacific Policy 1 Nov. 2011. Print. Century: The Future of Geopolitics Will Be Decided in Asia, Not in Afghanistan or Iraq, and the United States

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Should Be Right at the Center of the Action." Foreign Policy 1 Nov. 2011. Print. Drezner, Daniel W. "Does Obama Have a Grand Strategy?" Foreign Affairs 90.4 (2011): 57-68. Print. Friedberg, Aaron L. "The Future of U.S.- China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable?" International Security 30.2 (2005): 7-45. Print. Gilley, Bruce. "Not So Dire Straits." Foreign Affairs 89.1 (2010): 44-89. Print. Obama, Barack. "Renewing American Leadership." Foreign Affairs 86.4 (2007): 2-16. Print. Ravenal, Earl C. "Approaching China, Defending Taiwan." Foreign Affairs 50 (1972): 44-50. Print. Scobell, Andrew, and Andrew J. Nathan. "China's Overstretched Military." The Washington Quarterly 35.4 (2012): 135-48. Print. Tucker, N. Bernkopf. "China-Taiwan: US Debates and Policy Choices." Survival 40.4 (1998): 150- 67. Print. Tucker, Nancy Bernkopf, and Bonnie Glaser. "Should the United States Abandon Taiwan?" The Washington Quarterly 34.4 (2011): 23-37. Print. “2012 ELECTIONS: Wary of China, many Taiwanese hope for DPP win”, Taipei Times, http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/20 12/01/10/2003522881 “Arms sales to Taiwan: Fighter-fleet response, The Economist, http://www.economist.com/blogs/banyan/2012/05/ar ms-sales-taiwan “Top U.S. Trade Partners,” International Trade Administration, http://www.trade.gov/mas/ian/build/groups/public/ @tg_ian/documents/webcontent/tg_ian_003364.pdf as cited in Nancy Bernkopf and Bonnie Glaser. "Should the United States Abandon Taiwan?" The Washington Quarterly 34.4 (2011): 32. “US comfortable with improved cross- Taiwan Strait ties,” The China Post, http://www.chinapost.com.tw/taiwan/foreign- affairs/2011/03/09/293936/US-comfortable.htm.

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GOT MILK? China’s Dairy Industry and its Impact on a Globalized Children’s Culture Serena Piol Columbia University

ABSTRACT some form of milk. As infants, we drink our mothers’ milk, or milk-based formula, The introduction of China’s One Child and it continues to dominate our diet Policy in 1978 drastically shifted the throughout all stages of early dynamic within Chinese homes. Chinese development. Milk exists as a taken-for- families were stuck trying to grapple with granted part of our daily lives—a the shifting numbers of younger substance that has been hard-wired into generations and the increasing importance our nutritional thinking as an essential forced upon the Only Child to carry on dietary product for growing youth. In the family name. Thus, the “Little China, this is not the case; milk Emperor” phenomenon arose as a result consumption, as we know it, is a recent of this shifting dynamic. Following the and growing phenomenon that has Opening and Reform Policy, China’s significantly altered food culture and food newly globalized world was absorbing new consumption patterns. This phenomenon products and influences from all over the has been particularly striking among the world. Thus, milk made its way into eating habits of China’s youngest Chinese stomachs. generation.i The increased prominence of milk has prompted alarm among older In 2008, China was introduced into the generations regarding the future health of global sphere as a force to be reckoned their children. My research explores the with. Finally, in 2012, Chinese advertising changing eating habits of China’s youngest in London became crucial to upholding generation through the lens of milk: its the good name that had been established history in the world, its introduction into in 2008. As such, milk advertisements the Chinese sphere, and its impact on took over by storm. Advertising children’s culture in China. companies played on relevant themes that During my first visit to China in are central to Chinese culture: family and the summer of 2008, I was warned that nation. The themes touched upon in the Chinese palate was quite different, and these advertisements are indicative of a that I would most likely get sick at some larger trend of transformation in Chinese point because of it. I paid close attention society. to everything I ate, and my Western upbringing led me to notice the lack of INTRODUCTION dairy products in my everyday life. Towards the end of the summer, I found Ice cream, chocolate, cheese, milk. myself at a Pizza Hut, craving the taste of Dairy in its various forms has constituted a familiar and comforting Western food. a significant element of the Western diet Following that meal, I finally experienced for centuries. In the United States, it is the food-induced discomfort that I had hard to live a day without consuming been warned about since orientation

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 107! week. What puzzled me, however, was types of products, and made children that the source of this illness was a food themselves significant consumers (Davis that I had eaten for eighteen years: cheese. 2000:57). The effects of this commercial When I returned to China in environment can be observed in the way September 2011, I became fascinated with in which milk, a novel industry in China, the country’s dairy industry. Historically, made its way into the Chinese milk has always played a minor role in marketplace, and how it requires children China’s culinary narrative. Only recently to make decisions as consumers. has milk been re-introduced into the The second major transformation Chinese middle class as a consumer was the implementation of China’s One product. With the globalization of Child Policy in 1979. With families being China’s economy, the Chinese have restricted to raising only one child, the become more open to foreign food policy engendered a new familial structure products and industries, such as fast food that has resulted in a move away from chains and dairy. As milk consumption traditional values. Now, they have had to declines in the U.S., it is growing steadily adjust to having only one child to be in China. Thanks to its introduction and nurtured, and to succeed them, where popularization through Western previously, parents and grandparents influences, milk is starting to play an could diffuse their attention and doting important role in the cultural and culinary among several children. Starting in 1979, experience of China’s youth. the Only Child has become the center of The introduction of milk into the the family structure, thus leading to the Chinese diet raises many anthropological emergence of the "4-2-1" problem: a questions regarding a changing social numeric representation of four landscape of Chinese culture. Food is a grandparents, two parents, and one child. defining measure of self and of one’s “4-2-1” has implications and concerns place in society; it is associated with home, expressed in two key terms: pei yang familiarity, tradition, and most (fostering a child’s growth, ) and importantly, group identification shan yang (caring for the elderly, ).iii (Anderson 2005:124-8). In the past two These have become synonyms of an decades, milk has not only successfully intense change in the Chinese infiltrated Chinese markets, but it has demographic, transforming the been absorbed into culinary culture and relationship between child and caretaker. daily life. The effects of the One Child Policy can be seen in the context of food CHAPTER 1: THE EMERGING consumption in the household. CHILDREN’S CULTURE IN CHINA Traditionally, children in China have been the “passive recipients of consumer After the Opening and Reform ii goods,” eating whatever was handed to Policy of 1978, two major changes have them (Watson 2000:200); household influenced the nature of Chinese society. decisions did not include any input from The first was China’s adoption of market the youngest generation. As these familial socialism: the One Child generation had structures have been transforming and the to engage with the excess of products and economy has become more market-based, advertising caused by the new global children have acquired increasing economy. The economic restructuring consumer power (Watson 2000:201). led to new affluence, innovative retailing Rising social pressures affect both the practices, the commercialization of all

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 108! parents and the child: parents feel the an increasing pressure to distinguish their need to acquiesce to their child’s requests child by “yield[ing] to their child’s tastes” in order to put them ahead. (Chee 2000:58). Food is used as a This demographic change is concrete means of doting on children and leading to what scholars refer to as a thus connotes a superior financial “Little Emperors” phenomenon, or the situation while demonstrating parental breeding of children who are selfish and love (Chee 2000:57). spoiled compared to previous generations. Parents have thus slowly been Because there is only one child to carry on adapting to changing social norms in the legacy of the family name, parents may order for their children to keep up with adopt new child rearing styles to produce the times. Children now have “have a highly influential and successful child. higher decision-making power,” and are For many, parenting has developed with able to control their own diets both by an intense competitive spirit. Parents are manipulating their parents and also by willing to provide their child with every being granted increased control of their advantage and edge to ensure future own food money (Watson 2000:201,209). quality of life. Young children are Only children are able to successfully interested in being included in this manipulate their parents by bombarding transforming globalized world, and their them with requests; parents are more parents are interested in providing them eager to comply because of the “parents’ this opportunity. The child becomes the hope that their children’s lives will be center of attention for his six elders, as better than their own” (Yan 2006:66). they collectively raise him/her, providing This change in the dynamic of child- the child with the resources to become a rearing leads only children not only to competent caretaker in the future. In a become primary decision makers, but also sense, the elders are investing their efforts to experience a higher quality of life. in the child as a means of social welfare— According to James L. Watson’s ensuring an excellent quality of life as their work in 2000, a very salient shift can be child assumes the caretaker role and observed in “decision-making power repays them by caring for them in their within the Chinese family [which]—at old age. least in respect to food—[was] shifting Chinese parents are from senior to junior generations” overwhelmingly concerned with the (Watson 2000:202). This shift in the wellbeing of their offspring. With only decision-making power illustrates the one child to fill their shoes, they feel changing relationship between parent and compelled to provide their child with all child. While this transfer of power is, in of the requisite tools for success. Chinese part, parent-driven, it is also largely due to parents assess their self worth through the child-driven efforts and persistence. This success and happiness of their children persistence is demonstrated at the dinner (Chee 2000:60). Parents who grew up table as children become more confident during the Cultural Revolution suffer and feel more comfortable asserting what from what James McNeal iv calls they want to eat, rather than passively “compensation syndrome,” the receiving what is put on their plates. The determination to provide their child with rising voice of the only child is causing a the material wealth they lacked as shift in the consumption culture of China, children; thus, they are often “materially a culture once centered around the generous” when fulfilling their child’s providing parent, now focused upon the requests (Chee 2000:60,65). Parents feel demanding only child (Jing 2000:5). The

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 109! shift in control from the parent to the observing the youngest generation is the child is especially noticeable in Chinese best method for understanding what culture, in which children have exactly is occurring. Children, in effect, traditionally been seen rather than heard. “act as guides and instructors for older This newfound sense of independence consumers who are less sure of and control cultivated in the youngest themselves in this new terrain” (Watson generation is a clear projection of China’s 2000:202). The parents of the Only Child adoption of Western ideals in the hope of generation grew up in a culture devoid of empowering its only children. Western contact; therefore, they must turn Children, too, face severe to their younger family members in order pressures at home thanks to the to make sense of the world in flux around Confucian principle of filial piety, which them. By entrusting their children with pertains specifically to the notion of shan the task of such decision-making, they are yang (caring for the elderly, ). Thus, able to navigate the world of uncertainty the reverse “4-2-1” problem (“1-2-4” with more confidence. problem) arises, carrying significant While the decision-making power implications for the Only Child. As the is shifting to the youngest generation, it is youngest member of a family of six, the important to note that consumer decision- Only Child is responsible for the care not making is, ultimately, a collaborative act. only of his/her parents, but also of Children are influencing their parents’ his/her grandparents. The child is decisions in the supermarkets, but it is responsible for dealing with any and all ultimately the parent who physically buys health issues that may arise in their old the product. Milk advertising age, and is, thus, under tremendous undoubtedly appeals to the desires of the pressure to stay afloat in their stressful youngest generation, but the parents are social environment, particularly at school. also directly affected by the perceived In “Eating Snacks and Biting Pressure: promise of a better future that is Only Children in Beijing,” Chee provides embedded in a glass of milk. a thorough analysis of the pressure felt by These shifts in familial structures children in the late 1990’s to conform to a reflect an overarching agenda on the globalized and modern society. national level. Because the government is “Compensation Syndrome” causes the concerned with improving the population child to suffer from many demanding quality (renkou suzhi, ), the pressures to perform well in school from internal shift of power within a family parents that had neither the same structure calls for a restructuring of educational opportunities nor the same societal ideals. By appealing to these “opportunity for social mobility [since idealistic, modern (and synonymously they were raised] during the chaotic Western) ideals, the only children of cultural revolution” (Chee 2000:65;Yan China are able to make strides towards 2006:66). Thus, the parents are modernizing and empowering their attempting to fulfill their personal need to generation, ultimately leading to the live vicariously through their child, which, overarching goal of improving the nation. in turn, pressures the child to live a By making (metaphorical) strides in the lifestyle that their parents have already Western (“forward”) direction, China’s determined for him/her. emerging Only Child generation is, for the While parents attempt to make first time, able to engage in the their way through the maze of modernity, globalization narrative.

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Milk companies and their the United States helps us understand the advertising campaigns are taking model that China used to shape its own advantage of the ability of China’s industry. youngest generation to access the media In the United States, the National as a result of this modernity-driven social Dairy Council (NDC) played an integral change. By using advertisements to role in the rise of milk consumption. appeal to China’s youth and to Chinese Founded in 1915, its goals were to parents, milk companies are transforming support research on the healthfulness of the cultural norms associated with milk dairy products, conduct educational drinking by getting parents to provide campaigns, and promote milk milk to their children, and using this consumption. The NDC was critical in generation to set a precedent in order to establishing and promoting the idea that mold the future consumers of China. children’s health depended on milk (Wiley As Jun Jing eloquently stated, 2011:52). Public health campaigns “New eating habits forge new identities” focusing on nutrients and children’s (Jing 2000:4). The younger generations growth arose at the beginning of the are forging new eating habits that differ twentieth century. The explicit focus of both historically and ideologically from these campaigns is evident in the previous generations. These new trends advertising from the time. Andrea Wiley’s are part of a new Chinese identity based book, Re-Imagining Milk, outlines some on observations of success in the West. examples of early slogans that promoted These changing attitudes towards the milk and emphasized the healthfulness of milk: industry have allowed it to flourish in “Start them early in the way they should China and will allow it to continue go; ensure health and happiness for your integrating itself into the cultural and children by establishing and maintaining historical narrative of Chinese food the right food habits;” “Tomorrow's culture. image is being cast today” (Wiley 2011:54- 5). These advertisements used scientific CHAPTER 2: THE RISE OF MILK IN findings to project positive future CHINA implications, fueling a middle-class narrative that emphasized dietary habits Milk has never been a typical part and children’s physical growth (Levenstein of the Chinese diet. In fact, most Chinese 1988; Wiley 2011:55). people have lived their lives consuming The association of milk with little to no dairy. Recent studies, however, intense symbolic and cultural values in the illuminate the changing trajectory of milk United States supported monumental in China as an increasingly prominent growth in milk consumption; milk soon consumer product (See studies described became a symbol of health and therefore a in Wiley 2007; 2011). While there are necessity. Milk drinking, then, is needed many theories regarding this upward trend to build what constitutes a “normal” and in popularity, this analysis focuses on “healthy” body (Wiley 2011:3-4). This milk as a symbol of Western ideals, and image of milk became engrained in the the use of milk, in turn, as a Chinese minds of America and, over time, daily nationalist symbol in order to encourage milk drinking became a normative aspect demand and production. Examining the of American culture; regardless of milk’s trajectory taken by the governmental actual presence in their lives, most institutions and advertising companies in Americans know that milk is something

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 111! they should drink daily (Wiley 2011:1). provides a comprehensive definition of The origin of these claims is unclear; globalization as a means of flourishing studies completed over the last 30 years through the exchange of ideas and also show no clear causal link between points out the deepening connection increased milk consumption and growth “between the local and the distant” in height (Wiley 2005; 2007). Andrea (Steger 2003:13). The Chinese viewed the Wiley posits that it may have been an West as an exemplar of modern society, "intuitive recognition” that since infants and globalization served as a catalyst for consume their mother’s milk to support their assimilation of Western practices. their growth, milk’s life-sustaining benefits Milk was an obvious stepping-stone as should be suitable and necessary for post- China worked towards becoming a weaning-age children (Wiley 2011:48). modern nation. Therefore, cows' milk was seen as a food There are three issues that have “naturally” needed by children, and hence challenged milk’s absorption into Chinese as inherently good (Wiley 2011:48). culture. Firstly, food and commensalityv Despite the lack of scientific has long been a means of group grounding, milk has risen in China as a identification, pride, and security, symbol of growth for the human body. especially in China (Anderson 2005:128). Height is often used as an indicator of Incorporating unfamiliar or foreign foods population health (See Komlos 1994). A into a cultural tradition that has been in blatant height discrepancy between the place for millennia is not an easy average height of U.S. and Chinese undertaking. While the West is viewed as populations has caused speculation an example of modernity, Chinese people regarding a cause. Because milk is remain steadfast in their traditions and notorious for its growth-enhancing quality have had major difficulties adopting (albeit false), a link is drawn between the foreign products in their culture, especially visible height of the United States’ citizens foodstuffs. The Chinese have always had and high levels of milk consumption. The a strong sense of “bio-ethnocentrism,”vi Chinese look upon this height firmly believing that their consumption phenomenon as a plausible relationship, habits and patterns are superior to those and were therefore eager to adopt milk of others and any patterns that deviate drinking in order to resolve the nation’s from that norm are, in effect, abnormal “growth deficits” (Wiley 2007:675). These (Wiley 2011:4). “growth deficits” are not limited to the Secondly, there is an inherent physical size of the Chinese population; an problem with the biological makeup of enhanced physical stature further implies milk, as the human body is not equipped positive economic and social with the proper enzymes to digest it. development. Milk, therefore, has Worldwide, approximately 70% of the become an essential “mark of new population is in some way lactose money” in China (Wiley 2011:84). intolerant; the prevalence of this lactase Following the Opening and enzyme deficiency in Asia, however, is Reform Policy, China was exposed to almost 100% (Wiley 2011:29). This globalization first-hand as ideas and presents a physical barrier to the act of products flowed into China from all over consuming and digesting milk. the world. The economy that came about Thirdly, milk was never a as a result of this influx of ideas flourished significant part of Chinese history. into a globalized culture. Manfred Steger Historically, nomadic peoples in the

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North and West were the only producers milk and view dairy in a positive light. and consumers. Outside of these The purchasers consider dairy healthy and populations, the consumer bases of milk nutritious and see milk as a product that were mainly the Chinese upper classes should be incorporated as a staple into (Wiley 2007: 670). Milk, therefore, their daily diets (See Fuller et al.:2004). became heavily associated with these This study is indicative of the deeply nomadic tribes—particularly the Mongols. engrained cultural label (borrowed from With the fall of the Yuan dynasty, the the West) that connects milk to the idea Ming rulers developed a new agenda of health. As in the United States, milk is geared towards belittling foods associated increasingly viewed as a product that with the foreign and “barbarian” Mongols should be consumed daily. Interestingly, (See Anderson 1988). Because of the this study also mirrors the economic negative association with the Mongols, imbalance of milk consumption that was milk was seen as a product that would present in the time of the Ming Dynasty, stifle, rather than uplift, the culture of when only the wealthier class had access their dynasty. This association to dairy products. contributed to the emergence of a deeply Dairy consumption in China more rooted stigma that, in turn, influenced the than tripled between 1990 and 2009, and willingness of the Chinese people to it increased six-fold from 2000-2009 accept into their diet and culture a food (Wiley 2011:86-7). China’s efforts in that has long been associated with a promoting milk provide valuable insights “barbaric” people. into the local meanings of milk, as well as These major cultural setbacks led governmental institutions’ interpretation the milk industry to primarily focus on of milk. Advertising companies and demographic groups that were not yet government efforts are heeding a national convinced of the cultural stigma of milk. need to improve the generation of the These target demographics include the future. The Chinese government is set on younger generations, whose rising educating the public on the positive incomes, increased purchasing power, and effects of milk in order to improve the changing food preferences are “seen as population quality (renkou suzhi, key to the boom in the dairy market” ) (Jing 2000:12). The health of the (Wiley 2011:87). Economic factors play a nation has become a primary concern of major role in milk popularization and the government in initiating school milk consumption: milk consumption is about programs and promoting milk positive thirteen times greater in urban areas advertising. Milk has been transformed to compared to rural ones. While the fit local ideologies both on the individual increase in milk consumption is tangible and the national level. The marketing of across all income levels, it is most dairy in China exploits the idea of milk as common among higher income groups source of physical enhancement and a (See Fuller et al.:2006). necessary product for national strength; In a quantitative survey of dairy these “links between milk, size, and purchases done by Fuller et al. in 2004, national success in global competitions are the upward trend of dairy consumption in unmistakable” (Wiley 2007:673). These the urban Chinese diet was confirmed in associations are all positive ones, and they China’s three major cities: Shanghai, have heavily informed Chinese advertising Beijing, and Guangzhou. Over 90% of campaigns. those surveyed reported purchasing fluid

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In response to this visible trend, Various Chinese officials have stated that the Food and Agriculture Organization by drinking more milk, the Chinese are (FAO) of the United Nations initiated able to “catch up” in size to Western “World School Milk Day” in 2000 which populations (Chen 2003). In 2006, emphasized milk programs in developing Chinese premier Wen Jiabao was quoted countries, attempting to make a push for saying, “I have a dream to provide every the provision of milk in schools (Wiley Chinese, especially children, sufficient 2011:87-88). The Chinese government milk each day” (“China Drinks Its Milk” also responded to the upward trend by 2007). Milk advertising has adopted a establishing government subsidized milk twofold agenda: to improve health programs in 1999; these programs were a through milk consumption, thereby key strategy for increasing milk helping to build a better nation-state. consumption by introducing it to the Milk companies like Shanghai youngest generation of Chinese citizens as Bright Dairy and Food Company are early as possible. China’s Ministry of developing their future consumers by Agriculture also responded to the targeting urban Chinese and their children overwhelming demand for milk with (Chen 2003). Children, in fact, have agricultural reforms such as the become the primary targets for the “Advantageous Cow Milk Area majority of milk advertising and Development Program, 2003-2007” to commercials. The use of internationally increase the efficiency of milk production known athletes to market milk products, and the consumption of milk products as demonstrated in the next chapter, is a (Wiley 2007:670). Because these particularly effective tactic for targeting programs are included as direct children. Milk companies have the child governmental dietary advice, the inclusion in mind as they enhance milk products of milk is further legitimized, increasing with different flavors and use cartoons to desirability and therefore consumption decorate milk packaging (Chen 2003). (Wiley 2011:92). These marketing tools reflect the Milk has become the emergence of the child as a consumer and, “quintessential modern Western drink” therefore, the primary target of most and is thus associated with its economic marketing efforts. Given that children and athletic successes; it offers a tangible have not yet established their consumer way to make up for past “growth deficits” habits, they are the ideal target for these and allows China to envision itself as marketing efforts assuming that they, in comparably strong and modern as the turn, adopt these culinary habits and then West (Wiley 2007:675). While in the pass them on to their progeny. United States the milk industry’s primary Milk consumption has grown agenda is an economic one, China’s main exponentially over the past two decades. preoccupation is using milk as a unifying This rapid growth exemplifies a sense of and nation-strengthening product, urgency for milk to be accepted and allowing the country to promote and promulgated in Chinese culture. By 2020, strengthen its status in this globalized China is predicted to hold the title of the economy. As Andrea Wiley states so largest dairy market in the world (Hornby eloquently: “Milk thus offers a kind of 2012). This upward trend of milk message of hope in a bottle (or carton) for consumption surprisingly occurred despite China's future as a robust, strong, healthy numerous ideological barriers that population and society” (Wiley 2011:95). fundamentally prevent the acceptance of

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 114! milk into the Chinese diet. The powerful Chinese milk companies drew establishment of the dairy industry in inspiration from the “Got Milk?” China promotes a sense that milk is a campaign to highlight important values necessary element of the Chinese diet. and themes in China. Milk was seen as a Thus, the idea of milk (and its consumers) symbol of the modern, more forward illustrates a larger discourse on China’s West, “the drink of America;” by drawing transforming cultural structures. upon those associations, China used milk to highlight the absence of such a drink CHAPTER 3: MARKETING and the need for China to have its own CULTURAL CHANGE: AN ANALYSIS “drink.” Milk, as a modern foodstuff, OF MILK ADVERTISING would allow China to enhance its role in a globalized arena. Therefore, milk Advertising was the primary force companies chose to highlight specific for popularizing milk in the United States. themes important to Chinese people: At the end of the twentieth century, the family, country, health, modernity, and milk industry in the U.S. was suffering sacrifice. Since milk’s inception into from the rising competition of other China, companies have highlighted these beverages such as soda and juice. By themes in various ways. 1990, Jeff Manning, the Executive In 1998, five years after the launch Director of the California Milk Processor of “Got Milk?”, China released its first Board, determined that milk was in need influential milk advertisement. Sanyuan of a “resurrection.” In response to this Milk Company teamed up with an concern, he spearheaded a campaign that American advertising agency, Ogilvy & would soon become one of the most Mather, and Jiang Wen, an acclaimed successful advertising campaigns in the Chinese director, to produce a short film United States: “Got Milk?” (Manning entitled “Sanyuan Milk Commercial” viii 1996:6). The milk moustache became an (Sanyuan gushi, ). “Sanyuan iconic image, and the faces who wore it Milk Commercial” sought to depict the flooded magazines in the 1990s. The milk historical tale of Sanyuan and how it moustache became symbolic of milk, its deeply affected a young boy’s life while growth enhancing benefits, and the setting up a narrative that parallels that of community it represented—America. a moral fable. The commercial follows a The “milk moustache” became a man as he recalls his childhood and the symbol that even the Chinese began to pleasure he got from imbibing milk. His understand. In 2001, Yao Ming vii was older sister used to unselfishly give him featured wearing a milk moustache as the her milk in order to help him as he grew. 2001 “Got Milk? Rookie of the Month” She plays the role of the caretaker, closely (Wiley 2011:95). The selection of a monitoring her brother and providing him Chinese athlete and his association with with an essential tool for success—milk. everything that milk symbolizes made the Years later, the boy still enjoys drinking Chinese more willing to accept an milk because it reminds him of his advertising campaign similar to that of childhood and his sister’s selfless “Got Milk?” Chinese milk companies nurturing. looked to the success of the campaign to The commercial inspired a inspire a campaign of their own, geared dialogue with the “Got Milk?” campaign. towards a larger demographic. Throughout the commercial, each of the characters is branded one-by-one with the

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 115! milk moustache (see appendix A.1; Figure siblings. The older sister diligently 1.1, 1.2, and 1.3). Sanyuan uses the provides the protagonist with his daily imagery of the milk moustache to impose portion of milk, even giving him her own, a Western icon onto a sentimental insisting that she does not like the taste. Chinese scene, asking the viewer to Years later, the protagonist realizes that imagine this story as a part of their own she actually does like the taste of milk, and history. Sanyuan’s use of the moral fable that his sister was sacrificing her own narrative not only calls upon the influence portion so that her brother could absorb of Western images to inform their own double the nutrients. The commercial culture, but also attempts to retroactively highlights milk as an essential write milk into China’s history. representation of the bond between older Jiang Wen’s style appeals to the sister and younger brother. The One nostalgic parent of the Only Child Child Policy abandons the possibility of generation and their memory of the recent this necessary relationship, and points to Cultural Revolution. Jiang Wen weaves the new anxiety of the parent who must clips of soldiers into the commercial, fill the role of the now absent older tugging on the heartstrings of the children sibling. of the revolution and calling upon their Ultimately this commercial has memory of hard times and sacrifice during one aim: to portray milk as a unifying what was a time of scarce resources, force. Milk plays an essential role in the particularly for the working class. The household as it brings together caretaker commercial alternates between the and child and allows for a sense of shared imagery of past struggles and the present understanding through milk drinking. world, where milk abounds. In this Furthermore, this shared family identity commercial, milk embodies a new epoch can be translated to the idea of milk as a of abundance and promise for both a unifying force of the nation. Sanyuan better present and a better future. Jiang established milk as a “family drink,” Wen removes milk from the distant, hoping to one day become the “family almost threatening, Western pedestal and drink,” and, furthermore, transforming it makes it more approachable to the into a larger identifying product of China reluctant Chinese viewer. As a value that eventually will become a part the laden, “high-context culture,” ix Chinese national canon as “China’s drink.” society is steadfast in its cultural beliefs, “Sanyuan Milk Commercial” and new ideas and changes are slow to be explores many of the important concepts accepted. In the commercial, Jiang Wen associated with milk. Advertising has literally places milk into the hands of the played a tremendous role in the children of the Cultural Revolution, acceptance of milk into the minds of the writing milk into China’s history as a Chinese people; in fact, it was reported as product that provides a message of hope one of the primary modicums through for the future. which information about milk reached the Finally, Jiang Wen appeals to the Chinese consumer (see Fuller et al.:2004). unbreakable bond of Chinese families and Jiang Wen established a precedent for all the nostalgia of the Chinese adult of the future milk commercials and established Cultural Revolution by recalling a time the themes of family, country, and (not too long ago) when children had the sacrifice in the Chinese memory, making companionship and guidance of their them popular tenets in future siblings. In the commercial, milk is commercials. understood as a nourishing bond between

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In 2008, the dairy industry gold medal domination and iconic Bird’s suffered a great blow by the Milk Scandal.x Nest from 2008. With the momentum With its tainted reputation still lingering in already established in 2008, the 2012 the minds of many Chinese, the milk games were the perfect time for a big industry suffered quite a few setbacks. marketing push. As such, milk companies Chinese dairy companies had to find a took advantage of the Olympic-inspired way in which they could turn their nationalism to further their own agenda reputations around. Four years later, the for promoting milk as “China’s drink.” milk industry looked to the Olympic Since 2008, Yili has thrown its games as a means of recovering from its efforts into Olympic sponsorship tainted name. The Olympic games opportunities. Yili was a main sponsor in presented a convenient platform and the 2008 Beijing games and a national source of nationalism upon which the team sponsor in the 2012 London games. milk industry could feed while also adding The brand’s involvement with the the element of pride and success Olympic games was most apparent in the associated with Chinese athletes. The various video and print advertisements surge in the milk industry during the past that they released. According to a year reflects the influence of the Olympic marketing analysis done by Labbrand in games on these campaigns. The same August of 2012, there are numerous themes of family, country, healthy, advantages of using the Olympic games as modernity, and sacrifice presented in Jiang a marketing platform. Yili promoted the Wen’s commercial were picked up by association between the brand and other milk companies, who focused their “Olympic value” in order to “improve efforts on the shifting dynamic of the brand esteem” as well as to “establish familial structure. These advertisements positive brand image.” Yili also improved were targeted specifically at the Only its relevance in the Chinese viewfinder by Child generation and the anxieties they fostering a “shared vision” for the brand developed in response to their new using the Olympics as a starting platform responsibilities. (“Branding Through the Olympics for In 2008, ten years after “Sanyuan Chinese and Global Brands”). Following Milk Commercial,” Ogilvy & Mather their campaign theme, “Let’s Olympic conducted a consumer study about the Together,” Yili used the spirit of the impact of the Olympic games on the Olympic games as a lens through which to Chinese consumer mentality. The study describe their product. To fortify the highlights a crucial concept surrounding connection between the Olympic games the Beijing Olympic games: that they and the Yili brand, Yili ensured that every carried a greater meaning than previous advertisement, commercial, and product ones because they symbolized the “arrival was branded with the Olympic rings. This of China” and the start of a new chapter partnership allowed the brand to within the modern globalized world legitimize itself in relation to the Olympic (Ogilvy & Mather 2008). With eyes all name and, as such, allowed for an almost over the world scrutinizing China’s every infallible campaign initiative. Milk was move and the remaining stigma of the used in these athlete-focused milk scandal, 2008 would have been an advertisements because it addressed a inopportune time to attempt new prominent concern about the size marketing agendas. By 2012, criticisms difference between Chinese and Western had faded, and the image of the London athletes; it was therefore marketed as a Olympics revived memories of China’s contributing factor to the apparent larger

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 117! size and musculature of Western athletes medalist for China, Chen Yibing serves as (Brownell 2005: 254). an Olympic role model, the epitome of In the midst of the 2012 physical fitness, and a physical Olympics, Yili Milk Company used Liu manifestation of Chinese pride. This Xiang and Chen Yibing, two important commercial promotes this sense of Chinese Olympians, as spokesmen for community as, in figure 2.2, the athletes milk as a drink of athletes and China. The come together because of milk to boost commercial “Liu Xiang-Run Together”xi their team morale. Yili, Chen Yibing plays upon the concepts of cooperation proclaims, “contributes to the pride of and teamwork that are necessary in any China and allows the world to see the sporting event. It shows a diverse crowd power of China.” The link to milk is running with Liu Xiang in a field and ends implicit: it can enhance the strength of with everyone jumping over a hurdle citizens and the bond between them, just together. The commercial fosters a sense as it did for the Olympic team. of companionship between the viewer and The use of Olympic athletes in the athlete, urging the viewer to believe in these advertisements directly appeals to his/her own ability to participate in the younger Chinese people—those who look commercial, thanks to the beneficial up to these athletes as role models. From nutrients in milk. The sense of a marketing perspective, this is an ideal companionship among the viewer, Liu target audience because their consumer Xiang, and the ordinary people in the habits have not yet been set. Due to the commercial forges a sense of group nature of family consumer dynamics, it is identification that attempts to embed milk difficult to direct an advertisement into the existing nationalist sentiment. effectively at Chinese youth because, The “Chen Yibing Milk ultimately, they do not actually purchase Commercial”xii also highlights the superior the product. This commercial, therefore, nutrients in milk and leverages the has another implicit audience: the parents. Olympics to further incorporate milk in These advertisements draw upon parental the existing nationalism agenda. The impulses to nurture a child as successfully commercial links milk drinking to the as possible, perhaps even to be gold successes of the Chinese gymnastics team. medalist.xiv This commercial instills the Milk’s nutrients, they claim, are so younger generations with the desire to superior that they “meet the strict criteria drink milk in order to become as of the Chinese gymnastics team.” successful as Chen Yibing and provides Because Yili claims milk to be a necessary parents with an easy tactic to avoid the part of Chinese athletes’ diets and, failure and backwardness that could result furthermore, an essential part of their without such advantages. success, Yili is then able to convincingly While the “Liu Xiang-Run claim milk as a suitable, nutritious, and Together” and the “Chen Yibing Milk even essential product for their homes.xiii Commercial” figuratively invited viewers Because milk contributes to the success of to identify with milk as a component of China’s athletes, the more milk the nation national pride, Yili did this literally in their drinks, the more successes will be awarded large campaign for the 2012 Olympic to the Chinese name. Milk is in a position games in London. In conjunction with to foster a stronger sense of communal their campaign theme of “Let’s Olympic pride within China by drawing upon the Together,” they invited “ordinary” people success of its citizens as well as the praise (pingfan ren, ) to share their of outsiders. As a four-time Olympic

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 118! stories with an audience of “ordinary” you will prolong your life and be able to Chinese people. Five inspiring videos continue moving. Drinking Yili milk will were produced with the collaboration of allow you to live a healthier life, literally Yili and Ogilvy & Mather Beijing. xv opening up new experiences to you. This According to China Smack Advertising’s commercial provides a message of hope website, “Happy Backpackers” was for the elderly who fear they can achieve viewed more than ten million times in the nothing in their old age and allows them first week and “Run Lao Li” was viewed to imagine a longer and healthier life by over two million times in the first two letting milk inspire them to achieve their days of its release. While the main goal Olympics. for these advertisements is obviously to This Yili campaign can be promote the Yili brand and milk in considered very non-traditional in its general, the approach taken in these two superficial target audience. Firstly, elderly commercials is completely distinct from people are less likely to watch television that of the advertisements featuring and therefore may not actually see this Olympic athletes. With the tagline of commercial. Secondly, consumer habits “Ordinary People Doing Extraordinary are usually set by age thirty; therefore, Things,” these advertisements target the senior citizens (i.e. sixty plus years) are Chinese population on a personal and unlikely to be affected by these accessible level. commercials. Their children and “Happy Backpackers” xvi tells the grandchildren, however, are likely to be tale of two grandparents, Zhang watching these commercials together as Guangzhu and his wife Wang Zhongjin, they follow the Olympic games. and their adventures backpacking These younger generations are together. Each year they walk farther and ultimately the target of commercials like farther and are inspired by the fact that these because they will be the ones the more they move, the more they are purchasing milk in the future. As a result able to move. The mountains, they say, of the One Child Policy, the proportion of “Don’t care about how old you are or elderly people in China is increasing at an how much money you have. They only exponential rate, and the cohorts of young care about whether or not you’re healthy people are thinning. This poses a enough to make it to them.” This problem rooted in sheer numbers—fewer beautifully sums up the message of the young people are available to care for the commercial: what matters most in life, elderly; China’s population as a whole is particularly in old age, is one’s health. becoming more elderly and decrepit, “These two have been backpacking since posing a demographic shift that could the last Olympic games in 2008, having have detrimental implications for China’s traveled through 46 countries in all seven future as the number of young people continents.” The commercial ends with continues to decline. Concern for the the slogans of this campaign: “There are elderly lies not only in the number of new sceneries in a healthy life” (jiankang senior citizens but also, more importantly, de shen ming, cai you bie yang de feng in the quality of their numbers. jing, ) According to World Health Organization and “Let’s Olympic Together” (Yili he ni (WHO) China’s life expectancy is 71 yiqi ao lin pi ke, years, compared to the United States’ 77 ). The message here is clear: with old age, years, indicating that there are factors it is necessary to move, and by moving, contributing to a better overall quality of life in the United Sates. Lin Diansheng,

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Vice Director of the Ministry of allows China to assert itself as a Agriculture, stated that milk drinking is prominent member of today’s globalized important for the future of the Chinese world. people because there is overwhelming evidence that the Chinese lifespan tends CONCLUSION to be shorter not because of illness but rather because Chinese people are not “[It] would not be accurate to say that educated about what constitutes a healthy Chinese political and intellectual diet (Chen 2003). culture is nothing more than an These commercials provide us outpost of mindlessly replicated with valuable insight into the prominent Western thought. However Western concerns of China’s younger generations. these “Chinese” ideas may be in their Based on the ever-present Confucian origins, it is undeniable that their mere principle of filial piety, the youngest utterance in a non-Western context generation is responsible for the care of all inevitably creates a modification of living generations before them. Thus, their form and content.” with only one child, there is increasing (“Occidentalism: A Theory of anxiety related to caring for the elderly Counter-Discourse in Post-Mao (shan yang, ). Milk allows for a China,” Chen 2002:2) solution to “nurse” the population of elderly back to health and provides a The milk industry and its solution to this overwhelming advertisements have provoked a responsibility. xvii Yili appeals to the discussion regarding the significant shifts pressures and responsibilities facing the occurring in Chinese demographics. Only Child generations of China, who Family structures have shifted so that must eventually assume the role of elderly people form a majority, and the caretaker, by providing milk as a Only Child is left to navigate an preventative substance against even more unprecedented demographic arena. As sickly elderly people. the number of elderly people in China These commercials present two increases and the number of children consequences of milk consumption. First, decreases, Chinese Only Children have by consuming milk, one can become a become the primary focus of the family healthier, stronger member of a modern demographic. Both grandparents and and globalized society. Second, this parents subsequently invest all of their individual growth will lead to the efforts on the Only Child; suffering from betterment of the population in the “compensation syndrome,” parents are future. Milk provides a way to improve driven by the anxiety and hope to provide the population quality (renkou suzhi, the child with every opportunity they ), bearing undeniable implications of lacked during the Cultural Revolution. This shift in focus to the Only Child a stronger nation as a whole. Milk offers a allows for two significant phenomena to solution to both the external concern occur. The first, the “Little Emperor” regarding the image of China, as well as phenomenon, has led to a generation of the internal concerns of China’s youth. spoiled children. The second, a shift in Milk consumption in China provides a consumerism from the parent to child, link to the West by an association that is creates a new child-driven consumerism accessible to most Chinese citizens. that greatly affects marketing tactics. Feeding on America’s “signature drink” These changes in Chinese demographics

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 120! call for a restructuring of cultural families for the greater purpose of serving understanding and lead to significant a nation. By integrating milk into this socio-cultural changes. discourse, milk companies are trying to In the United States, milk has form a collective community of drinkers. always been a natural and normative part Milk promotes a strong body, strong of the diet. China, on the other hand, has family, and, by extension, a strong never considered milk a significant part of collection of families: a nation. its dietary tradition. In fact, milk Milk advertisements in China encounters significant cultural barriers in point to an overarching purpose that being absorbed into Chinese culture. It is motivates their stories: nationalism. Each definitely not the first ingredient that advertisement, in some capacity, points to comes to mind when one thinks about the idea of milk as a nationalist symbol for China— in fact, upon hearing “milk in China. While the “Got Milk?” campaign China,” many of my peers immediately in the United States was not pointing associated China with the Milk Scandal of towards a nationalist aim, Chinese milk 2008. Historically, China had a severe advertisements were created with the case of “bio-ethnocentrism”xviii and were intension of establishing a nationalist unwilling, almost unable, to adopt foreign discourse surrounding milk. As a drink food items. Despite this significant associated with healthfulness and barrier, milk has still been able to establish nutrition, milk provides a way to improve itself as a significant beverage in China, each individual citizen and, by extension, and the dairy industry has created a China as a nation. Through these growing consumer base in “bio- advertisements, milk companies are ethnocentric” context of China. It is hoping to create a cohesive nation that is exceptional that China was even able to united through milk. have a milk scandal; twenty years ago, As my research has hopefully even the idea of such a scandal would be brought to light, milk drinking in China is unimaginable, even laughable. The Milk undoubtedly a practice modeled after the Scandal demonstrates the extent to which West. This method of borrowing and milk has been able to entrench itself in a restructuring is indicative of a more developing Chinese discourse surrounding overarching theme within the discourse of milk. Chinese cultural development. Following Milk and advertising companies political and cultural trends in the West, played a major role in the adaptation of a China has long considered the West an developing milk discourse. authoritative model that represents that Advertisements denaturalized Western which is modern and forward. Due to attitudes and built them back up using numerous instances of physical size culturally significant values in order to difference between China and the West, create a new milk identity that was suited China looks to the West as an authority to China’s cultural context. In addition to on what is “healthy” and “nutritious” for promoting milk as a consumer product, the body. Chinese milk companies were attempting This speaks to the significance of to build upon a larger, more significant “Occidentalism”xix in China’s present-day discourse. These commercials portray discourse. China looks to Western milk’s attempt to associate itself with the practices in order to adopt relevant and conversation surrounding the family applicable discourses for the purpose of dinner table. Food is an integral part of modifying and improving its own culture. family life and culture, linking together This act of adaptation should not be

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 121! looked at as a mere imitation, but rather as Milk, therefore, is a significant indicator of a conscious act of assimilating ideas and these changing socio-cultural norms. absorbing concepts. According to Andrea Wiley explores the Xiaomei Chen, this process is more than a associations surrounding cow’s milk in the suggested appropriation of discourse, as United States. She points to the American defined by . This discourse, tendency to blindly adopt a nutritional rather, seeks to actively mediate between understanding of milk as a substance that the two cultures in order to find a suitable is necessary and essential to daily life entrée into existing relationships, because of its ability to “help us grow,” concepts, and cultural structures. Chen and she explores the growing trend of argues that this discourse can effectively milk carrying a universal message, which is have a politically and ideologically prevalent both in countries with well- liberating effect in non-Western culture established dairy industries and in (See Chen 2002). Chen uses a model of countries with expanding dairy industries, literary and cultural studies in order to such as China. Milk has even made its argue the point that these discourses are way into China’s food guide pagodaxx (See adapted and transformed in the process of Chinese Nutrition Society website). assimilation. Since its initiation into China, milk My research speaks directly to this has drawn upon the Western model in proposed model of cultural assimilation. order to draw associations between Milk is not simply absorbed as a symbol Chinese milk and its American ideological of Western ideals and values. It mirrors counterpart. China feels an urgent need the West, carefully plucks the discourse to decrease the “growth deficit” that has from the United States, and molds it into been incurred due to their long-lasting a suitable model for China. Jiang Wen lack of milk consumption; by illustrates this point very clearly. He incorporating milk into Chinese culture, provides the viewer with the positive citizens will be able to participate in this qualities associated with milk: it is good global conversation. for the body, and its conception can be While Wiley’s model is highly molded to fit the pre-existing Chinese relevant in the United States, its cultural discourse. He uses themes such applicability is limited to that very scope, as family, country, revolution, and and by no means indicates a universal nostalgia to mobilize all of these existing trend. The idea of milk as an essential cultural forces and link them to this new, part of daily nutrition is still a new foreign item: milk. He, in effect, creates a phenomenon in China. Milk is slowly support system for milk in order to integrating itself into China as a new assimilate milk drinking as if it were a pre- representation of Chinese ideologies. existing cultural practice. Wiley was right in her claim that food Food has long been an indicator allows us to embody and express our of socio-cultural norms and practices; it cultural identity (Wiley 2011: 7). For the allows a member of society to form Chinese, imbibing milk means literally identities on an individual and national drinking up Western cultural ideological level. In Chinese culture especially, it is values, though Chinese milk drinkers are deeply tied to historical traditions and not trying to express themselves as practices, and the ritual of commensality embodying Western ideals per se. Rather, has longstanding implications indicating Chinese milk drinkers face the deeply engrained socio-cultural norms. misconception that Chen discusses in her work on “Occidentalism”: while milk

Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies! 122! drinking is undeniably linked to Western ideologies, in China it embodies cultural identity in that it has been adapted to the particulars of Chinese culture and society. Within Chinese society, milk remains in a paradoxical figurative limbo caused by the struggle to assuage discontent between deeply engrained cultural norms surrounding food and the pressure to globalize China. Food is a special commodity, as it ties an individual’s biological identity with family Figure 1.1 identity and, furthermore, with a national identity. As a symbol of modernity, milk consumption appeals to the Chinese desire to become a more prominent and cohesive national identity in today’s world. The assimilation of milk as an ideology in China indicates a profound cultural transformation of society. While milk’s absorption into Chinese culture is still connected to cultural biases, milk is slowly making its way into the stomachs of China’s youth, and will continue to do so as the cultural landscape transforms to adapt to the emerging “globalized Figure 1.2 childhood” in China.

APPENDIX A: VIDEO AND PRINT ADVERTISEMENTS

VIDEO ADVERTISEMENTS

“Sanyuan Milk Commercial” A.1 “Yili-Liuxiang-Run together” A.2 “Chen Yibing Yili Milk Commercial” A.3

“Happy Backpackers” A.4 Figure 1.3 “Mengniu Children Milk: Happy Family” A.5

A.1 “Sanyuan Milk Commercial (1996).” …

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“ ” (Transcription and still images from From a very young age I remember that http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cCe7 my sister did not like to drink milk. Even XWP0DmQ&feature=youtube_gdata_pla though I always liked drinking milk, a lot yer) of milk made me filled with too much energy. If I am filled with too much A.3 “Chen Yibing Yili Milk energy … (sigh). Every time all I could Commercial.” do was drink cold water. Drinking milk is as if my sister never left. Years later, I was surprised to find that my sister’s daughter looks even more like my sister when she was young than my sister does. What makes me even more surprised is the fact that my sister absolutely loves drinking milk. Even lies can be beautiful.

(Transcription and still images from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t7lYg xgElqw&feature=youtube_gdata_player) Figure 3.1

A.2 “Yili-Liuxiang-Run together”

Figure 3.2

Figure 3.1

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To represent the power of China, we only need to let our gold medals do the talking. Continuing kingly Chinese gymnastics-- games and training, strength and nutrition-- we need to pay attention to everything. Yili meets the strict nutritional criteria of the Chinese gymnastics team, it has provided professional nutrition support for eight years Zhang Guangzhu: straight, contributing to the pride of China, My name is Zhang Guangzhu, this is my allowing the world to see the power of wife and travel companion, Wang China. Yili, the only dairy product of the Zhongjin. Even though we’re a pair of Chinese team. oldsters, we’ve been going on all kinds of journeys for decades now. In the past few (Transcription and still images from years, we’ve been walking farther and http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=anKARjt farther. We just want to visit more places 1KgE) while we’re still healthy and see what other interesting things the world has to offer. Honestly, these mountains, those 1 scenic views, don’t care about how old you are or how much money you have. They only care about whether or not you’re healthy enough to make it to them. For us, the biggest reward from traveling is love. With love, even if the path isn’t always smooth, there will always be a road ahead. This world is so beautiful, and now I just have one wish. I want to travel with her for 30 more years.

On-screen text: Zhang Guangzhu, age 64; Wang Zhongjin, age 61 Started backpacking since the 2008 Olympic Games They’ve traveled through 46 countries in seven continents Figure 4.1 There is new scenery with a healthy life. Let the Yili Group join you at the 2012 Olympics. (Transcription and still images from http://v.youku.com/v_show/id_XMzgx MzE0NTI4.html)

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Figure 6.1.

The more you drink milk, the more health and power you have. (Image from http://www.tuluo.com/psd%E7%B4%A 0%E6%9D%90/%E5%A5%B6%E4%B A%BA%E5%A4%9A%E5%A4%9A%E 8%92%99%E7%89%9B%E7%89%9B% E5%A5%B6%E5%B9%BF%E5%91%8 A) “”

In our eyes, there are unlimited possibilities in the future of our children. Weilaixing (brand name, literally “future star”) contributes professionally to children's growth, we choose organic milk, designed especially for children. Good milk, will make children be future starts, future stars, milk for children.

(Transcription and still images from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EA5 sVROCAFI&feature=youtube_gdata_play er) Figure 6.2.

PRINT ADVERTISEMENTS A.6 “”

“ ” Figure 6.1 'natural pure milk that the whole family “” Figure 6.2 can trust.’ (Image from http://www.ekoooo.com/html/zhuantisu A.6 “” cai/yinpinguanggao/201006/13- 1885733.html)

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!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! i For the purpose of my discussion, the “youngest xv Ogilvy & Mather was also involved in the production generation” refers to China’s first generation of only of the “Sanyuan Milk Commercial.” children since the One-Child Policy was implemented in 1979. xvi Please refer to appendix A.4 for a full transcription and translation of the advertisement. ii The Opening and Reform Policy was a series of economic reforms implemented in 1978 and led by Deng Xiaoping, which held a goal of Four xvii For another example, please refer to appendix 6, Modernizations: agriculture, science and technology, figure 6.2. military, and industry. The end goal for these series of modernizations was to help China become a modern, xviii See footnote 6 for definition industrial nation, and to allow for a new era of interaction with the Outside World. This policy initiated xix The inversion of Edward Said’s “Orientalism,” the dialogue between China and the West and “Occidentalism” refers to images of the West. These encouraged the exchange of ideas between the two. images often refer to stereotyped views of the Western world or ideologies or visions of the West developed in iii These terms will be explained in further detail later on either the West or non-West. In this case, the term in this chapter. refers to Xiaomei Chen’s interpretation that the construction of “Occidentalism” as an appropriation of iv A professor of marketing at Texas A&M University. discourse as a defining facet of imperialism. Rather, she argues a more nuanced point, that the appropriation of v The sharing of food as a social, human interaction. this Western discourse can actually propagate an ideologically liberating effect on non-Western culture. vi Andrea Wiley coins the term “bio-ethnocentrism,” a term referring to the “interpretation of other people's xx The Chinese version of the United States’ food bodies and behavior only in relation to those of one's pyramid. own body and culture, generally with the view that one's own is ‘better’ than the other, or that one's own is REFERENCES ‘normal’ and others are deviant of somehow abnormal or pathological” (Wiley 2011:4). Anderson, Eugene N. Everyone Eats: Understanding Food and Culture. New York and vii One of the best internationally known Chinese London: New York University Press, 2005. athletes. Anderson, Eugene N. The Food of China. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988. viii Please refer to appendix A.1 for a full transcription AdsofChina. “Sanyuan Milk Commercial and translation of the commercial. (1996).” YouTube. Web. 20 Sept. 2012. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t7lYgxgElqw&feat ix “High-context” versus “low-context” cultures were ure=youtube_gdata_player two contrasting terms that Edward T. Hall defined in his “Branding Through the Olympics for Chinese book, Beyond Culture. The term refers to the cultural and Global Brands.” Labbrand. 7 Aug. tendency to use “high context” messages in routine 2012. Web. 5 Oct. 2012. communication, and caters to in-groups, having shared Anon. 2007. “China Drinks Its Milk.” BBC, similar experiences and expectations (See Hall 1976). August 7, sec. Magazine. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/6934709.stm. x The Chinese Milk Scandal of 2008 was a food safety Carrier, James G. Occidentalism: Images of crisis involving milk and infant formula that was tainted the West. Oxford: Clarendon, 1995. with melamine. With over 300,000 victims, this crisis Chang, Kwang-chih, and Eugene N. raised major concerns about food safety in China and Anderson. Food in Chinese Culture: Anthropological greatly affected food exports. and Historical Perspectives. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977. xi Please refer to appendix A.2 for a full transcription Chee, Bernadine W.L. “Eating Snacks and and translation of the advertisement. Biting Pressure: Only Children in Beijing.” In Feeding China's Little Emperors: Food, Children, and xii Please refer to appendix A.3 for a full transcription Social Change. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, and translation of the advertisement. 2000. Chen, Kathy. 2003. “Got Milk? The New xiii For another example, please refer to appendix A.6, Craze In China Is Dairy Drinks.” Wall Street figure 6.1. Journal, February 28, sec. Leader (u.s.). http://online.wsj.com/article/0,,SB10463836935468006 xiv For another example, please refer to appendix A.5. 23,00.html. Chen, Xiaomei. Occidentalism: A Theory of Counter-discourse in Post-Mao China. New York:

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