Socialist Review (Sum April 15Th, 1964, Dr

A Correction Editor: Correspondence In the article I wrote on Brazil, Editor: published in the last number of the International Socialist Review (Sum April 15th, 1964, Dr. Neville Al mer 1964), it is printed in the last exander and ten other nonwhite paragraph that the investments of South Africans, including four wo the USA reach $1,500,000. Evidently, men, were convicted in the Cape Su there was a typographical error, preme Court of "sabotage" and be since the investments of US capital longing to the militant "National ists in Brazil reach $1,500,000,000, Liberation Front" and sentenced to that is, 1.5 billion dollars. prison on Robben Island - South The total investment of the Unit Africa's version of an Auschwitz or ed States in Latin America in 1963 Belsen Nazi concentration camp. reached almost 10 billion dollars. Ten-year sentences were given to The most important countries for in Dr. Alexander, a doctor of philoso vestments in millions of dollars are: phy and high-school teacher, one of Venezuela: 3,000 the most brilliant graduates who Brazil: 1,500 ever went through Cape Town Uni Mexico: 1,000 versity in the Federal Republic of Argentina: 900 Germany; Don Davis, a minister; Chile: 850 Marcus Solomons, a school teacher; Panama: 650 Elizabeth van der Heyden, a school After Canada (the country that rep teacher; and Fikele Bam, an African resents the largest colony of Amer senior law student at Cape Town ican imperialism), it is the Latin University. Seven-year sentences American continent which absorbs were given to Lionel Davids, a clerk, most American foreign investment. and Gordon Hendricks, a student. Dr. Alexander Socialist greetings, Five-year sentences were given to Manuel Sarmiento Ian van der Heyden, a high-school stein (who has fled to Bechaunaland Mexico teacher, Dulcie September, a teacher, since) was set free having done more August 24, 1964 Dorothy AJ exander, a sister of Dr. than any of these convicted, because Alexander and high-school teacher, he had only been busy constructing and Doris van der Heyden, a librar the "Mayibuye"-plan. Thus the INTERNATIONAL ian. These sentences are part of the chances of the sentences being put Published quarterly by fascist regime's strategy to silence down or even repealed are very SOCIALIST the International So REVIEW cialist Review Pub all the intellectuals in the nonwhite great. lishing Association, 116 camp. Up to now, only DM4,000 could University PI., New York 3, N. Y. Second To make this trial possible on a be collected here in West Germany. Class postage paid at New York, N. Y. fair basis, the friends and comrades The total costs of revising the case, of Dr. Alexander in West Germany taking place in November-December Contents at all Universities have made the 1964, will amount to DM45,000. Jap case public and colJected DM40,000 anese comrades and profesors who Goldwater Edit...... 99 [$10,000] to assist and support him knew Dr. Alexander have collected The 'White Backlash' ...... 100 and his comrades. A special commit about DM1,000; and Defense and tee has been established at the Uni Aid, London, has sent 750 pounds to Peoples Front in Ceylon 104 versity of Tilbingen to organize this South Africa. Man on Flying Trapeze 118 campaign. However, the bulk of the sum Peking Curbs Labor ...... 121 Imediately after these savage sen needed has still to be collected. In tences were given, his German col South Africa itself the families are Race and Radicalism ...... 122 leagues again came to his aid, but starving due to the fact that the Book Reviews ...... 125-27 to raise another sum of DM30,000 "bread-winners" are either in jail seemed to be beyond their possible or under 90-day detention arrests. We ask for an posible supnort from power. Therefore they have appealed Vol. 25 - No.4 - Whole No. 169 to students, friends and comrades in your readers and other interested other countries to help Dr. Alexan organizations. All contributions can der and the co-accused to get a re be sent to me. Editor, Tom Kerry; Business Manager, vision of their case, due to many Fraternal and sincere greetings Karolyn Kerry; Assistant Editor, Dick from us here in Germany in our "irregularities," "breach of common Roberts. law ... and privilege" in the past struggle for peace, justice and hu Cape Town trial. manity, SUBSCRIPTION RATES: 1 year (four issues) Further, the organization of the Franz J. T. Lee $1.50; 2 years (eight issues) $3. Add 50 cents 74 Tiibingen/Neckar, per year far Canada, Latin America and over movement has not gone beyond seas; single copy 50 cents, bundles 35 cents planning. No "sabotage act" has been Schwabstrasse 22, a copy for five copies or more, domestic or committed. In the Rivonia trial in Federal Republic .,f Germany foreign. Pretoria, for instance, Lionel Bern- August 13, 1964 ~345

98 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW

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INTERNATIONAL Fall 1964 SOCIALIST Volume 25 No.4 REVIEW

Editorial

Goldvvater and the American "Left"

The 1964 election campaign has given rise to some the deep South. No less is the care exercised today by the strange phenomena not the least of which are the antics unreconstructed Dixiecrat insurgents to preserve their pol of the American "left" under which term are subsumed itical power structure. They know that after the "shooting those tendencies who, to one degree or another, consider is over" they will be welcomed back into the fold as er themselves socialist. In some instances the Goldwater rant prodigals temporarily gone astray. bogey has been seized upon to refurbish shopwarn con~ The policy of realignment is no less a hoax than the cepts to justify the gross violation of principle involved in lesser evil theory. In fact, none of its proponents today "socialists" supporting capitalist candidates. In others, es even so much as hint that it would be desirable for the pecially among the ultra-left sects, verbal radicalism reaches "loyal" Dixiecrats to take a walk. For, you see: Gold its apogee in the policy of abstentionism. water must be defeated at all costs! And to defeat Gold Each of these tendencies reinforce the other. The un water the Dixiecrats become an indispensable part of the abashed opportunists of the American Communist Party, coalition. for example, have resurrected the discredited theory of the To lend credence to their "lesser evil" line, the CP lead "lesser evil," to proclaim: Goldwater must be defeated at ers loudly blazon that Goldwater Republicanism and Fas all costs! With slight variations the fellow travellers and cism are twins. The term "fascism" is used as a scare word "progressives" who revolve in the CP orbit echo this re to frighten the doubters into line. The ultra-lefts, with frain. virtually no exceptions, join in equating "Goldwaterism" The Social Democrats and their camp followers see in with fascism, thus contributing their bit to bolstering the the Goldwater candidacy a confirmation of their policy CP "lesser evil" line. of "realignment." That is, the reshuffling of the coalition The political decline of the so-called American "left," forces which will align all of the "liberals" in one party spearheaded by the degeneration of the Communist Party and the "conservatives" in another to form a "genuine" and the Social Democrats, both of whom long ago aband two-party system. In practical political terms the policy of oned the Marxist class criteria in their approach to politics, "realignment" is summed up in the slogan: Drive the has made it even more significant that the Socialist Work Dixiecrats out of the Democratic Party. ers Party, with its limited forces and resources, is today The only rub is that the political bosses who dominate holding aloft the unsullied banner of revolutionary social and control the Democratic Party machine want no part of ism by running its own candidates in the 1964 presidential any such "realignment." Already chafing under the "lib election campaign: Clifton DeBerry for president and Ed eral" label they are wriggling into the more respectable ward Shaw for vice-president. posture provided by the designation "moderates." They The only real alternative for those who have a shred of need the Dixiecrats in the coalition as a necessary counter socialist integrity left is to support the SWP candidates weight to the Negro and labor contingents. With no coun against the candidates of the capitalist class. That the terweight from the right to balance the pressure from the proponents of "lesser evil" and "realignment" politics re left the politicians of the golden mean would be seriously fuse to do so is not surprising. handicapped in playing the role of mediator between the What may give rise to a lifted eyebrow is the news conflicting forces that now comprise the Democratic Party that a small group of ultra-leftist intransigents in far off coalition; a role in which the threat of punitive action from Great Britain, who still call themselves "Trotkyists," have the right is always used to extract compliance from the left also come out against supporting the candidates of the for the damaging compromises that serve to limit, curb, SWP. Writing in the weekly Newsletter, organ of the weaken and undermine the civil rights and labor struggle. British Socialist Labour League, the editor takes the SWP Nor are the Dixiecrats at all eager to accommodate the to task for not properly conducting the fight against "Gold practitioners of realignment. They have too much at stake waterism." Under the circumstances, declares ye editor, to lightly abandon the Democratic Party monopoly of pol "a vote for the SWP candidates is meaningless." This will itical power in the South. As Democrats, enjoying a priv undoubtedly reduce the SWP vote (in Britain) to virtually ileged position in Congress by virtue of the seniority system, nil ~ at least in that section of London known as Clap they exercise a disproportionate power in the determina ham Commons in which the SLL resides. tion of national policy; first, as chiefs of the most important Oh, well! The SWP should feel flattered that the N ews Senate and House committees; second, as a powerful bloc letter would condescend to take note of its role in the occupying the position of balance of power in the legisla American election campaign. For there is an election cam ture. The periodic "revolts" of the Dixiecrats against the paign now going in Great Britain in which the Newslet national leadership of the Democratic Party have always ter constantly warns its readers that the greatest calamity been strictly circumscribed and limited to a very narrow that could befall the British workers would be for the framework. Labour Party to take power. This, sadly, is a manifesta The Dixiecrat "walkout" in 1948 in protest against the tion of political dementia praecox (defined by Webster as a civil rights plank of the Democratic Party platform in form of insanity developing usually in adolescence, charac which they ran a candidate against Truman, was care terized by incoherence of thought and action) or as aptly fully fabricated to preserve Democratic Party control of defined by Lenin: the infantile disorder of ultra-leftism.

FALL 1964 99 lobo, leotlers IIntl tile 'Wllite Blltklllsll'

By Tom Kerry

The so-called "white backlash" is the sum total of the campaign en economic boom there are not enough was a prime subject of discussion visioned by the labor bureaucrats to jobs to go around. With the accel at the recent AFL-CIO Executive appease the "white backlash."* eration of automation the total Council meeting in Chicago follow number of jobs will diminish. In ing the Republican Party conven Rally for the Democrats creased competition between work tion which nominated Barry Gold In furtherance of their campaign ers for an ever diminishing number water as its presidential candidate. the union heads have called a civil of jobs can only exacerbate the clash, Goldwater's bid for the racist vote rights conference immediately fol not on]y between white and black in northern industrial areas, as well lowing the Democratic Party con worker, but between employed and as in the Dixiecrat South, stirred the vention - in which some 250 union unemployed, young and old, male top labor brass into consideration of functionaries will sit as delegates - and female, etc., etc. Along this road ways and means of combatting the to discuss the "implementation" of the labor movement is doomed! "backlash" among white union mem the Civil Rights Act. In reality the bers. Their major concern was to conference will serve as a sounding Real Program for Labor ensure the election of their "friend" board and rally for the Johnson Lyndon Baines Johnson, Democratic The Transition Program of the Humphrey ticket. The union leaders Fourth International, drafted by nominee. The interests of the work hope, reports the New York Times ers, white or black, was a secondary Leon Trotsky and adopted by the of August 4, "that the meeting will Founding Conference of the Fourth considera tion. also serve as a forum. in which white The "backlash" among white work International in 1938, taking cog backlash sentiment can be counter nizance of this tendency, warned ers, as the union tops saw it, was all acted. For example," the article adds, the result of a misunderstanding. It against its dangers and offered a "the federation will show that the solution. It reads: seems they had been deceived into Civil Rights Act does not require voting for the unspeakable racist white workers to be laid off to make "Under the menace of its own governor of Alabama, George Wal room for Negroes - an erroneous disintegration, the proletariat can lace, in his Democratic Party presi interpretation of the law that has not permit the transformation of dential primary campaign, by being gained currency among white work an increasing section of the work deliberately misled into believing ers." ers into chronically unemployed that the enactment of the Civil A "showing" by the AFL-CIO paupers, living off the s]ops of a Rights Act of 1964 would result in heads that the Civil Rights Act "does crumbling society. The right to em replacing white workers with Ne not require white workers to be laid ployment is the only serious right groes. off to make room for Negroes," left to the worker in a society The union heads hastened to reas might mollify some whites - but based upon exploitation. This right sure the white workers that it just what about the black workers? This today is being shorn from him at wasn't so: That the Civil Rights Act approach is an evasion of the fun every step. Against unemployment, would involve no fundamental al damental responsibility of the union 'structural' as well as 'conjunct teration in the pattern of hiring, fir leadership. If the problem is viewed ural,' the time is ripe to advance, ing and upgrading under which the simply as a matter of determining along with the slogan of public black worker is the last hired and how the existing n um ber of jobs works, the slogan of a sliding scale first fired; under which labor with a shall be shared among the component of hours. Trade union and other black skin will still do the hardest, sectors of the working population, no mass organizations should bind the dirtiest and lowest paying work - amount of "education" can mitigate workers and the unemployed to if and when they can get it. That the conflict. Despite three years of gether in the solidarity of mutual there would be no preferential con responsibility. On this basis all sideration given black workers to the work on hand would then be compensate for centuries of discrim * In a sense, it parallels the line taken by divided among all existing workers inatory employment practices. That the Dixiecrat supporters of Telas cousin John in accordance with how the ex the two-to-one unemployment ratio son, who seek to reassure their more benighted tent of the working week is de compatriots tha t the Civil Rights measure is would continue to prevail - with no Reconstruction Act and that the occupant fined. The average wage of every twice as many Negroes unemployed of the White House is no foraging Carpet worker remains the same as it was as against whites. Outside of a few bagger; that it is more shadow than substance, under the old working week. paltry crumbs the Civil Rights Act and all it seeks to do is paper over the more Wages, under a strictly guaranteed ugly manifestations of the Jim Crow system would involve no real change in the while leaving the white ~:J~remacist structure 'minimum, would follow the move employment pattern. This, in essence, intact. ment of prices. It is impossible to

100 INTERNATiONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW accept any other program for the unduly increasing costs, and author Effect of Shorter Work Week present catastrophic period . . ." Izmg the establishment of such The view that the demand for a (Emphasis in original.) higher rates." (Emphasis added.) shorter work week with no reduc If in 1938 "the time was ripe" to The 35-hour bill got short shrift in tion in take-home pay would be self advance the demand for a sliding Congress - it was not even consid defeating because it would accel scale of wages and hours it is rotten ered. This did not deter AFL-CIO erate automation and increase un ripe today. The sliding scale of wages president George Meany from going employment is not confined to such was popularized in this country as through the motions of submitting obvious spokesmen for Big Business the "escalator clause" providing an the proposal to recent Republican as the New York Times. It has been automatic increase in wages in line and Democratic convention platform echoed by a variety of pundits rang with the rising cost of living. The drafting committees for considera ing from economic commentators popular version of the sliding scale tion by the delegates. Both plat specializing in analytical studies of of hours is the demand of 30 for 40, forms studiously ignored the pro the social effects of automation to i.e., a thirty-hour week at forty hours posal. It did not even occur to the the Social Democrats and liberals. pay. 250 union functionaries sitting as In the past period the advance of Democratic Party delegates to ques It is in the tradition of the Amer technology through the acceleration tion the ommission. However, they ican union movement to seek a re of automation and cybernation has duction of the work week as a resulted in a significant rise in labor means of combatting unemployment. productivity. The main beneficiaries The militant struggle for the eight have been the capitalist owning class hour day in the latter part of the whose "profit margins" have soared Nineteenth Century comprises one of to stratospheric heights. the glorious chapters in American But the legal work week has re labor history. During the labor up mained relatively stable under the surge of the 1930's a number of Wages and Hours Act adopted in unions fought for and won the 30- 1938. Wage increases in the past few hour week. A number of unions to years, during a period when automat day have succeeded in reducing hours ed processes have been introduced below the standard 40-hour work on a wide scale and at a rapid pace, week, mostly in the skilled trades. have been lower than in any post But these exceptions constitute only war period. Unemployment has re a very small minority of the work mained frozen at an (official) aver ing class. age of five percent throughout the boom period. Fewer and fewer work Bureaucratic Subservience ers are turning out ever greater What now cripples the struggle quantities of commodities. Yet, even for the shorter work week is the the hint that workers are entitled to slavish subservience of the union share in the increased productivity bureaucrats to the capitalist politic of labor through a reduction in the ians of the Democratic Party. Short work week, calls forth a stern rebuke ly after the election of "their" can and ominous warning: desist or you didate, John F. Kennedy, the AFL will be automated out of your job! CIO tops sponsored a bill in Con George Meany The implication is that if workers gress caning for the reduction of the would exercise restraint they can somehow escape the massive replace work week to 35 hours. No one took were thrown a bone in the form of them seriously. Kennedy had come ment of men by machines which the a platform plank providing that: out against the proposal for a reduc advent of automation has brought in tion in hours with no reduction in "Overtime payment requirements its wake. But that is precisely what pay even before he was elected. must be increased to assure max has been happening under the pre When Johnson took office after imum employment consistent witih sent legal work week of forty hours. the assassination of Kennedy he business effidency." (Emphasis These admonitions and warnings seized upon the occasion of his State added.) calling upon the workers to refrain of the Union Message, Jan. 8, to Even this meaningl ess gesture had from pressing their demand for repudiate publicly the demand for previously provoked the New York shorter hours and better pay are the 35-hour week. "I believe the Times into voicing editorial alarm. really nothing new. Since the dawn enactment of a 35-hour week," he "This proposal," a July 27 editorial of the capitalist mode of production declared, "would invite inflation, declares, "is no more realistic than and exchange, employers have al would impair our ability to com organized labor's demand for reduc ways raised the specter of dire pete and merely share instead of ing the work week, which the Ad catastrophe if hours of labor were creating employment." Instead he ministration has rightly rejected. In reduced and wages raised. Yet, some proposed the establishment of a com creasing overtime pay from one and thing new has been advanced. mi ttee - a typical Johnson device a half to double time would greatly for sweeping such problems under increase costs, leading to a shrink Cybernation Utopia the rug - to "determine on an in age in profit margins and cutbacks To the clamor of the profit hogs dustry-by-industry basis as to where in production." Then comes the and their pen prostitutes has been a higher penalty rate for overtime clincher: "It w'Juld accelerate the added the siren song of the pro would increase job openings without introduction cf ;:utomation ..." phets of the future cybernated social

FALL 1964 101 order. As against the demand for a the means of production and dis force; and that even if he cannot con shorter work week they advance the tribution, a considerable span of time veniently reschedule, he win often vision of a cybernated economic sys would be required to reach the stage prefer to pay for overtime than hire tem in which only a relatively small envisioned. Meanwhile, millions of more workers. In addition, some of handful of workers will be required workers are unemployed and the those whose hours are reduced may to operate an automated machinery number must continue to grow 'moonlight,' that is to say, take a sec capable of producing a superabun granted the fact that automation is ond job. The most important nega dance of all requisite commodities. displacing more and more workers. tive effect, however, would result Under this order, they argue, the However, the problem of jobs is from the fact that each employee wages system would become 0 bso crucial to the struggle for Negro who worked shorter hours for the lete.Work would of necessity, have equality now! One-fifth of the nation same total pay would receive an ef to be separated from income, for does exist below the poverty level fective increase in the amount paid there would otherwise not be enough now. The mounting number of youth per hour. Higher payments to labor, purchasers for the ever increasing entering the labor force each year whatever the method by which they product of the cybernated machine. are not and cannot be content with are achieved, tilt the baLalnce further To avoid total collapse, they con the vision of a cybernated utopia in favor of investment in machinery tend, it win be necessary to provide sometime in the distant future - - thus leading to more emphasis on a guaranteed income for all without they demand jobs now! These are oybernation and the more rapid regard to who actually performs the the facts of social life that impinge elimination of the labor force." (Em little work involved. upon the consciousness of the work phasis added) Most of these experts do a useful ers now employed. For among them, This is an amazing conclusion for service in criticising and exposing even the relatively privileged en a man who insists that it is neither the utter insanity of the present joying the protection of seniority possible nor desirable to place any "free enterprise system." Their an rights, are haunted by the feeling of obstacles in the path of the "cyber alysis of the possibilities of abun insecurity; of the constant fear of nation revolution," which, as he points dance for all under a rational sys being automated out of their jobs. out in his article "is only beginning." tem of distribution of the product This is the real source of the "back He is not only against shorter hours of modern technology serves to but lash" that pits one section of the but any "higher payments to labor" tress the socialist critique of the workers against another and for which would "tilt the balance" by capitalist system - that under cap which the American labor bureau accelerating automation unemploy italism, goods and services are pro crats bear a direct responsibility. ment. The same argument could just as validly be advanced against the duced, not to meet the needs of the Against Shorter Work Week: people, but for profit. There can be present forty-hour week - includ no argument against the proposition While it is readily apparent why ing the wholly reactionary "moon that given time and an uninterrupted the employers oppose the shorter light" argument against increased development of the tendencies in work week it is difficult to under leisure for workers so reminiscent herent in the "cybernation revolu stand the opposition of the liberal of the attitude of the parasitic ex tion," the amount of labor required cybernation experts, among whom ploiting class. to produce an economy of abundance Robert Theobald ranks as one of the It is not the question of "leisure" could be reduced to a minimal quan more advanced thinkers on the sub which concerns us here, important as tity. ject. Writing one of his major con it is, but of advancing such demands But the development does not take tributions in a special issue of The as would serve to unify the working place in a vacuum. Nor can the ques Nation, (May 11, 1963) Theobald class against the disintegrating ef tion of time be dismissed as an un observes that: "Since World War II, fects of capitalist exploitation. Al important factor. In addition to eco the unions have ritualistically de though he should know better, Theo nomics there is politics. And in pol manded a shorter workweek, but bald proceeds on the assumption that itics time is of the essence. Even if it there has been little real drive be the demand for a 35-hour week is a is presumed that the development hind the demand." He then goes on static demand, incapable of meeting takes place under ideal conditions, to add: the problem of a dynamic technol abstracting from the contradictions "In 1962, however, the AFL-CIO ogical process - cybernation. The inherent in the private ownership of decided that one of their primary number 35 is no more final and goals must be the achievement of a fixed than the number 40 now gen thirty-five hour week with no de erally in effect, nor the number 48 crease in take-home pay. They that preceded it, or the number 56 argued that this reduction in hours that had earlier been fixed as the Subscrib@ was necessary to spread the avail standard work week. International Socialist Review able work. 116 University Place, "Unfortunately," he argues in re Program for Labor Unity New York 3, N. Y. buttal, "such a change in hours The slogan of the sliding scale of Enclosed is $3.00 for my subscrip would set up secondary effects which hours as quoted above from the tion for the next eight issues. could largely prevent the increase Transition Program of the Fourth in employment it was designed to International, is a dynamic demand. Name ...... achieve. There appears to be some It means that for every increase in evidence that the employer may be the productivity of labor which re Street ...... Apt. No ...... able to reschedule work to accom sults in the displacement of workers City ...... Zone...... plish the same amount of production, by automated machine production State ...... in spite of a reduction in total work there is a corresponding reduction hours, without additions to the labor of hours.

102 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW It is estimated that tDday with a ered the lab0'r statesmen impDtent reactiDnary capitalism in its periQd 3D-hDur week IDng term unemplDY tD lead the kind Df eC0'nDmic-pDlit Df decay. The NegrD struggle fDr ment would be eliminated. If this ical struggle required to' break the FreedDm N DW is shaking up the leads tD an acceleratiDn Df autDma resistance Df the employers and their whDle sDcial structure. While it tiDn, SD be it. SD IDng as the wDrk pDJitical agents in Washington t0' the brings tD the surface everything that ers cDuld find emplDyment at reduced demands fDr a shorter work week. is vile and reactionary in capitalist hDurs autDmati0'n wDuld nDt be When an economic demand be sDciety it is planting the seed Df a viewed as a curse but welcDmed as CDmes generalized and is directed at renascent militancy in labQr's ranks a bDDn. By incDrpDrating the concept the government it becomes a political fertilized by the threat Df autDmat Df the sliding scale Df hDurs in the demand. The demand for a shorter ed disemplDyment. Rising cDnsciDus uniDn CDntract - just as tDday a wQrk week is fundamental to' inter ness will give DrganizatiDnal expres number Df uniDns have incDrpDrat ests of the wDrking class. Such a de siDn tD the mQDd Df discDntent even ed in their cQntracts the sliding scale mand can be won Dnly by struggle nDW manifested in embrYDnic form Df wages (escalatDr clause) tD pro - Dn bDth the eCDnDmic and political in a number Df uniDns in which dis tect the wDrkers standard Df living arena. On the eCDnDmic field by the atisfactiQn with the policies of the against the cQnstantly rising CDSt Df mDbilizatiDn Df the Drganized pDwer labDr brass is mounting. A genuine living - hours Df wDrk would be Df the uniDns against the individual left wing movement in the uniDns adjusted tD the increased prDductivi emplDyers. On the pDlitical arena by will place at the top Df its list Df ty of labor with nD reductiQn in pay. the class DrganizatiDn Df their own demands the unifying slDgan: a slid TD thDse who advance the argu independent labDr party. But the ing scale Df hDurs tD provide jobs ment that the reductiDn Df hDurs will current crDp Df labDr statesmen, CDn fDr all. Reinforced with the call for be self-defeating because it wDuld cerned sDlely with the preservation an independent labor party and com increase unemployment by accelerat Df their privileged bureaucratic pDsi mitted tD fraternal cDllaboratiDn with ing automation we answer: the ad tiDns and the pelf and pDwer that the N egrD FreedDm N DW mQvement vance Df technDlogy will continue at CDme with it, are physically, mDrally the so-called "white backlash" an accelerated pace whether Dr nDt and intellectually incapable Df lead amDng wDrkers will becDme trans hours of work are reduced. Experi ing such a struggle. formed into a united black and white ence has already confirmed this fact. In the struggle fDr survival the lash to sCDurge racism, pDverty, un WithDUt the prDtectiDn Df the sliding questiDn Df leadership is decisive. employment and insecurity DUt Df scale of hDurs, however, unemplDY The sD-called "white backlash" is existence alDng with the sQcial sys ment will mDunt, poverty will be but one Df the manifestatiDns Df tem that breeds these infamies. CDme mDre widespread, cDmpetitiQn fDr a dwindling number Df jDbs will becDme mDre frenzied and fratricidal, - Place Your Order Now the divisiDns amDng the wDrking class will deepen, disunity and dis integratiDn Df the only prDgressive LABOR'S GIANT STEP class in society will hasten the des cent intD barbarism. Twenty Years of the CIO That is the ineluctable end-prod By Art Preis uct Df the present policy Df the labor bureaucrats whDse whDle course was summed up in Dne succinct phrase by John L. Lewis: Better pay for fewer wDrkers. Ironically, the United Mine W Dr kers uniDn is amDng the first tD experience a menacing "backlash" Df unemployed miners against the uniDn, many Df them being fDrmer uniDn members autDmated out Df their jDbs. Role of Labor Fakers TheDbald is eminently correct in cDntemptuDusly dismissing the legis lative demand fDr a 35-hour week Df the AFL-CIO brass as a meaning less "ritualistic" exercise in futility. The labor statesmen knew in advance that the Kennedy-J Dhnson adminis tratiDns were DPP0'sed and said so pUblicly. The labDr fakers made nD seriDus attempt tD mobilize the uniDns f0'r effective struggle arDund Pioneer Publishers • 116 University Place • New York, N. Y. 10003 the demand. With rare exceptiDns the demand has been dropped from uniDn Enclosed is $...... for ...... copies of LABOR'S GIANT STEP CDntract negDtiatiDns. SubordinatiDn at $7.50 per copy t0' the Democratic Party has rend-

FALL 1964 103 Peoples Frontism in Ceylon From Wavering to Capitulation

By Ernest Germain

Trotskyist intellectuals suddenly HE DECISION of the majority at prove its capacity to regain a lead found themselves at the head of the T the June 6-7 special conference ing position for Trotskyism among largest working-class organization in of the Lanka 8ama Samaja Party to the workers and poor peasants of the country. They correctly applied join the liberal bourgeois govern Ceylon. the theory of the permanent revolu ment of Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike Nevertheless, the defeat is a fact; tion under the conditions prevailing in Ceylon was a heavy defeat for and it would be unworthy of a rev in Ceylon and audaciously took the the Fourth International. The fact olutionist to deny it or to try to lead in struggling for national inde that the world-wide Trotskyist or soften it by taking a lenient attitude. pendence against British imperial ganization decided unanimously to It is necessary instead to explain ism. They rapidly acquired great sever relations with the majority of the origin of this setback affecting a influence among the masses, becom one of its most important sections, whole sector of the revolutionary ing leaders of the popular opposi because of this betrayal of the basic movement in Ceylon and to draw the tion first against the imperialist interests of the Ceylonese workers appropriate lessons. regime and then the regime of the and poor peasants and of the basic "national" bourgeoisie, a position principles of revolutionary Marxism, Particular Character of the LSSP they held for twenty-five years. shows that the international Trot It was never a secret to any mem skyist movement as a whole remains However, the party they led could ber of the world Trotskyist move faithful to the cause to which it is not really be called "Bolshevik. " Nor ment, informed about the special dedicated - the cause of world rev was it a mass party comparable to problems of the Fourth Interna olution. the mass parties of the working class tional, that the section in Ceylon, the in Europe or other parts of Asia. The fact that a considerable mi Lanka Sama Samaja Party, was an Characteristically, while the LSSP nority of the LSSP, its Revolutionary organization to which the term "Trot could poll several hundred thousand Section, led by Comrades Edmund skyist" had to be applied with a votes, its active membership never Samarakkody, a member of parlia series of specific reservations. The went above a thousand. It was a ment, Bala Tampoe, one of Ceylon's Lronka Sama Samaja Party was, in party that combined left-socialist principal trade-union leaders, and fact, the first working-class party trade-union cadres, revolutionary Meryl Fernando, another member of to be organized in Ceylon and was workers who had gained class con parliament - a minority that in for some time the only such party sciousness but not a specifically rev cludes 14 members of the Central in the country. It was founded and olutionary-Marxist education, and a Commi ttee of the LSSP and one led by a group of brilliant young in few hundred genuine revolutionary quarter of the membership - like tellectuals who had studied at British Marxist cadres. The overwhelming wise refused to condone the betrayal universities, had been attracted by majority of the latter category are and remained faithful to the banner communism, repelled by the Moscow today members of the LSSP (Rev of the Fourth International, indi frame-up trials and the ultra-oppor olutionary Section). The majority of cates that the defeat suffered by tunist policies of Stalinism in the the two other categories followed Trotskyism in Ceylon is only a tem late thirties and who had therefore N. M. Perera and his friends on the porary one. With the help of the evolved in 'the general direction of road of coalition with a bourgeois world Trotskyist movement, the Trotskyism. However, the question government. LSSP (Revolutionary Section) will of affiliating to the world Trotskyist Many political and organizational movement only arose after the out traits testified to the hybrid character break of W orld War II and after of the LSSP. The party never had a Ernest Germain is a 'member of the breaking with the pro-Stalinist wing theoretical organ in the Sinhalese United Secretariat of the Fourth In of the old LSSP led by Pieter Keune or Tamil languages; it never trans ternational. The present article was man, who favored collaborating with slated the bulk of Trotsky's writings written in response to a request b·y British imperialism during the war or even the bulk of the resolutions the editors of the International So and who later founded the Commu and decisions of the congresses and cialist Review, that he write an ex nist Party of Ceylon. other leading bodies of the Fourth position of the Ceylones,e events for As a result of this first political International into these languages. publication in this magazine. differentiation, the small group of But most of the rank and file and

104 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW virtually the entire proletariat un ducted haphazardly, unsystemati sibility of a fresh cleavage remained. derstand no other languages, although cally, and, worst of all, was not con While the group around Colvin R. English is common currency among centrated among working-class and de Silva and Leslie Goonewardene the upper strata of the population, poor peasant youth. Some of the became undisputed political leaders particularly the intellectuals. Partic party's trade-union leaders com of the party, N. M. Perera became an ipation in the political life of the plained bitterly about the neglect in even more popular figure among the world Trotskyist movement, above organizing study classes that could trade unions and masses. all its internal political life, re draw hundreds of young militant The problem of overcoming the mained limited therefore to a mi workers into the ranks. Such neglect old divisions and of blocking any nority of revolutionary leaders. permitted the opportunist right wing thing that could precipitate a new On the programmatic level, the of the party to inflate the member split with N. M. Perera became an party was born Trotskyist, and de ship at the decisive moment with obsession among the key political veloped in sharp struggle with the new recruits lacking socialist educa leaders. The policy was correct in Stalinist, later Khrushchevist, Com tion and class consciousness, many itself since the unification had taken munist Party of Ceylon. The strug of them of petty-bourgeois origin. place on a principled basis and since gle became embodied in two rival the party's activities as a whole were organizations of the Ceylon working The Party Leadership proceeding in accordance with the class - the LSSP and the CPo No The party leadership itself was not general program of Trotskyism. The Social Democratic party existed in fatal flaw was that these key political homogeneous. It was composed in Ceylon. The party program, of leaders did not occupy themselves reality of two wings, one led by N. course, correctly characterized the with full time party work - they shortcomings and betrayals of the M. Perera and Philip Gunawardena remained part-time leaders. (For which displayed petty-bourgeois na international Social Democracy and many years it was a standing griev tionalist inclinations and was oppor reformism in general; but it is im ance among party activists that tunist from the start, the other, portant to note that unlike the dif Colvin R. de Silva, the party's most genuinely Trotskyist, led by a group ferentiation from Stalinism, the dif able theoretician and one of the most of comrades around Colvin R. de ferentiation from reformism existed powerful orators in all Asia, who only on the ideological and literary Silva, Leslie Goonewardene, Bernard could have rapidly built a mass fol Soysa, Edmund Samarakkody, Doric level, accessible only to a minority lowing much larger than N. M. of party members. The differentia de Souza and Bala Tampoe. Rela Perera's, continued his career as tion was not experienced by the tions between these two wings were Ceylon's leading lawyer instead of party membership in a flesh-and uneasy from the beginning. A split turning full attention to party build blood way through actual struggle occurred in the forties in which a ing.) The flaw led eventually to po with a rival organization. In fact, majority of the membership, under litical wavering in face of Perera's while being formally a Trotskyist the leadership of Philip Gunawar systematic opportunist inclinations. party, the LSSP functioned in sev dena and N. M. Perera, broke away eral areas comparably to a left So from the Fourth International for a The dialectical interrelationship cial Democratic party in a relatively time, and the genuine Trotskyists between the two tendencies went "prosperous" semicolonial country; formed the Bolshevik-Leninist party even deeper. N. M. Perera, himself, i.e., it was the main electoral ve headed by Colvin R. de Silva and and the trade-union cadres generally hicle of the poor masses, it provided Leslie Goonewardene. under his leadership, were in the be the main leadership of the trade un The opportunist character of the ginning filled with respect and ad ions. majority grouping was displayed miration for the political brilliance and revolutionary daring of the Party membership was essentially when its members of parliament re Col vin R. de Silva, Leslie Goone formal, hinging only on the payment fused to vote against the status of wardene group. The structuring of of dues. Party conferences were "independence" in 1947 that left key the LSSP leadership on this healthy membership conferences, in which positions to British imperialism. The basis - Perera's opportunist inclina oratorical feats of the party leaders split was healed in June 1950 but tions notwithstanding - showed it rather than sober discussion of prin only partially. N. M. Perera and the self best during the August 1953 ciples and experiences carried the majority of those who had split uni day. The Fourth International stub fied with the Bolshevik-Leninist hartal (general strike). The LSSP leadership appeared as a really rev bornly sought to bring the LSSP party. For some time Philip Guna around to the basic principle of warden a kept the so-called "old" olutionary team at the head of in surgent masses, fighting in the streets democratic centralism, beginning LSSP going, receIvmg reinforce with party conferences based on ments from a new split in the LSSP simultaneously for immediate ma delegates democratically elected by in 1953. Finally, in 1956, he entered terial gains for the impoverished the branches. After years of resist the first Bandaranaike government, masses and for the socialist over ance, the principle was finally ac dissolving the "old" LSSP into the throw of the capitalist regime. cepted - only to be transformed into MEP (Mahajana Eksath Peramuna But when some of the leaders of a mockery at the crucial June 6-7, People's United Front). the genuinely Trotskyist wing of the 1964, conference where the demand These ruptures, despite partial re LSSP did not change their daily lives to enter a bourgeois government was coveries, left deep scars in the ranks to accord with their revolutionary put over. This conference was called of the leadership of the LSSP. Sen convictions; when they failed to de as a "delegated conference," in which sitivity resulting from the old wounds vote themselves whole-heartedly to delegates were elected on the basis was all the keener in view of the party building; when they began of ... one delegate per member! fact that although the main forces wavering on basic political ques Recruiting to the party was con- had been brought together, the pos- tions; the N. M. Perera group, after

FALL 1964 105 some years of watching this, lost con through their own weaknesses and one which these comrades were to fidence in the old party leadership. inner contradictions, an outcome display to an increasing extent as They decided to "go into politics" on that was strikingly pointed up when time went on. their own, and to develop their own the resolution presented by Leslie Needless to say, the amendment line, with the disastrous results reg Goonewardene, General Secretary of offered by the Ceylonese delegation istered at the June 6-7 conference. the party for more than ten years, found no support among the dele The defeat suffered by Trotskyism received only ten percent of the vote gates at the Fourth World Congress, in Ceylon is therefore essentially the at the June 6-7 conference, and and they dropped the matter, since story of how and why the Colvin R. when the tendency led by these they were not eager to defend this de Silva and Leslie Goonewardene comrades wound up with only a position at the Congress. group lost leadership of the party handful of followers. A second manifestation of the the ory of "Ceylonese exceptionalism" The Myth of Ceylonese "Exceptionalism" appeared during the preparations for the 1956 general elections, a manifes THIS TRAGIC collapse of a group mass movements, they committed a tation that was to reappear in each of genuine revolutionists, who progressive series of mistakes that subsequent election. This was the displayed great heroism in the past, can be summarized in the formula view that under the "exceptional cir great daring and genuine revolu of "Ceylonese exceptionalism." They cumstances" prevailing in Ceylon, a tionary devotion,l was not, however, never set out to develop this theory revolutionary party could win power the "inevitable" result of adverse cir in a systematic, organic way. Instead through the ballot. It was, of course, cumstances. The development of the they fell into it pragmatically dur entirely permissible in principle for basic contradiction in the nature of ing the fifties, at first imperceptibly, a revolutionary party with mass in the LSSP was inevitable since it cor without being aware of what was fluence to participate in the elections responded to the hybrid origin of happening, until they fell victim to under the slogan: "For an LSSP so the organization. But it was not in the logic of these false ideas and cialist government." (It is quite an evitable that Perera's tendency were drawn irresistibly towards con other question whether the slogan should become as strong as it did, clusions which they would have con was tactically correct; i.e., whether finally gaining a majority. The con demned with biting scorn only a few its correspondence to the long-range tradiction could have been overcome years earlier. objective need also fit in with the with a quite different outcome had The first indication of this theory subjective reflection of the situation the leadership carried out its clear of "Ceylonese exceptionalism" was at in the minds of the masses. Looking duties. We have already noted the the Fourth World Congress in 1954, back, one can question whether the basic organizational weaknesses evi when, during the discussions of the Ceylonese masses have ever viewed dent among some of the best repre theses on the "Rise and Decline of a LSSP government as a realistic sentatives of the group (Leslie Stalinism," the LSSP delegation sud alternative to the bourgeois govern Goonewardene being an exception, denly came up with an amendment ment. The problem of a transitional however, in this respect) which cen to change the demand for freedom form, a Workers and Peasants Gov tered around limiting themselves to for all working-class parties, under ernment, arises here.) It was wrong literary and ideological leadership, the proletarian dictatorship after the to suggest to the masses that power leaving the actual chores of day-to conquest of power, to freedom for all could actually be conquered, capi day party building to "activists" who parties. In arguing for this astonish talism actually overthrown, solely by tended to gather around N. M. ing amendment, they contended that electoral means. It was just as bad, Perera, the most popular mass figure due to the exceptional conditions in if not worse, for the LSSP leadership of the party. But this fatal weakness Cey lon, the masses there would not to become victim of its own propa on the organizational level was com understand any other position. They ganda and to begin thinking in terms plemented by the appearance of added that in their opinion, "the of the "parliamentary road to so parallel errors on the ideological masses cannot be wrong." They cialism." plane. seemed to have temporarily forgot Colvin R. de Silva and Leslie ten one of the ABC's of Marxism Participation in Parliament that the masses can often be wrong. Goonewardene were brilliant Marxist (The masses were wrong when they Here again it was argued that the thinkers who have written some of cheered the departure of the armies masses in Ceylon don't conceive of the best revolutionary pamphlets in for the front in Europe fifty years any other way to win power under Southeast Asia. They undoubtedly ago; they were equally wrong when the circumstances. The argument, assimilated the whole body of basic they acclaimed the SLFP-LSSP however, not only left out the pos Trotskyist concepts. But in the po coalition government in Ceylon a few sibility of educating the masses; it litical arena in Ceylon, while trying weeks ago.) To reason like the was not entirely correct factually. creatively to apply the method of Ceylonese comrades at the Fourth The Cey lonese masses displayed revolutionary Marxism to the specific World Congress was to fall into tail great willingness to conduct extra conditions of their country and its endism, a dangerous tendency, and parliamentary struggles during the 1953 hartal. They displayed similar willingness again after the murder 1 During the war, 'imprisoned for their revolutionary opposition to imperialism, some of of Prime Minister Bandaranaike and l the LSSP leaders escaped• fled to India and built a Trotskyist organization there, the Bolshevik the subsequent Emergency in 1960. Leninist Party of India [BLPI]. One of them, Anthony Pillai, became a widely known trade union leader as national chairman of the trade-union federat'ion Hind Mazdoor Sabha. It must And during the rise of working-class be said, however, that acting more and more as a left reformist, Anthony Pillai's development struggles from 1962 on, their atten foresha,dowed the opportunist degeneration of part of the central leadership of the LSSP. tion again became focused essen-

106 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW tially on the extra-parliamentary widespread in Ceylon (even playing tures on this very su bj ect, year after scene. In truth, the relationship be a role in paving the way inside the year, in their own party, could sud tween the parliamentary illusions of LSSP for a coalition with the SLFP!) denly accept these tedious old illu the masses and the parliamentary Despite this refutation of their as sions of "classical" reformism which illusions and outlook of the LSSP sumptions, the LSSP leadership never had been so many times dispelled by leadership, which had started as a drew any lessons from what had historical experience. This is why it case of tail-endism, now saw the happened and never corrected the is correct to label their deviation revolutionary party dragging the tendency toward tail-endism Dr the from Marxism a case of "Ceylonese masses back to the scene of parlia hope that Ceylon would prove to be exceptionalism.' , ment at a time when experience was an "exception." The position they adopted was not centering their attention more and It may seem strange, at first sight, at all a rejection of the Leninist the more on direct action!2 that experienced leaders and brilliant ory Df the state, of the necessity to A third manifestation of "CeyIDnese Marxists like Colvin R. de Silva and destroy the old bourgeois state ma exceptionalism," inherent in a cer Leslie Goonewardene, who had torn chine, to base the workers state on tain sense in the previous one of "the to shreds the reformist illusions of proletarian democracy as opposed to parliamentary road to. sDcialism," oc the Stalinists about "people's fronts," bourgeois democracy, not upon curred during the 1960 crisis pre about a "new democracy" (in France "parliament" but on self-governing and Italy 1944-47), about the parlia committees of the toiling masses. No, cipitated by the murder of Prime mentary road to socialism, who had they continued to swear by Marx, Minister Bandaranaike. The view was no less effectively criticized the mis Engels, Lenin, and Trotsky. They advanced that not only could pDwer erable performance of the postwar made the sharpest pDssible critical be won through the ballot bDX and Labour government in pretending to analysis of people's frontism and the parliamentary means, but the revolu introduce socialism "piecemeal" in policies of the postwar Labour gov tiDn itself could be cDmpletely Great Britain without touching the ernment. They continued to swear "peaceful," without any need what bourgeois state machine and the by State and Revolution and the soever for defensive military prep bourgeois army, solely basing itself "permanent revolution" ... adding aratiDns in the struggle for power. on a majDrity in parliament - it may only that "exceptional" circumstances This theory was founded on the seem strange that such comrades, in their own country happened to premise that the bourgeois army and very well versed in Lenin's State make Ceylon an "exception" to the constabulary in Ceylon were so weak amd Revolution, who had given lec- general rule. that they would be unable to in tervene actively in the class strug The "National Bourgeoisie," the Peasantry, and gle. It was further pointed out that the Theory of the Permanent Revolution the "left parties" enjoyed cDnsider able sympathy among the armed RAVE as they were, these three cDlonial countries. Since it constitutes forces, the LSSP amDng the lower G instances of "Ceylonese excep the bulk of the population, no pop echelons, and the MEP of Philip tionalism" were relatively "mild" in ular revolution is possible in these Gunawardena among the noncom their consequences compared to the countries without an uprising of the missioned Dfficers. fourth one. This concerned the prob peasantry. So long as the peasantry However, life itself brutally re lem of the relationship between the is not in motion, the working-class futed this theory of "Ceylonese ex peasantry and the bourgeoisie, the minority cannot make a bid for ceptiDnalism"; in fact, an army con peasantry and the working class, and power without the gravest risk of spiracy proved to be behind the mur the reciprocal relationship of the being isolated and crushed. der of Prime Minister Bandaranaike three classes in Ceylonese politics in This is a basic tenet of Trotsky's in 1960! Preparations for an army general and Ceylonese revolutionary theory of the permanent revolution, coup were discovered and blocked politics in particular. and the Stalinists (as well as Khru only at the last moment in 1962. It is well known that the peasantry shchevists and Maoists) either Epeak Again in the spring of 1964 rumors plays a key role in all mass revolu out of ignorance or deliberately lie, about a projected army CDUP became tions in backward, colonial or semi- of course, when they declare that Trotsky was "guilty of underestimat 2 As late as August 23. 1963. the LSSP Political Bureau published the following estimate ing the role of the peasantry" in of the s'ituation and the temper of the mass movement in Ceylon: revolutions in backward countries. "In the period facing ~s. there are two broad possibilities of development. In the first Suffice it to quote the following pas place. there is the question of the direct struggle of the masses leading to the capt'ure of sage of his key book The Perma power. The mass struggles of today are still economic in aim. But we are living in a period of nent Revolution: sharp changes, w,hich included an attempted coup by reactionary forces. Although the repetition of such an attempt from the same quarters is unlikely. it is not excluded that attempts of such "Not only the agrarian, but also a nature may be made from other quarters •.. the national question assigns to the liThe other possibil'ity is the question of the ULF [United Left Front] coming to power peasantry - the overwhelming m,a in a parliamentary election. This is a possibility that depends on the state of the mass move jority of the population in back ment at the time of such an election ... If indeed such an effort is successful and a ULF ward countries - an exceptional government is formed. the revolutionary mobilisation of the masses will be enormously facilitated. place in the democratic revolu The LSSP which does not believe that the socialist transformation of society can be accom tion. Without an alliance of the plished except by the masses themselves, will in such a situation. both by its actions from proletariat with the peasantry the within the ULF government and outside. set about the revolution.ary mobilisation of the masses." Instead of which. ten months later. the LSSP joined a bourgeois coalition government with tasks of the democratic revolution the express goal of limiting and preventing "industrial strifel" It is hard to find a qu'icker and cannot be solved, nor even se more cynical shift than the one between the August 23. 1963. resolution and the coalition policy riously posed." (pp. 152-53) of the present LSSP leadershipl While the theory of the permanent

FALL 1964 107 revolution recognizes the key role cluded.4 All historical experience has the latest census disclosed that one of the peasantry in any popular rev completely confirmed the correctness fourth of the village families own olution in a backward country it also of this theory. no land whatsoever, another one calls attention to the fact that his fourth, less than half an acre· that torical experience has shown that the N eedfor-Sri Lanka Freedom they were badly surprised by the "No matter what the first episodic Party and government, which were triumph of the SLFP in 1956, and stages of the revolution may be in based mainly on the Ceylonese peas even more by the relative stabiliza the individual countries," writes antry. tion of the SLFP in 1960. What had Trotsky, happened, however, was a quite com "the realization of the revolu The LSSP, it is worth observing, has always analyzed the situation in mon "electoral" evolution in a rela tionary alliance between the prole tively stable semicolonial country. tariat and the p·easantry is con the Ceylonese countryside in too sketchy away, paying insufficient The traditional party of the bour ceivable only under the political geoisie and rural rich, the UNP leadership of the proletarian van attention to the specific problems of the village poor; the slogans and (United National Party), had be guard, organized in the Commu come utterly discredited in the eyes nist Party. This in turn means that agrarian program of the LSSP thus proving insufficient to meet the needs of the toiling masses through its the victory of the democratic revo bungling of the rice-subsidy issue lution is conceivable only through of these poor villagers. Outside the plantations - which are run by the .(which led to the hartal of 1953), the dictatorship of the proletariat, Its general corruptness and conserva which bases itself upon the alliance rural proletariat and for which the LSSP correctly raised the slogan of tism, its ties with British imperialism, with the peasantry and solves first etc., etc. nationalization6 - it is true that the of all the tasks of the democratic The masses wanted a radical revolution."3 (p. 153.) majority of the agricultural pro ducers of Ceylon are small inde change. But the LSSP, although pre Let it be noted in passing that after eminent among the working class, the experience of the October Revo pendent peasants whose standard of living is higher than that of the had not organized a systematic drive lution, Lenin fully accepted this basic to win the peasant masses to its own postulate of the theory of the perma abjectly poor, average village dwel lers of say India, Pakistan, Indonesia, program for a revolution in the coun nent revolution, stating again and tryside. In short, it lacked the neces again that the peasantry either fought Vietnam or China prior to the victory of the revolution. sary program for a thoroughgoing under the leadership of the prole agrarian reform. Consequently, the But it is also true that there is tariat or the bourgeoisie - a third "national" bourgeoisie could carry heavy unemployment and underem road, involving an "independent" out a traditional maneuver. It divided ployment in the Ceylon village, that peasant party, he explicitly ex- its own forces into "conservative" and "liberal" wings, and the latter 3 It 'is worth underlining here that Trotsky explicitly states that the first tasks of the perma entered the elections on an opposi nent r~volution to be solved are, naturally, those of the democratic revolution. Otherwise, a tion platform of essentially political revolut~on in a bac~ward country wouldn:t .be a permanent, that is, a continuously advancing revolution, but an Instantaneous one. This IS a reminder to all those sectarians who criticize reforms (progressive substitution of a.ctual revolutions f~r not beginning with what they can only end; i.e., the complete destruc the poorer, Sinhalese-speaking petty tion of the ~?urgeols state and bourgeois property. This and the preced'ing quotation are from bourgeoisie in key posts in local and the 1962 edition of The Permanent Revolution printed by Plough Press Ltd. national government administration), 4 See, for instance, Lenin's speech at the third Pan-Russian Trade Union Congress on thereby winning overwhelming sup April 7, 1920. port among the rural petty bour 5 See, among other things in K. Tilak's excellent book: Rise & Fall of the Comintern the geoisie and peasantry. chapter on the Chinese Revolution of 1925-27, the chapter on the Spanish Revolution e't No trained Marxist, however, could 6 I h .'c. . t s .ould be ~dded th~t pri~r to the Cuban Revolution, the LSSP was the only party doubt that the SLFP was essentially ~Ith .mass Influence In a semlcolonlal or colonial country consistently to fight for nationaliza a bourgeois party; i.e., the party of tion Instead of distribution of plantation land among landless peasants. the "liberal" wing of the "national"

108 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW bourgeoisie. It was bourgeois not language against a liberal-bourgeois then grows day by day, since it of only in origin (the founder, W.R.D. government supported by the major fers an alternative governmental Bandaranaike, had been one of the ity of the people, and a conservative, solution, with an alternative program, main leaders of the UNP for many reactionary or fascist regime, hated to the bankrupt "liberal" regime. years) and program, but especially and despised by the people. It does The Ceylon experience is no excep in actual political practice: bourgeois not even imply the impossibility of tion to this. Prior to the 1960 general property and bourgeois "law and or offering such a regime a united front elections, the LSSP leadership con der" were upheld under the SLFP against the aggression of reaction or stantly stressed the growing unpopu government exactly as under the imperialism (such as the Bolsheviks larity of the SLFP government, UNP government. Which of the two offered Kerensky against Kornilov, which had been so popular in 1956. regimes was most corrupt is hardly and as it would be correct in Ceylon In the same way, the LSSP leader worth arguing. to offer the SLFP against a military ship stressed very strongly in 1962- And if this appeared self-evident coup or against "reprisals" under 63 that the SLFP government had to any Marxist, it should have been taken by U. S. imperialism in defense become utterly bankrupt. The July a thousand times more evident to of the oil trusts). 7, 1963, document drafted by the any revolutionary Marxist; i.e., to But the conditions for such a unit LSSP majority for submission to the any Trotskyist, who, having thor ed front are well known: strict in CP and MEP for formation of the oughly assimilated the theory of the dependence in the party's policies United Left Front, begins with the permanent revolution, knew that of and organization; firmness in march following sentence: "The first task course an "independent" party of the ing separateLy while striking to of the Front is to mobilise the masses peasantry has never appeared any gether; stubborn efforts to warn and in their own organisations and be where; that no exceptions are known, educate the masses on the absolute hind the Front in a campaign of not even in Ceylon; and that even a ineffectiveness and inadequacy of struggle centering around the follow party whose membership is com the policy of the liberal-bourgeois ing demands against the bankrupt posed ninety-nine percent of peas SLFP to stop reaction; continuous SLFP and capitalist reaction." (Em ants will act objectively in society propaganda against imperialism, phasis added.) under the leadership of the remain against capitalism and in favor of Formal Coalition ing one percent of the upper strata genuinely socialist solutions. middle-class and bourgeois members Above all, under no conditions to It is hardly believable that less as a party of the liberal national share the least responsibility for the than one year after having drafted bourgeoisie unless by some magic it bankrupt liberal-bourgeois regime that sente;nce - a year which showed has been transformed into a work (whose very bankruptcy is the steady decline in the popularity and ing-class party. To our knowledge, greatest feeder of reactio.n!); under voting strength of the SLFP - the even N. M. Perera would hesitate to no condition any coalition with the same comrades of the majority of call the SLFP a proletarian party ... "left wing" of the bourgeoisie; under the LSSP, backed, by and large, by no condition any relinquishment of Colvin R. de Silva and Leslie Goone From Wavering to Capitulation constant propaganda - and, when ward ene, reached the conclusion that ever possible and necessary, agita ha ving won growing successes for tion - in favor of a Workers and DOESN'T the danger exist that a several months by extra-parliamen revolutionary party can become Peasants Government, which, under tary means against a bankrupt bour "isolated" if it remains hostile to a the concrete conditions of Ceylon, geois government, it now became liberal-bourgeois "new deal" which could only be a government of the necessary ... to join the bankrupt is at the same time violently opposed working-class parties with a socialist party in parliament and the govern by conservative reaction? Isn't there program. ment!!!7 even the danger of a military coup? The dynamics of such an initially The traditional firm Trotskyist Of course the "danger" exists. The "unpopular" stand are well known. positions of the "old guard" inside Bolsheviks, not unexpectedly, found Relatively soon, the honeymoon at the LSSP leadership were for the themselves "isolated" during the first mosphere of general rejoicing at the first time put in question immediately days after April 1917 when, under supposed "victory of the left" is dis after the elections of 1956. Looking Lenin's pressure, they came out vig sipated, inasmuch as experience soon at the peasantry essentially from an orously in opposition to the "Provi shows the masses that little has electoral angle, part of the LSSP sional Government." This was also changed in the economic and social leadership became unduly impressed the reason why Trotskyist opposition situation they face. They begin to with the landslide victory given the to the Popular Front government in realize that something much more SLFP as an alternative to the UNP. France in June 1936, not to speak of radical is required. The initial "pop A group of former Trotskyists under the Trotskyist opposition to the Pop ularity" of the government changes Philip Gunawardena capitulated com ular Front government in Spain, into something quite different. And pletely to the liberal bourgeoisie and which was under open military fire if the revolutionary opposition has joined the coalitio:1 government. from the fascists, was, at least in the handled itself correctly, has followed (They stood for some reforms in beginning, neither easy nor "pop a correct policy, its own popularity favor of the small peasantry - the ular." Nevertheless opposition of this kind is the very essence of Leninism, 7 As late as March 21, 1964, Colvin R. de Silva was reported as saying at a giant rally of the United Left Front on Galle Face Green in Colombo "that one thing was clear from of Bolshevism, of revolutionary the events of the recent past ... that the Government was bankrupt financially, politically Marxism. and in all other res!,ects." Yet only some weeks later he supported the position that all work Of course, this does not imply that ing-class !larties sh~u!d .•. join the bankrupt government. He did that 'instead of calling upon a revolutionary working-class party the toiling masses b replace the bankrupt government with a genuine socialist government of will use the same methods and same the ULF based UpO.l a genuinely socialist progra'm.

FALL 1964 109 paddy land act - but at the same "the mobilisation of the masses for an extremely opportunist, reformist time becam.e the spearhead of petty struggle is necessary if a government type. In the spring of 1964, recklessly bourgeois reactionary chauvinism of the United Left Front is to become overthrowing the very United Left directed against the Tamil minority. a reality.") This represented a sharp Front for which he had fought so This split the Ceylonese proletariat turn to the left compared with the strongly nine months before, N. M. - the bulk of the plantation work attitude of 1960-61. Perera abruptly opened secret nego ers, the main sector of the proletariat, However, under the surface of tiations with the SLFP concerning being of Tamil, or Indian, origin.) these declarations, the party leader the setting up of a coalition govern The LSSP itself showed signs of ship had undergone the fundamental ment. The road from wavering to wavering, advancing the proposal of change noted above. The Perera group capitulation was completed when the "responsive co-operation" with the had cut itself loose from "political majority of the LSSP, which in 1960 liberal-bourgeois Bandaranaike gov control" by the Colvin R. de Silva, had still drawn back from spelling ernment. However, when the race Leslie Goonewardene tendency and out the meaning of the fascination riots started, when the chauvinism had started to "play politics" on its of the SLFP, this time followed of the enraged petty-bourgeois ele own. Such politics could only be of Perera to the bitter end ... ments supporting W. R. D. Ban daranaike threatened the unity of The Attempt to Find Some "Precedents" the proletariat and the country, and ("the state is, in the last analysis, a when the right wing of the SLFP F OR THOSE who had struggled a mounted sufficient pressure to have lifetime against Stalinist peo body of armed men") no longer Philip Gunawardena thrown out of ple's frontism it was not so easy to rested in the hands of the local the government, the LSSP sharply discard overnight what had been capitalist class or foreign imperial ism. It was radicalized its stand and courageously their guiding concepts and to replace in the hands of the Soviet fought the SLFP Emergency. This them with what they had formerly army and its local CP agents (in the was the positive side of its "tail rejected as stupefying poison. The case of Czechoslovakia, the working endism." Each time the workers went nagging voice of conscience had to class, partially armed and under tight into action, the LSSP leadership took be stilled. Rationalizations were control of the Communist Party, was a new turn towards the left. needed for what was indeed only a brought in, too). In Yugoslavia, real state power was already in the hands The traditional Trotskyist position new, pitiful edition, of an old and familiar course - common, ordinary of the Yugoslav CP and the Commu against collaboration with the liberal nist army which had just brought bourgeoisie was again questioned in capitulation. (Comrade Karalasing ham has drawn an excellent parallel a long civil war to victorious conclu 1960. After the unexpected electoral between Lenin's indictment of gov sion, completing a genuine, albeit a victory of Mrs. Bandaranaike, the ernmental class collaboration in Rus bureaucratically distorted, social rev olution. LSSP decided to vote for the Throne sia and the latest example of Ceylon Speech and the Budget; i.e., to give ese Menshevism. See his article, In other words, the cases in East ern Europe between 1945 and 1948 parliamentary support to a capitalist "Analysis of the SLFP-LSSP Coali were just the opposite of the "clas government. A proposal made by tion," in World Outlook, Vol. 2, No. sical" coalitions between represen N. M. Perera to enter into a coali 26, June 26, 1964.) The rationaliza tatives of working-class parties with tions involve two concepts: ( 1) tion with the SLFP was rejected by the bourgeoisie. In the "classical" "Precedents" of "coalitions" that have only a narrow majority. A big step cases, the representatives of work led to "victorious socialist revolu had been taken from wavering to ing-class parties in coalition cabinets wards betrayal. However, once again tions" in Eastern Europe, Cuba and are the prisoners of capitalism, be the Ceylonese working class saved Algeria; (2) the "accepted program" cause capitalism controls the economy the LSSP leadership temporarily of the SLFP-LSSP government. and the state. In the East European from ignominy. After a short glow of Did "coalition" governments ap "coalition" cabinets, the representa hope about the possibilities of Mrs. pear in most of the Eastern European tives of what remained of the bour Bandaranaike's government, the countries after World War II? Yes, geoisie were the prisoners of the workers started on the road of grow they did. Did these "coalition" gov Soviet bureaucracy, because it was ing economic struggles. This led ernments lead to the overthrow of this bureaucracy, its army and its eventually, for the first time in the capitalism? Yes, they did. But what local agents, who controlled the history of the Ceylonese labor move was the real nature of these "coali economy and state power. The proof ment, to the establishment of a Joint tions?" The actual power of the state of the pudding being in the eating, Committee of Trade Unions - under LSSP leadership - which the plan 8 See the resolution of the LSSP Conference of July 20-22, 1962, which states: tation workers also joined and which "The struggles to come will not be waged only aga'inst this or that measure of the SLFP represented nearly one million or government, but against the whole policy of the SLFP government, especially in the field of ganized workers. In the course of wages and taxation. It will be a struggle which, even if it appears in the beginning as hav this experience, the LSSP leadership ing the aim of forcing the SLFP government to give up various measures, will in its develop was pushed towards the road of es ment rapidly reach the point w,here the need to replace the SLFP government itself by a gov sentially extra-parliamentary strug ernment which corresponds to the demands of the masses will be felt. In other words, the strug gle, implying a struggle for power,s gle will tend from the beginning to pose the problem of power. "In preparing the masses for direct struggle, the Party cannot advance slogans which and towards the United Left Front envisage a solution of the government problem mainly through the parliamentary process and on of working-class parties conceived as the parliamentary level. Any slogan of that kind would dampen the initiative of the masses offering an alterlnative government. and tend to divert the masses themselves from the perspective of direct action." (Quatrieme (The LSSP Political Bureau resolu Internationale, No. 17, December, 1962, p. 63. Emphasis added.) [In the absence of the tion of August 23, 1963, declares that original text, this has been retranslated from the French.]

110 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW the real nature of these governments the overthrow of capitalism either to "fool, di vide and weaken the is generally shown by what occurs when it is a sham coalition (when workers," as Lenin so aptly put it. to the unhappy prisoners in the coali the bourgeois ministers are captives Again the proof of the pudding is tion. When they have played out because they have already lost all in the eating. The real nature of the their usefulness to the genuinely real power in the economy and state passing "coalitions" in Eastern Europe dominant social force, any illusions to their class enemy) or when it is and in Cuba was revealed by their they may have about being in a passing phase that is transcended very transitory character and by the "power" are ended by a simple kick by the development of the revolu socio-economic results which after in the pants. They often find that tion. wards became evident: expropriation the bars of their gilded cage in the Isn't it clear that under these con of the bourgeoisie; a break with im coalition have suddenly changed to ditions, references to such "prece perialism; destruction of the bour bars in a very real prison. That was dents" to excuse the coalition in geois state and the bourgeois army the fate of the Scheidemanns and Ceylon lack the slightest justifica and police; slow emergence of a state Herman Milllers in Germany, the tion? Ceylon is not occupied by the apparatus of qualitatively different Leon Blums in France, Thorez and Soviet army. The Ceylonese bour character. If it should turn out, to some of his co-ministers in the Fourth geoisie have not been deprived of everyone's surprise, that a compar French Republic. It was the fate of power by "military-bureaucratic" able process occurs in the immediate the bourgeois ministers after 1948 in means. Mrs. Bandaranaike is no future in Ceylon, we shall of course Eastern Europe. languishing "captive" of Messrs. humbly admit that we were wrong Were coalition governments formed Perera, Moonesinghe and Cholmon and that this coalition, after all, was at the beginning of the Cuban and deley Goonewardene. Economic and only a passing phase in the rise of Algerian revolutions? Yes, coalition state power remain fully intact in the Ceylonese revolution. But we governments were formed. Did they the hands of the Ceylonese bour observe that no one in the LSSP prevent the overthrow of capitalism? geoisie, not to mention the strong leadership, absolutely no one, has In the case of Cuba, certainly not. grip of British imperialism. There is dared to hurl this challenge against In the case of Algeria, the social out not the remotest analogy with the those who accuse them of betrayal. come has not yet been decided, but cases of Eastern Europe in 1945-48. On the contrary, in a guilty way in any case the temporary coalition As for the other analogy, no one they promise only a few miserable between Ben Bella and Ferhat Ab as yet, unfortunately, is able to point reforms (workers ClJdvisory commit bas did not prevent the revolution to revolutionary events in Ceylon in tees in state industry, such as Winston from advancing along the road to any way .comparable to those of Churchill introduced in British plants overthrowing the bourgeois state. Ctlba or even Algeria. No sponta nearly twenty-five years ago!) which neous occupation of factories and do not threaten capitalist property Beyond Coalitions estates by workers and poor peasants and the bourgeois state in the least Why didn't the coalition block the has occurred. We are not faced way. When the genuine revolution with a panic-stricken attempt of the breaks out in Ceylon, it will most victory of the revolution in Cuba? liberal bourgeoisie to hang on, if even certainly not be in consequence of Because it was broke,n at the decisive to the coat-tails of a revolutionary any inspiration from this govern moment. When the Cuban revolution government, in the wake of a power ment, but the result of a mass up reached the point where it was im ful mass uprising. We are not faced rising against this government or the perative to nationalize the big estates with a team of LSSP leaders re reactionary regime for which it is and to break the stranglehold of for solved to push forward a seething paving the way. eign imperialist and native capital on revolution at all costs until it reaches agriculture, all the representatives of a complete break with imperialism the "national" bourgeoisie left the and expropriates the propertied The Young Socialist government or were given a kick in classes even if a government coali the seat of the pants. They went over tion must be swept into the dust pan. Read the only youth socialist pub to the camp of the counter-revolu On the contrary, the reality is that lication in the United States, now tion, thereby again confirming an a liberal bourgeois government has in magazine form. Articles on the other of the basic postulates of the just tricked the leading party of the 1964 elections, Johnson's war in theory of the permanent revolution; working class into a coalition in or Vietnam, Canada's "Negro Strug i.e., that the fundamental tasks of der to prevent an upsurge of the gle.," what two students saw in the bourgeois democratic revolution mass movement, in order to stifle Cuba, and the Bloomington stu in backward countries, in the epoch mass action, in order to stop the dent's case. of imperialism cannot be carried out threat of potential revolution. And Send $1 for five issues to: under the leadership of the "na far from showing willingness to break tional" bourgeoisie, or even be tol up any coalition that stands in the The Young Socialist, P.O. Box 471, erated by them, but requires a prole way, the majority of the LSSP lead Cooper Station, N.Y. 3, N.Y. tarian revolution and the establish ership revealed shameful eagerness ment of a workers state as a neces to join such a coalition under condi Name sary precondition. And, as Trotsky tions set by the bourgeois masters. pointed out many times, a radical All references to the Cuban and Street agrarian reform is precisely the Algerian revolutions are therefore as fundamental task of the bourgeois much out of place as the references City ...... democratic revolution. to Eastern Europe. What we have is In other words, a coalition govern a classical case of class collaboration State ...... Zone...... ment is not an absolute obstacle to in a coalition government in order

FALL 1964 III Who Is Responsible for the Revisionism? Qut that the ultimate SQurce Qf all PQland, CzechQsIQvagia, Hungary, the crimes and betrayals cQmmitted WHEREAS the LSSP leadership by all the QPPQrtunists in the labQr in their ratiQnalizatiQns use Bulgaria, Rumania, Albania and East Germany, hQW then can yQU CQn movement is the Qriginal sin Qf "ac the "anaIQgy" tQ Eastern EurQpe, tQ cepting the idea Qf the state." Once Cuba and Algeria tQ excuse capitulat s~s~e?tly draw the line Qn the PQS sIbIlIty Qf capitalism being Qver yQU agree tQ the argument that the ing tQ the liberal bQurgeoisie, SQm.e thrQwn in CeylQn withQut a revQlu wQrke.rs must CQnquer state PQwer, sectarian critics Qf the FQurth Inter tion, simply thrQugh a cQalitiQn with yQU fmd that the next step is ac natiQnal use the same arguments - Mrs. Bandaranaike? ceptance Qf the view that a majQrity a mQst telling parallel! - tQ cQndemn must be WQn. TQ win a majQrity yQU the stand taken by the WQr ld TrQt A whQle queue Qf SQphists thirst must take intQ cQnsideration the skyist mQvement in relation tQ East ing fQr revenge nQW fQrms. Messrs. views Qf QPPQrtunist elements amQng ern EurQpe, Cuba and Algeria. The Schachtman, TQny Cliff and CQ., the masses. Once yQU start kQwtQw saddest case is that Qf Healy, who, themselves come under crushing at ing in this way, it is an easy step taking as his main fQundatiQn a tack frQm BQrdiga and Qther ultra first tQ negQtiate with and then to deliberate lie,9 sees in the betrayal Qf leftists: "YQU are nQt 'in principle' ally YQurself with political parties the LSSP leadership the "IQgical" QPPQsed tQ the United FrQnt, are YQu? that represent these cQnservative ele QutCQme Qf Qur alleged "revisiQnism" Then, Healy, Schachtman, Cliff and ments. YQU thereby become hQpe Qn an internatiQnal scale. If you hQld tutti quanti, yQU are responsible nQt lessly revisiQnist. When yQU accepted that a "petty-bQurgeQis nationalist" Qnly fQr Perera's betrayal, but alsQ the idea of cQnquering state PQwer like Fidel CastrQ can make a revQlu fQr the betrayals Qf the French and yQU were already Qn the rQad tQ a tiQn and set up a wQrkers state, Healy Spanish peQple's frQnts and all the cQalitiQn with the bQuregQisie. It was argues, then yQU are IQgically driven QPPQrtunism Qf the CQmmunist par really the idea Qf cQnquering state intQ taking the PQsitiQn that it can ties fQr the last thirty years." All power that was resPQnsible fQr alsQ be dQne thrQugh a cQalitiQn with these betrayals, they cQntend, were Perera's capitulatiQn. Thus tQ simQn Mrs. Bandaranaike. The methQd Qf the IQgical CQnsequence Qf the basic pure anarchists, Perera, CannQn, arguing by analQgy, whether used by revisiQnism that Qccurred at the Third Healy, Schachtman, Cliff and BQrdiga QPPQrtunists in CeylQn Qr ultra-lefts CQngress Qf the CQmmunist Interna are just Qne reactiQnary revisiQnist in Britain, degrades Marxist dialec tional, where it was decided that SQ mass ... tics to schQlasticism and pure SQphis called 'united frQnts' with QPPQrtunist try. working-class parties was a permis Basis of Social Revolution Healy's PQsitiQn, hQwever, lacks sible tactic. We happen tQ knQw, they Is it SQ difficult tQ unravel this argue, that Lenin himself said in the even IQgical self-cQnsistency. Having sQphistry? A social revQlutiQn signi First and SecQnd CQngresses Qf the delivered his "crushing attack" fies the replacement Qf Qne mQde Qf CQmmunist InternatiQnal, that these against the "revistiQnists," he at Qnce prQductiQn by another, Qf the eCQ QPPQrtunist parties Qf the wQrking becQmes subject tQ a still mQre crush nQmic, sQcial and PQlitical PQwer Qf class are in reality bQurgeQis parties ing attack frQm Messrs. Schachtman, Qne class by that Qf another. In the objectively, in fact the best and main TQny Cliff and CQ., whQ quite justi mainstream Qf history t h ~s can be prQPS Qf the bQurgeois state and bQur fiably demand mQre thQrQughness done Qnly if the revQlutiQnary class geois private property under cQndi frQm him and equally justifiably ac is led by a revQlutiQnary party. Un- cuse him Qf being the biggest "revi tiQns Qf wQrking-class upsurge. siQnist" Qf all; fQr dQesn't Healy ad TherefQre, any 'united frQnt' with mit that in Eastern EurQpe WQrkers such parties is shameful revisiQnism states appeared nQt Qnly without and betrayal. Once yQU cQndQne such revolutionary parties but alsQ with betrayals, they triumphantly CQn Qut revolutiQns! Isn't Healy IQgically clude, the logical cQnsequence is the THE MILITANT resPQnsible, therefQre, fQr Perera's ultimate betrayal Qf YQU YQurself betrayal? Once yQU admit, as Healy jQining in a cQalitiQn gQvernment A four-month trial subscription to with these Qr Qther bQurgeQis parties. dQes, that capitalism can be Qver The Militant for only $1.00. Send thrQwn withQut a revQlutiQnary par TQ make a IQng stQry shQrt, BQr ty, withQut a revQlution, and after diga himself is nQt withQut sin. His this coupon with payment to: a cQalitiQn with the native bQur "revisiQnism" comes under crushing The Militant, 116 University Place, geQisie, as he teaches was the case in attack frQm the anarchists. They PQint New York 3, N.Y.

9 In T.he. Newsletter of July 4, 1?64, Healy, General Secretary of the Socialist Labour League ,(,Great "Brlta~n) states t~at the United Secretariat of the Fourth International supported the center position of leslie Goonewardene and Colvin R. de Silva, demanding a coalition be ~,ween ~~e United Left F~ont and the bourgeo'is SLFP. The truth is that the position of the Name center group was conSIStently opposed by the United Secretariat which counterposed the slogan of a government of working-class parties to any thought of coalition with a bourgeois party. Again,Healy states in The Newsletter of July II, 1964, that the United Secretariat "advo cated ~upport for the centrist wing of Leslie Goonewardene and Colvin de Silva . •• right Street u.p until the vote was t~ken at the LSSP conference of June 7." This is an outright falsifica tion. From. the moment It learned of Perera's secret negotiations, the United Secretariat urged t~at the firmest .stand be ~ak~n on the Trot~kyist posit'ions; i.e., opposition to any coalition With the bourg.eols SLFP. ThiS Included any ULF coalition with the SLFP along the lines advo cated by Leslie Goonewardene and Colvin R. de Silva. The documents, which have been City...... Zone ...... State...... sch.eduled for publication, will show how gross Healy's attempt is to saddle the United Secre tariat of the Fourth International with the position taken by the "center" grouping.

112 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW der wholly abnormal circumstances, We do not care to share any such capitalist class being overthrown however - especially if it has been hallucinations. In our opinion, Marx without the previous existence of a previously weakened to the extreme ism begins with a scrupulous critical revolutionary Marxist party that by war and uprisings - a ruling analysis of reality and its own rela some kind of opportunist policy; i.e., class can also be dislodged without tion to it, and never sacrifices truth a coalition with liberal bourgeois such a party. This is not a new for the sake of any formula which phenomenon; it is as old as the Paris would thereby be converted into a parties, can lead to a r2volution? Commune; and it was acknowledged scholastic dogma. From the Marxist Certainly not. Experience is enor and faithfully noted by Leon Trotsky point of view there is no escaping mously rich in demonstrating that in the very Transitional Program the admission that under certain ex such a policy, far from speeding a which Healy brandishes the way a ceptional circumstances capitalism revolution, only betrays the hopes of Protestant cleric brandishes Holy can be overthrown without prior for the working class and helps a totter Scripture, carefully avoiding citing mation of a revolutionary Marxist ing capi talist class to remain in the passages that don't suit his sec party - even without prior forma power. To argue that "revisionism" tarian politics.10 tion of soviets. While admitting some in the case of Cuba - meaning ad vVhat should revolutionary Marx thing that has been confirmed by life mitting the facts - "logically leads" ists do? Deny the truth? Defend the itself, it is necessary to determine the to Perera's policies reveals complete fantastic idea that the Cuban bour exact reasons which made it possible, incapacity to see the difference be geoisie is today politically in power thereby reinforcing the theoretical tween a case where the bourgeoisie (when its state apparatus has been conclusion that it can happen only has lost power and a case where its competely destroyed, when its army under exceptional circumstances, is power has been saved. What the has been totally crushed, when the not a general rule, and most cer Popu1 ar Front accomplished for the Cuban state, equalling "men in arms" tainly does not apply to imperialist French bourgeoisie, or what Perera is the armed proletariat and poor countries where the bourgeoisie is is trying to accomplish for the Cey peasantry)? Maintain that the mode still very powerful, economically as lonese bourgeoisie today, is complete of production in Cuba is still capital well as socially. 11 Such an analysis, ly clear to all the political forces ist (when not only industry, trans far from being "revisionist," strength directly involved in these operations. port, banking and wholesale trade ens and enriches revolutionary On the other hand, no amount of are one hundred percent nationalized theory, for in order to transform sophistry from Healy will convince but even agriculture is seventy per reality, Marxists must start by un the Cuban bourgeoisie, in emigration cent socialized; i.e., when the sociali derstanding and accepting it. Merely in Miami or huddling together in the zation of the means of production is repeating formulas in parrot-like miserab' e gusano circles of La Ha in fact more advanced tham it was in fashion dooms a grouping to the fate bana, that they are really still in Soviet Russia ten years after the of a politically bankrupt sect that can power today under Fidel Castro the October Revolution)? Should such never win leadership of the masses way the Comite des Forges still re realities be denied out of fear of and never make a revolution. mained in power under the Popular succumbing to temptation, the real Does this mean, then, that because Front government of Leon Blum in "moving spirit" of sectarianism, as history has provided examples of a 1936 and 1937.12 Trotsky correctly declared? Consider the completely hallucinatory char acter of Healy's position: He argues 10 "However, one cannot categorically deny in advance the theoretical possibility that, that without a revolution workers un(!\er the influence of completely e-:ceptional circumstances (war, defeat, financ'ial crash, mass rev olutionary pressure, etc.). the petty-bourgeois parties including the Stalinists may go further than states were created in Rumania, Bul they themselves wish along the road to a break with t,he bourgeoisie. In any case one thing is garia, Poland, nay, even in East Ger not to be doubted: even 'if this highly improbable variant somewhere at some time becomes many where the working class was a reality, and the 'workers' and farmers' government' in the above-mentioned sense is estab completely crushed and exercised no lished in fact, it would represent merely a short episode on the road to the actual dictatorship form of "power" for even a single of the proletariat." (Transitional Program, p. 37, Pioneer Publishers, 1946.) moment. He cites the nationalization 11 This 'is done in detail in the document "The Dynamics of World Revolution," adopted of the means of production as the at the Reunification Congress of the Fourth International. (Reprinte,d in the International Socialist acid test, proving that workers states Review, Fall 1963.) were established. But he argues that in Cuba where nationalization of the 12 The "petty-bourgeois nationalist" label that Healy pins on the government of Fidel means of production occurred in th,e Castro 'involves a fundamental revision of Trotsky's theory of the permanent revolution: (I) The process of and as a consequence of petty bourgeoisie is suddenly granted the capacity to build an independent movement; other a genuine revolution, the deepest and wise Healy would have to call Fidel Castro's movement either a bourgeois movement or a petty-bourgeois working-class movement (of the left socialist or semi-Stalin'ist variety). (2) This most popular seen since 1917, deep imagined "independent petty-bourgeois movement" (or, still worse, a bourgeois partyl) is sud er and more popular than the Spanish denly granted the capacity to solve the basic demand of the bourgeois-democrat'ic revolution: Revolution, bringing into united ac a radical agrarian reform - seventy percent of all the arable land is socialized today in Cuba tion up to seventy percent of the and there are no more unemployed or landless peasants. Thus, reasoning from Healy's assump population, establishing committees tion, the social and economic problem that provides the main motive power dr'iving the revolu with two million members in a pop tion forward in "permanent" fashion no longer exists in Cuba; Castro solved it. (Rather than ulation of seven million, with work revising the theory of the permanent revolution reality compels us to deny Healy's conten ers wielding actual power for years Hon that a capitalist state still exists in Cuba.) (3) If Healy is right, then it is clear that now in many areas, forms and plants, the leadership of the proletariat and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat is no longer a necessary precondition for solving the agrarian question and bringing the that all this does not mean a workers agrarian revolution to successful conclus'ion. If Healy is right we would be obligated to admit state but only a variety of ... bour that Trotsky turned out to be dead wrong on a key postulate of the theory of the permanent geois power! revolution. Healy can't have it both waysl

FALL 1964 113 o NLY a sector of the leading cadre of the LSSP became really in LSSP (R.S.) and the Fourth International tegrated into the Fourth Interna tional. The international movement (The following statement by Edmund Samarakkody, a member of the had no way of influencing the rank Ceylonese parliament and one of the leaders of the Revolutionary section and-file members of the party except of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, was issued June 7.) The decision of the reformist majority of the LSSP to en~er into a through this cadre. But it must be coalition with the capitalist SLFP (Sri Lanka Freedom Party) government said, in all fairness, that this cadre and thereby to become an instrument of the capitalist class in Ceylon, con was much more politically advanced stitutes a complete violation of the basic principles of Trotskyism on which and much closer to the general pro the revolutionary program of the party is based. gram and current political line of the This degeneration is the logical outcome of the parliamentary reformist Fourth International than the aver line which the majority of the leadership of the party has followed for sev age member of the LSSP. From the eral years and the substitution of parliamentary and reformist struggle in start, therefore; i.e., from the recon place of class struggle and revolutionary perspectives, and the systematic recruitment of nonrevolutionary elements into the party on that basis. stitution of an International Center The revolutionaries of the LSSP have, in this situation, decided to or at the close of World War II and ganize themselves on the basis of the party program. They therefore with from the first formal relations with drew from the conference and will hereafter function as a separate organiza the Ceylonese section, the interna tion under the name of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (Revolutionary Sec tional leadership had no choice, even tion.) if some other recourse seemed more In order to carry forward the revolutionary struggle for power, the advisable, but to try to bring the LSSP (Revolutionary Section) calls upon all the adherents and supporters LSSP progressively closer to the of the LSSP in the country to rally round the revolutionary banner which norms of a real Leninist-type organi it refuses to surrender to the SLFP Government and the capitalist class. (Signed) Edmund Samarakkody, Secretary, zation through comradely collabora Provisional Committee of the LSSP tion with the LSSP leadership. What (Revolutionary Section) was involved essentially was patient Note: The Provisional Committee of the LSSP (Revolutionary Sec education. tion) addressed a communication to the United Secretariat of the Fourth The problem was not a matter of International requesting recognition of the LSSP (RS) as the "Ceylon Unit" correct or incorrect tactics. The same of the Fourth International. line was consistently followed from A letter from the United Secretariat under date of July 10, 1964 - 1945 to 1964 - nearly ten years of which crossed the Provisional Committee communication in the mail - ad this period being in close consulta dressed to the Emergency Conference of the LSSP (RS), scheduled for July tion with Healy and with his com 18-19, stated that the US had voted: "To recognize this Emergency Confer plete approval. The line involved a ence as officially constituting the continuing body of the Trotskyist move basic organizational principle - how ment in Ceylon and to empower it to speak for and conduct any matters pertaining to the section of the Fourth International in Ceylon." to facilitate the selection of national The Emergency Conference voted to accept the "recognition granted, and international leaders in the and will hereafter function as the Ceylon Unit of the Fourth International." Fourth International. We do not be The vote on this motion by the delegates was 54 "for," 9 "against," and 8 lieve that hard-handed intervention "neutral." from an international center can sub stitute for the patient selection, in a democratic way, of a mature revolu alty to the international organiza practical consequences that could tionary leadership in each country. tion, attending congresses, distribut only damage their work. These com The International can and must ting communications as they are re rades thereby demonstrated how help to clarify political issues; but it ceived, and taking the opinions and well they understand the principle of is duty bound to refrain from setting arguments of the International into democratic centralism as bequeathed up artificially, from the outside, any careful consideration, adjusting or to our movement by Leon Trotsky. tendencies or factions, or from en changing deviations in political line They fought against the opportunist gaging in organizational reprisals in response to suggestions or criti trend, organizing a tendency the bet against national leaderships in which cisms from the International. ter to defend the traditional Trotsky it has misgivings or holds reserva It should be added that this atti ist positions; yet they helped the tions because of their political ten tude was not only correct in prin United Secretariat, which shared dencies. To act otherwise does not ciple; it corresponded in the current their basic views, to maintain nor lead to political clarification; on the situation to the feelings of the lead mal,comradely relations with the contrary, it inevitably leads to or ers of the left tendency that for elected leadership of the party. ganiza tional grievances becoming tunately arose spontaneously in the The influence which the Interna substituted for political discussion, LSSP and which sought the closest tional Center sought to wield among and thus, in the long run, hinders consultation and contact with the the leaders of the LSSP falls into and delays the process of creating an International. Several times in the two periods sharply divided by the independent - minded revolutionary past year, when pressure from other 1960 experience. leadership. This responsible attitude sources rose for "vigorous" interven Before 1960, the international lead - really a :norm - is all the more tion, the comrades of the left ten ership was concerned about erroneous necessary where language obstacles dency warned against any "factional" attitudes on various questions, but it and distance make it impossible to moves in the internal struggle in the limited its communications to the conduct a direct dialogue with the LSSP on their behalf. In this situa Political Bureau and Central Com majority of the membership and tion any violation of the principle mittee, occasionally to party confer where the leading cadre displays loy- involved would have had immediate ences. It was critical over the lack of

114 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW integration of the LSSP leadership radely collaboration. More vigorous Trotskyist movement was not with into the International, its failure to measures were required to bring the out results. The LSSP leadership be make financial contributions in pro LSSP, or at least part of it, back to gan a retreat. In 1961 it no longer portion to organizational strength, its revolutionary Marxism. voted for the budget. The upsurge of failure to maintain close relations working-class militancy favored this That is why the LSSP decision to with the Indian section (which was develDpment. Satisfaction could be support the Bandaranaike gDvern abruptly "abandoned" by the Cey registered over the left tUrn of the lonese comrades in the late forties), ment in 1960 met with a sharp public LSSP leadership. And for the first its lack of a Leninist-type organiza censure from the International lead time since the birth of the Ceylonese tiDnal structure, its lack of systematic ership. And when the majority of the section, it cDuld be recorded that the recruitment especially among the LSSP did not correct this grave mis organization now had a permanent plantatiDn workers, the lack of party take after a public warning from the representative in the internatiDnal educational work, etc., etc. On some Fourth Internatio.nal, the Sixth tiDnal leadership (a representative pDints, such criticisms led to favDr World Congress, meeting at the end who happened to be a leading mem able results. Membership conferences of 1960, again publicly criticized and ber of the left tendency). were formally given up. The work attacked the Ceylonese section for its When the Seventh World Congress among the Tamil population became opportunistic behavior, a measure assembled, preparing the grDund for mo.re energetic, a Tamil newspaper withDut precedent in the history of the Reunification CDngress of the was published, a Tamil-speaking the International in relation to an Fourth International that followed, plantation workers union was organ o.rganization that had not split away. the delegates, among whom was Ed ized with promising results. The At the same time The Militant, the mund Samarakkody tDday secretary Youth Leagues became a mass or American weekly expressing the of the LSSP (RS), were faced with a ganization, including tens of tho.U viewpoint of the Socialist Workers new tUrn of the LSSP leadership, Dne sands of members, sympathetic to. the Party, completely independently of that began in March 1963, the turn LSSP. An attempt, later abandoned, the Sixth World Congress, also found towards a united front Df all wDrk was made to have the party study it necessary to publicly condemn the ing-class Drganizations in Ceylon. On the agrarian problem. Several at opportunistic support which the LSSP the trade-union field, the turn at tempts (which failed) were made to leadership was offering to a bour once yielded the most promising re have the main party leaders give up geois government.13 sults, which we already noted above. activities that blocked them from This pressure from the world On the political level, the turn was full-time participation in party work. On many occasions the Interna 1,3 In September 1960 the International Secretariat of the Fourth International issued a tio.nal had reason to be proud of the public statement, published in issue No. II of the magazine Fourth I nternational, saying 'among LSSP and its leadership, as for ex other things: "The IS has not fa'iled to express to the LSSP its disagreement in regard to both its recent electoral policy and its policy towards t.he SLFP after the March and July elec ample in the 1953 hartal, in the race tions. The IS particularly believes that the no-contest agreement, extende,d up to a mutual-sup riDts Df 1958 and in the 1961 strike port agreement, involves the danger of creating illusions about the nature of the SLFP among wave. In instances like the race the great masses, and that an atHtude of support to a government such as that of Mrs. riots it upheld the banner of inter Bandaranaike should only be critical and hence limited to the progressive measures actually nationalism in the mDst stubborn proposed and adopted. way, holding to.ugh against the pet "In the specific case of the Speech from the Throne, the IS thinks that the very 'moderate ty-bourgeois chauvinistic pressure character of the government programme and its attitude against nationalisation of the planta mounting on all sides until it reached tions - a fundamental question for a country like Ceylon - is such as to 'involve a negative pogrom level, yet never giving up its vote by the LSSP MPs. fight for equality of status between "A discussion on the Ceylonese situation and the policy to adopt has been opened in view of the next conference of the LSSP and of the World Congress of the International." Sinhalese and Tamil, always de (pp. 53-54) fending the political rights of the At the Sixth World Congress itself, the following resolution was adopted and printed in oppressed minority, even at the cost issue No. 12 of the magazine Fourth International: of "popularity." It is sad to have to "The Sixth World Congress, having discussed the situation in Ceylon, states that it disap say that such a fine record was proves the polit'ical line adopted by the LSSP following the election defeat of March 1960. marred in 1963 when the party lead "The Congress condemns more especially the vote of parliamentary support expressed on ership began to. give up what it had the occasion of the Speech from the Throne, and the adoption of the budget by the party's maintained under the severest hard MPs. ship, for oppDrtunistic reasons con "The Fourth International does not exclude support for the adoption of progressive meas ures, even by a national bourgeois or petty-bourgeois government in a colonial or semi-colonial ceding on the language question to country. But the social nature, compos'ition and general programme of the Bandaranaike gov the CP and MEP leaderships during ernment does not justify the support which was accorded to it. the 1963 United Left Front negotia "The World Congress appeals to the LSSP for a radical change in its political course in tions. the direction indicated by the document of the leadership of the International. The decision of the LSSP after the "The Congress 'is confident that the next National Conference of the LSSP, in whose 1960 elections to support Mrs. Ban political preparation the whole International must participate, will know how to adopt all the daranaike's government meant the political and organisational decisions necessary to overcome the crisis which was revealed fol abrupt end of this stage Df relations low'ing the results of the March 1960 election campaign." (p. 50) between the leaderships of the LSSP This resolution s:hows what a shameful lie was printed by Healy's Newsletter in the July 4 1964, issue: "The Pabloite International Secretariat endorsed [I], with reservation, the main and the Fourth International. It was line of the LSSP in the 1960 elections • . • Thus it suppl'ied them with further cover for their clear that the problem was no longer capitulation to the SLFP." occasional tail-endism or a threat of Readers and friends of The Newsletter should ponder why the group t:hat edits this paper op,ortunism which could be correct feels compelled to use systematic lies and distortions of the truth as political ammunit'ion ed by fraternal discusiDn and com- whereas Trotsky said that the revolution, the biggest truth of our times, doesn't need lies .••

FALL 1964 115 expressed in a drive towards a United frankly expressed why she wanted ticularly Mr. Philip Gunawardena Left Front of working-class parties. such a government: and Dr. N. M. Perera ... " (May 10, This was undoubtedly a step for "However much progressive work 1964, speech. Emphasis added.) ward compared with support to the we do, we cannot expect any re As soon as the United Secretariat SLFP government. It had the merit sult unless we get the co-operation of the Fourth International was in of presenting a working-class alter of the working class. This could be formed about this step, it sent a let native to a bourgeois government. understood if the working of the ter to the LSSP Central Committee~ This the World Congress correctly Port and of other nationalised un warning it not to undertake a step saluted as a fundamentally correct dertakings are considered. We can which would be utter betrayal and orientation. At the same time, the not go backwards. We must go for counterposing to the idea of coalition Congress drew attention, both public ward. Disruptions, especially strikes with a bourgeois party the correct ly and through a special letter to and go-slows must be eliminated, perspective of a united front govern the LSSP, to four key issues involved and the development of the coun ment of all working-class parties in the turn which the Congress try must proceed. based on a socialist program.!!) The thought had not been properly met "Some people have various ideas Plenum of the International Execu by the LSSP leadership: (1) Insuf on these subjects. Some fe'el that tive Committee of the Fourth Inter ficiently critical analysis of the 1960 these troubles can be eliminated by national, held in May 1964, unanim mistake;14 (2) lack of clarity about the establishment of a dictatorship. ously endorsed this stand. At the the extra-parliamentary nature and Others say that workers should be same time it was decided to send a potentialities of the United Left Front made to work at the point of gun representative of the Fourth Inter in contrast to its parliamentary fea and bayonet . . . My conclusion is national to attend the LSSP special tures; (3) lack of any kind of public that none of these solutions will conference and fight against the coali criticism by the LSSP of the oppor help to get us where we want to tion proposal, making it clear to tunist policies of the CP and MEP, go ... Therefore, gentlemen, I everybody, inside and outside the contrary to the Leninist concept of decided to initiate talks with the party in Ceylon, that the Fourth the united front; (4) failure to in leaders of the working class, par- International would have nothing to volve the Tamil plantation workers and their organizations in the United 14 See Quatrieme Internationale, No. 19, July 1963, p. 49. Left Front. (This point blew up into I!) This letter, dated April 23, 1964, called attention to the "inability of the ruling SLFP a real scandal through failure to in to continue much longer in office, expressed in its rapidly dwindling parliamentary majority, vite them to the platform in the May its sudden prorogation of parl'iament and its 'behind the scenes' maneuvers to negotiate a fresh 1, 1963, demonstration, and the Con lease of life through an alliance with the parties of the left." gress strongly criticized the LSSP The letter continued: "As far as the SLFP is concerned, two factors appear to motivate its present course of leadership over this.) action: (I) laC<'k of confidence in its ab'ility to continue in office for the rest of its constitu The LSSP leadership, now faced tional term; (2) a deep-seated fear of an u!'surge in the working-class movement and the real with an officially constituted Left po~ibility of the emergence of a government of the left. Clearly, it is this latter possibility Tendency in the party, again par wh'ich drives it today to seek a modus vivendi with the left and attempt a re-alignment of tially responded to the pressure of forces through a coalition with the United Left Front. the International. It took some steps "Its calculations are fairly obvious. It hopes to gain strength by an infusion from the left. on the question of interesting the It hopes to disorient the masses by taking on left coloration. It hopes to weaken the threat Tamil workers in the draft program from the left by splitting the left organizations (since acceptance of a coalition would obviously It for the United Left Front, only to not be unanimous and would most likely open the most bitter factional struggles). hopes to associate prominent left figures with its rule and thereby utterly discredit them for the fol partially back down under pressure lowing p'hase when this one comes to its 'inevitable end and social forces have reached un from the CP and MEP. The ULF endurable tension and polarization. started to call big mass demonstra "Its primary immediate aim is to stem the tide of rising mass unrest, contain the parties tions, which were attended by tens of the left w'ithin its own control and commit them to 'progressive' formulae within the frame of thousands of workers and peasants, work of the capitalist structure. It is clear that the 'concessions' proposed by the Prime Minis clearly testifying to the popular re ter and reported to the Central Committee meeting remain mere sops insofar as they leave sponse to formation of the ULF and intact the structure of capitalism and in no way touch the essential product'ive bases of the the objective possibility of launch economy. ing an all-out campaign in favor of "It is necessary to declare at this stage, quite categorically, that we oppose our party entering any coalition government wherein decisive control is held by a party that has proved bringing to power a ULF government t'ime and again its reluctance to move against the capitalist order, and furthermore has dem on a socialist program. Strike strug onstrated in action its essentially antiworking-class character. We do not believe that the char gles of the working class grew sharp acter of the SLFP is determined by the declarations of one or another of its individual leaders. er and sharper. The program of Its character has been revealed by its whole history during its years in power. In this sense we twenty-one points was adopted by see no reason for changing our characterization of it as a party essentially functioning within all the trade unions. A mammoth the framework of capitalism and utilized by certain layers of the bourgeo'isie as a possible demonstration of 40,000 people sup bulwark against the growing forces of the working class. Any form of coalition wit;h such a ported it on March 21, 1964. party, as long as it remains the dominant majority w'ithin such a coalition, can only lead to the immobilization of the left in advance and its becoming itself a target for the growing resent It was at this point that N. M. ment of the masses." Perera, in complete opposition to the 16 Comrade Pierre Frank's stay in Ceylon during and after the LSSP conference greatly party's program and its conference helped the cause of the Fourth International. Besides his speech at the conference, he conferred decisions, treacherously embarked on with many leaders and members of the LSSP. T'he press was quite interested in what he had to secret negotiations with Mrs. Ban say as it was known that he represented the main stream of the world Trotskyist movement and daranaike for the purpose of entering that his opinions carried weight. His statements were extensively reported in the Ceylon rress a coalition government. Mrs. Banda and he was thus able to make clear to the whole general public that the ~ourth Internat:onal ranaike herself very clearly and rejected Perera's coalition politics and had nothing to do with his moves and negotiations

116 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW do with the betrayal if Perera should sidious in causing a revolutionary good requires a certain material succeed in carrying it out.16 cadre to miss a big possible break weight. Thanks to the collaboration between through towards mass influence. We know, as materialists, that pol the International and the courageous Opportunism generally represents a itics are decided in the last resort not action of the Left Tendency of the caving in to the direct pressure of a by ~deas but by social forces. Even hostile class environment. In under the strongest ideas do not triumph if LSSP, the banner of Trotskyism re developed countries, tail-endism in there is not enough material strength mains unstained in Ceylon - the relation to the masses paves the way behind those ideas. The most power Fourth International is not identified for opportunist adaptation to bour ful counterweight to opportunist de with the disastrous opportunist course geois parties momentarily wielding viations in national sections of the of Messrs. Perera, Moonesinghe and wide mass influence. The social na world Trotskyist movement is a Cholmondeley Goonewardene. The ture of such opportunism is very strong International, with strong co bulk of the Trotskyist-educated cadre clear: adaptation to the petty bour hesive forces, with enough material has been saved for the Ceylonese geoisie, which in turn is following resources to make possible effective revolution. When the inevitable clash the leadership of the liberal na and benign political aid in fields and between the Cey lonese working class tional bourgeoisie. areas where it is most required,17 and the capitalist government occurs, The roots of such opportunism are with enough weight and prestige to many working-class members of the "national," not "international." The make any centrifugal tendency stop LSSP who mistakenly fonowed N. M. petty bourgeoisie - to speak of the short and think twice before taking Perera will turn to the LSSP(RS). liberal bourgeoisie in this connection any decisive step in the way of Fresh layers of militant workers will is ridiculous - cannot directly in breaching the political line deter come to the organization that knew fluence the Fourth International with mined by the world Trotskyist move how to stand firm against the op its particular kind of pressure. Its ment at its congresses. portunist wing. Given a correct pressure is exerted on national sec The split in the world Trotskyist orientation, a resolute break with all tions that happen to be living in a movement in 1953 undoubtedly weak the opportunist and sectarian habits given environment where this is pos ened the deterrents to the growth of of the old LSSP, and an energetic sible. To battle that pressure, the opportunism in the LSSP. The 1963 turn towards mass work and mass Fourth International has the resource reunification came too late to be able education among the workers and of sections that are free from the to reverse the trend. Let all those poor peasants, the LSSP(RS) can pressure, or more capable of resist who sought to block that unification, and will build an alternative rev ing it, plus a team of leaders who who managed to hinder it and defer olutionary leadership for the Cey tend, out of long experience, testing it for some years, or who refused to lonese toiling masses. and selection, to reflect the interests participate in it when it finally came What lessons should be drawn of the movement as a whole. But to about, ponder the lesson of Ceylon. from this experience? Oppor:tunism bring these resources to bear in an They bear much of the responsibility remains a constant danger for any effective way in a given situation for the loss of part of a revolutionary revolutionary organization once it precisely when they can do the most cadre in that country. gains mass influence, especially if it faces conditions in which the revolu 17 On five occas'ions the Fourth International sent leading members of the Center to Ceylon tion is deferred. There is no other in order to participate in discussions involving the leaders and ra~k and file of the Ceylonese final guarantee against this danger section. T,hree of these trips were made after the 1960 crisis. It is evident, however, that th'is than the thorough education of the was not enough. A stronger International would have been able to send so'me of its leaders for a prolonged stay in Ceylon to help in the necessary fundamental educational work. cadre through study and action in revolutionary Marxism. The party members must root themselves in the working class and absorb the Special Offer Special Offer program of the Fourth International until it becomes second nature, lodged in their very bones, without any illu TWO OUTSTANDING MARXIST PERIODICALS sions about "exceptionalism" of any kind. Fourth International , Ceylon J Young Soci'alist The opportunist deviations of the Perera group are so spectacular and The "FO'urth InternatiO'nal" is a quar The CeylO'n "YO'ung SO'cialist" is pub lished mO'nthly by the CeylO'nese so criminal that they are easily per terly magazine published by the youth section O'f the Lanka Sama ceived. But this should not cause us United Secretariat O'f the FO'urth In Samaja Party (RevolutiO'nary Sec to overlook an opposite kind of error ternatiO'nal. Order now and receive tiO'n) O'f the Trotskyist movement in that can prove just as harmful from free the summer 1964 issue featuring CeylO'n. Order nO'w and receive free the viewpoint of building revolution "The Law O'j Value in RelatiO'n to' the current issue featuring: "Dynam ary mass parties and preparing for Self-Management and Investment in ics O'f the CeylO'n RevolutiO'n," by Ed revolutionary action on a big scale. the EcO'nO'my O'f the WO'rkers States," mund Samarakkody and twO' articles This is the error of sectarianism and by Ernest Germain. by LeO'n TrO'tsky. ultra-leftism which often appears as an offset to opportunism. This error One Year Subscription ...... $2.00 One Year Subscription ...... $3.00 is much less spectacular and those who fall into it are seldom faced with International Socialist Review problems of conscience, consequently 116 University Place New York 3, N. Y. it can often prove to be more in-

FALL 1964 117 Open Letter to Gerry Healy The Man on the Flying Trapeze By Peng Shu-tse Dear Comrade Healy, fraud to create a false impression. tivism. In this article, I considered In June 1963 the majority of the Since the Reunification Congress last your revision of theory, your oppor sections of the International Commit year, the overwhelming majority of tunism, your sectarianism and your tee met with the sections of the In the sections and supporters of the In bureaucratic practices, including a ternational Secretariat in a Reunifi ternational Committee have either series of absurd mistakes of yours on cation Congress. In this Congress, the openly ratified the Congress or in the most important issue, especially world Trotskyist movement reached other ways indicated their backing. problems concerning the Cuban Re agreement on basic principles, ending In Japan, for instance, one of the volution. Since you chose to ignore the split that had existed since 1953- last areas to take action, a maj or ef or forget this article, I am obliged 54, and established the United Sec fort is now underway to achieve re once again to call your attention to retariat as the leadership of the unification on a national scale under some of your maj or errors: Fourth International. the banner of the Fourth Interna Catalogue of Errors Since that time, the Socialist La tional. Of all the sections originally bour League, which you head, and adhering to the International Com (1) From the beginning of the the La Verite group (France) led by mittee, a minority of only two de Algerian struggle for liberation, you Lambert, utilizing the name of the cided to break with the majority wholeheartedly supported the nation International Committee, have re view and remain outside the united alistic MNA (Algerian National peatedly denounced the reunification, world Trotskyist movement - your Movement), headed by Messali Hadj attacking and slandering the united SLL and Lambert's group. With the against the FLN (National Liberation Fourth International and its new Reunification Congress the Interna Front). You even praised Messali leadership, the United Secretariat, tional Committee came to an end. Hadj as "a living symbol of this without restraint. You have especial For two groups to represent them struggle." The MNA, you said, "wages ly singled out the Socialist Workers selves as the former International an intransigeant fight against impe Party for your diatribes because of Committee is a patent fraud! rialism under the leadership of the the support it has given the united Last September, you and Lambert working masses." And how did things movement. held a conference upon which you turn out? Just the opposite of what It has been my intention for some chose to place the label "International you wrote! Messali, with his MNA, time to express my views on this in Committee." You announced that a capitulated to French imperialism. order to help clarify the situation. delegate from a "Hungarian section" With regard to the shameful capitu Due to other work, this had to be post attended this so-called conference. lation of Messali Hadj and his party, poned. On reading the June 20 and But this "Hungarian section" did not you never said anything that might June 27 issues of the Newsletter, in exist at the last meeting of the In have drawn attention to your posi which you carry reports about the ternational Committee in March 1963. tion. When, after seven and half special conference on the LSSP [Lan Between March and September what years of the most difficult struggle, ka Sam a Samaja Party] the Ceylonese happened? Did you find a Hungarian the FLN was obliged to sign the section of the Fourth International, I emigre in England whom you decided Evian agreement with the French felt it necessary to put everything else to call a "section" in order to deco government, granting temporary eco aside. These issues of the Newsletter, rate your "IC conference?" You are nomic concessions to the French and particularly an editorial and the re reduced to such paltry methods to letting them retain certain military ports you sent from Colombo are so maintain the pretense of the con interests in return for political in malicious, contain so many falsifica tinued existence of the International dependence, you called it a "sell out." tions and slanderous arguments at Committee and the construction of (2) In your own country, Eng tacking the United Secretariat of the new "sections!" land, for a long time you praised Fourth International, that it is neces Impressionism and Subjectivism Bevan, placing almost all your hopes sary to speak in behalf of the truth. You advance certain political con in him. In adaptation to Bevan's First of all, let me point out that ceptions to justify calling your group politics and sowing illusions about when you use the name "Interna "the only" Trotskyists and to de his role, you went beyond even your tional Committee," you hope by this scribe others, including whole sectors efforts with regard to Messali Hadj. of the reunited Fourth International, In spite of your praise and adapta Peng Shu-tse was one of the found especially its leadership the United tion to his politics, Bevan foJlowed ing members of the Chinese Commu Secretariat, as "Pabloite revisionists" the logic of his own opportunist nist Party. Breaking with StaZinism who are allegedly "betraying Trot course and went over to Hugh Gait after the 1927 debacle, he h,elped to skyism." On this ground you repeat skell. When your attitude of adapta found a Chinese Trotskyist move your call for "reorganization" of the tion toward Bevan proved bank ment. Since 1951 he has been living Fourth International in order to build rupt, you immediately jumped from in Europe. Interviewed by Ross Dow "revolutionary proletarian parties in right opportunism to ultraleft secta son in 1963, Peng gave an interest every country." Let me call your at rianism. As to whether or not your ing accownt of his life which was tention to an article I wrote-"Where attitude toward Bevan was right or published in the Summer 1963 ISR Is Healy Taking the Socialist Labour wrong, you never offered any expla under the title "Chinese Revolution..,. League?"-in which I took up your nations either to the working class ists in Exile." method of impressionism and subjec- or to the members of your own group!

U8 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW (3) When the Castro regime ex method, you refuse to recognize this was made on the cO'alition overtures propriated and nationalized Ameri fact! advanced by the government party, can imperialist and Cuban capitalist These grave theoretical and politi the SLFP (Sri Lanka Freedom Par holdings beginning in the fall of 1959, cal mistakes committed by you, as ty) to the LSSP, Ceylonese section a workers state was established in indicated above, demonstrate that of the Fourth International. The Cuba. This was the appraisal of vir you have departed from the method members of the International Exec tually the entire world Trotskyist of Marxism and the politics O'f Trot utive Committee expressed unani movement. But you have categorical skyism. In face of this, you have no mous opposition to any coalition in ly rejected this Marxist appraisal. In right to call yourselves Trotskyists which the LSSP would serve in the your opinion no "dictatorship of the and to attack the Fourth International role of captive to the bourgeoisie ... proletariat" exists in Cuba. In deter and its leadership, the United Secre The IEC called on the LSSP to coun mining the nature of a workers state tariat. If you were really convinced terpose to these proposals a vigorO'us you substitute a purely political cri of the correctness of your method campaign for a United Left Front terion for the economic one. At this and your political position, and also government on the basis of a socialist point, you depart from Marxism, tak had the courage, you would publish program that would signify a break ing the road to revisiO'nism already my article, "Where Is Healy Taking with imperialism and capitalism in blazed by Bruno R., Burnham, the SLL?" and open a public discus Ceylon." It is very clear that the pol Shachtman and the state capitalists! sion about this, permitting the mem icy adopted by the IEC plenum was (4) After denying the character bers of the SLL to participate. As strO'ngly against the tendency toward of the workers state in Cuba you yet, you have preferred to say noth capitulation represented by the right further declare: "The [Castro] re ing about the criticism I levelled wing ;)f N.M. Perera and the centrist gime is a variety of capitalist state against your mistakes. tendency prep resented by Colvin R. PO'wer. The Castro regime did not de Silva and Leslie Goonewardene. create a qualitatively new and dif Cey lonese Crisis This single reference from World ferent type of state power from the Let us turn to the CrISIS of the Outlook exposes your condemnation Batista regime." That is to' say, the LSSP, which you seek to turn to fac of the policy of the United Secretar Castro regime is not qualitatively tional advantage. At the special con iat as a complete falsification, a lie! different from the Batista regime. ference of the LSSP O'n June 6-7, You also say: "A government of Such an absurd appraisal of the na an open split took place. The right the ULF would have been no differ ture of the CastrO' regime, as I point wing of the party headed by N. M. ent from the present coalition." This ed out in my article, reveals absolute Perera accepted posts in a bourgeois demonstrates that you cannot even blindness to the facts and the worst coalition government. The left wing, distinguish "a United Left Front impressionism in theory. (See "Where led by Edmund Samarakkody, government on the basis of a social Is Healy Taking the SLL?" Interna walked out. The centrist tendency ist program that would signify a tional Information Bulletin pp. 6-7.) represented by Colvin R. de Silva break with imperialism and capital The most outrageous is the follow and Leslie Goonewardene, went wa ism in Ceylon" from "the present ing statement: "Here we have Kemal veringly toward the right. This im coalition" controlled by the capitalist Ataturk, Chiang Kai-shek, Cardenas, portant and tragic event in our party, the SLFP! Peron, Ben Bella, and Castro ... " You movement deserves special attention You further assert: "This tendency put the cO'unterrevolutionary Chiang and the most serious examination so (the left tendency led by Edmund Kai-shek and revolutionary Castro that the necessary Jessons can be Samarakkody) which received no on the same level, treating both as drawn in order to help the left wing support from the Pabloite Secretariat enemies. This is to go beyond secta rebuild the Trotskyist movement in prior to or during the conference ... " rianism and slip into the camp of Ceylon. But your aims are different. This assertion proves that if you are reaction! You seek to utilize this event as a acquainted with the facts, you pre (5) U sing the same method, the good opportunity for attacking and fer to report something different. political criterion, change of "the slandering the whole unified Trot The fact is that the tendency led state power from the hands of one skyist movement, particularly the by Edmund Samarakkody was in class to another," you insist that the United Secretariat. Baiting your hook close touch with the United Secretar Cuban Revolution is not "a social" with distortions, falsifications and iat. The two Ceylonese delegates at but "a political revolution." In this even lies, you try fishing in these the Reunification Congress last year way you seek to deny that the Cuban troubled waters. were both leaders of the left wing in Revolution has developed uninter Quite typically, writing from Co the LSSP. One of them has directly ruptedly from the stage of democratic lombo in the June 20 Newsletter, you participated in the United Secretar revolution to socialist revolution. say: "Their desertion (N. M. Perera, iat for the past year. At the Reuni Here you again abandon or forget Colvin R. de Silva, and Leslie Goone fication Congress the problem of the the ABC's of Marxism concerning the wardene) is a continuation of the rightist tendency in the Ceylonese meaning of a social revolution; i. e., policies of the so-called Unified Sec party and how to conduct an effec a change of property relations or the retariat." With these words, you tive principled struggle against it transfer of property from the hands place the whole responsibility for the was discussed at some length. The of one class to another. From this capitulation of the right wing and various groupings present at the point of view the Cuban Revolution the wavering of the centrist tendency Congress were unanimously behind obviously entered the stage of social on the United Secretriat. You say the left wing. At the IEC plenum ist revolution; bourgeois private pro nothing about the follO'wing fact in held last May this position was re perty ownership has been definitively relation to a meeting of the Interna affirmed. After the plenum the Unit transformed into workers state owner tional Executive Committee of the ed Secretariat passed a resolution ship. It is an irrefutable fact. But Fourth International, reported in again stating its support of the left with your revisionist, anti-Marxist World Outlook June 5: "A report wing. All this took place "prior to

FALL 1964 119 the conference." As to "during the your absolute opposition to the re You are perfectly aware that you conference," as you happen to know, unification of the world Trotskyist bear a big responsibility for prolong Pierre Frank represented the United movement and to your previous hos ing this split. The reformist tendency Secretariat in Ceylon. He stated the tile attitude toward the left wing of was thus able to deveJop more freely. OpInIOn of the world Trotskyist the LSSP (marked by your absolute It finally exploded at the special movement in favor of the left wing rejection last year of the offer to conference of the LSSP. as against both the right wing and unite with them and the similar ten From this analysis, the most im the centrist grouping. dencies that make up the majority of portant lesson to be drawn from the the Fourth International). In light of crisis of the LSSP is clear. All or The LSSP (Revolutionary Section) this, it is rather illusory on your part ganizations or groups that consider Finally, you make the boast: "The to think that you can win the ad themseves to be Trotskyist are duty only tendency to fully support its herence of the LSSP (Revolutionary bound to join or to support the united [the left tendency] struggle has been Section) to your policies. If I may Fourth International. Only in this the International Committee of the venture a prediction, when your il way can the influence of the world Fourth International." The purpose lusion is punctured by the facts, you Trotskyist movement be mobilized of this bait is perfectly obvious. But will turn rabidly against these com effectively and in time to correct let me ask, just where and when rades. dangerous errors in certain sections have you ever "fully" supported the If you really wished to collaborate when they occur. In addition, it is left wing "prior to and during the with the LSSP (Revolutionary Sec much easier to construct a capable conference?" Please give us an item tion) you would first of a 11 change Jeadership team in the International ized list of your declarations "prior" your position on some important based on the collaboration of all the to the conference. Or do you prefer auestions. especially your position on sections. to maintain silence about this? "Dur the reunificatjon of the world Trot Unfortunately. up to now you have ing the conference," of course, you skyist movement. This in turn wouJd not understood this. On the contrary, might have sought to make up for open the posibility for the So~ialist in the case of the Ceylonese party, your previous neglect. However, the Labour League to genuinely help the where this lesson is glaringly clear, Presidium - on which the left wing Trotskyists in Ceylon to forge ahead. you have chosen to launch a new was represented - voted unani In my opinion the lessons of the factional struggle against the Fourth mously not to admit you even as an crisis suffered by the LS~P can be International, using means that have observer, in view of your dubious drawn along the following broad nothing in common with our move credentials, and you were reported lines: ment, including distortions, falsifica to have spent your time on the street (1) Objectively: the functioning tions, slanders and outright lies. By outside the hall. of a bourgeois parliament, after this you harm the whole movement, Thus, it was not until after the con British imperialism granted political especially in Britain. This is a road ference, when the left tendency had indenendence, created illusions in that leads to disaster. issued a statement publicly denounc parJiamentarism and the possibility Dear Comrade Healy, it is high ing the capitulation of Perera's group of democratic reforms among petty time that you stop and reconsider. and had declared that they were or bourgeois political circles. In particular it is time for you to ganizing themselves as the "revolu (2) Subjectively: most of the top re-examine your attitude toward the tionary section" of the LSSP, that leaders of the LSSP came from the reunification of the world Trotskyist you courageously and sagely stood middle class, some even from bour movement. Correct your errors and up to cry that "we," the "Interna geois families. They were revolution begin helping the Fourth Interna tional Committee of the Fourth In ists in the beginning and played a tional instead of trying to injure its ternational," were the "only" ten big role in building the Trotskyist cause. dency to fully support you! And you movement in Ceylon against the You have boasted many times that add, for the benefit of the readers of domination of British imperiaJism. the Socialist Labour League contains the Newsletter, that "members of After political independence was won young comrades who are just becom the revolutionary wing have the most and a bourgeois democratic system ing acquainted with Trotskyism .. If fraternal feelings for the work of the developed, certain leaders of petty these young comrades become In Socialist Labour League." A beauti bourgeois or bourgeois background tegrated and receive a Marxist edu ful pudding! won seats in parliament and stayed cation, enabling them to become sea there for many years. They gradually Not Born Yesterday! soned cadres, this will prove to be a became imbued with parliamentary fresh source of strength to our world This empty talk will not delude illusions. This was pre-eminently re movement. But if they are simply in many in the left wing, now the LSSP flected by the Perera tendency. doctrinated into a narrow factional (Revolutionary Section). They were (3) If the Fourth International view this will only injure our world not born yesterday. They have had not split, or had reunification mov~ment· and, may I point out, the learned certain lessons from the been realized earlier, the reformist primary i~jury will be to the British struggles in their own country - and parliamentary tendency among Trotskyist movement. I fear that t~e within their own party as well as the leaders could possibJy have been latter alternative represents what IS within the International. They are corrected under the united influence actually happening in the Socialist familiar with your attitude toward of the International. At least the Labour League under your leader- Messali Hadj and Bevan in the past strength of this tendency could have ship. and your present position on the been considerably reduced. Unfor S. T. Peng tunately the split in the International Cuban state, Castro's regime and the Paris development of the Cuban Revolu was prolonged for almost ten years tion in general. They are familiar with (from the end of 1953 to June 1963). July 9, 1964

120 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW out. Discontent has been brewing for some years against Letter from Japan Stalinist interference in the Association's literary activities. On March 27-29 it held its eleventh national conference in Tokyo with more than three hundred participants. The CP tried to dominate the conference, summoning support Peking Curbs Japan Labor ers from all over the country. But it ended in complete rout for the party. The latest issue of the Association's magazine is filled with articles, reports and letters express By Eiichi Yamanishi ing disgust and resentment over the tactics of the small Stalinist minority at the conference. TOKYO - Two events have had big consequences here. Mitsuharu Inoue, a young vigorous novelist, said at the The first was the betrayal by the Communist party of conference, "There is a tendency among us, especially Japan [CPJ] of the general strike of April 17 that was among revolutionary writers of Japan, to avoid criticizing planned by Sohyo [General Council of Japanese Trade Stalin ... but without this, no new theory of art can be Unions] and backed by the Japanese Socialist party [JSP]. produced." The main action was to have been a half-day general strike But no one, including Inoue, referred to Trotsky. Still, of the National Railway workers - and it would have been, this belated revolt is symptomatic. as everyone agreed, the biggest strike since the end of the war. In fact, it would have been one of the major struggles * * * among the advanced countries since 1945. Fascist Threat Just one week before the deadline as the preparations were mounting, the CPJ announced that it was opposed The o'her recent event of importance here is the deci to the strike; and it started a furious campaign to stop sion of Sokagakkai to put up thirty candidates for the next the action, declaring that the proposed strike would drive parliamentary election. This is a fanatic, ultrachauvinistic a wedge between the labor movement and the broad lay sect that has no parliamentary illusions. Sokagakkai has ers of the population. Instead of a struggle of the workers grown with phenomenal speed, especially after the great alone, they advocated a people's movement against a trea uproar against revising the Japanese-U.S. Security Treaty. ty between Japan and Korea and for national independ Its rise is one of the consequences of national frustration ence. They ordered union members under their influence at losing that great struggle. to immediately withdraw from strike preparations and do Sokagakkai boasts that more than three million families their best to disrupt it. adhere to it. The youth sector, embracing hundreds of This gave a welcome excuse to the leaders of Sohyo to thousands of members, many of them students of big submit the issues finally to the Arbitration Committee and universities, are receiving vigorous military training, re thus avoid an historic struggle. gimentally organized. This is by far the biggest fascist The CPJ's sudden switch just before the big showdown organization in the world today. It must be closely watched. undoubtedly reflects a line determined in Peking which is now vying with Moscow for the favor of the Japanese * * * capitalists, seeking to interest them in the Chinese Market. Despite the striking growth of postwar industry, the base Peking must have told the leaders of the Communist party of Japanese capitalism is quite shallow. Two or three of Japan not to irritate the Japanese rulers and capitalists years' growth of investments always ends in overproduc at this moment when so much seems to be at stake. They tion. Many small businesses are going bankrupt while still showed that they will not hesitate to inflict deadly blows showing profit on the books. The breathlessly rapid growth to the labor struggles in other countries if it appears to of giant industry, coupled with the way middle classes are favor their own national interests. The workers of the ruined by this expansion - this is the hotbed of Sokagak world should note this. kai, the mushrooming fascist movement. This presents the Japanese vanguard with two important * * * tasks. The first is a correct attitude towards the two work The leaders of the SP and Sohyo are jubilant over hav ers states, China and the Soviet Union. Negotiations with ing found a most unexpected excuse for denouncing and these two countries should not be left unchallenged to the expelling Communist activists and members of unions and capitalists. The Japanese labor movement should speak up. thus being able to firm up their control. In fighting this The Japanese workers have full right to present a plan to anti-communist campaign, it is necessary to patiently ex link Japanese industry with the planned economies of the plain to Communist activists the international history of two workers states, not on a narrow capitalist base but on Stalinist betrayals of the world labor movement. This has a wider base transcending theSe limits such as Trotsky to be done with facts - not abstract theory, but concrete so clearly presented more than thirty years ago. facts. If Trotsky were alive today, he would surely propose an incisive, imagination-catching economic plan of gigantic * * * scale embracing all the workers states. He would scarcely The CPJ is now facing a grave CrISIS due to the Sino limit himself to merely weighing the arguments of the Soviet dispute. Yoshio Shiga, one of the five CP members leaders of Peking and Moscow. of parliament, in violation of a party decision, voted for The second task is to explain clearly and vividly the the treaty for partial cessation of nuclear tests. With No whole history of the German tragedy in the early 1930's. saka and the late Tokuda, Shiga was part of the former I saw every phase of the development of that tragedy triumvirate that headed the party. He is one of the oldest under the illumination of Trotsky's analysis. and most influential leaders of the CP and now heads the At the same time it is necessary to explain that if even pro-Khrushchev minority faction. under the Hitler terror Germany could mobilize such strength as to conquer a whole continent, though only for * * * a time, what might not have been done if that energy In the Literary Association of New Japan, an organiza had been mobilized by a socialist Germany, a socialist Ger tion of progressive writers and critics, a revolt has broken many united with Soviet Russia! But today we have even more reason to appeal to the Eiichi Yamanishi is well know in Japan for his excellent peoples of both worlds to visualize the far greater poten translations of the works of Leon Trotsky. He has just tialities in combination with a huge federation of workers' completed translating the biography of Trotsky by Isaac countries - thirteen on the Asia-European continent alone! Deutscher. The first two volumes of the trilogy have ap There can be no reason, no convincing reason, for either peared; the third is at the printers. Peking or Moscow not to press in that direction.

FALL 1964 12[ Review Article Race and RadicalisI"

By Robert Vernon

In recent years there has been a does the NAACP relate to the black These zigzags of party "line," com flood of subsidized studies on "com struggle? pletely indifferent to the needs and in munism" in American life. Another con terests of the mass movements and tribution to this plethora is Race and CP Zigzags in the Negro Struggle working class of each country, wreaked Radicalism - The NAACP and the In order to develop a meaningful enormous havoc in the workers move Communist Party in Conflict, * by Prof. context, we must first briefly review ments in all countries since the late Wilson Record, author of a similar the history of American leftism in re Twenties and are still doing so, wher ever Stalinized "communist" parties work entitled The Negro and the Com lation to the Negro movement. The have influence. Black people in the munist Party which appeared in 1951. Communist Party was the first white U.S. have gone through their own ex- This particular job was subsidized by radical organization in American his the Fund for the Republic as part of a tory to enter into any significant inter perience with this phenomenon.. . In early 1941, during the Stalm-HIt series called Studies in Infiltration. It action with Negroes. The CP started off ler pact Negroes organized a March on will become a gospel text for liberal on a good footing as a revolutionary Washington to demand some of that "students" of "communism" in the per organization in the wake of the Russian equality and a crack at the jobs open iod ahead. Reading it will make the Revolution in 1917, but by the end of white "anti-communist" liberal feel ing up because of booming war indus the Twenties had ceased to be a revo tries. The CP was anything but en good, even complacent, but will not lutionary party and had become in thusiastic about this movement because help him to understand much about stead an opportunist pseudo-radical or it was not geared to opposition to the either Negroes or radicalism. ganization whose radical phrases and Like most professional anti-communist war per se. The instant the Nazi inva behavior depended on the state of in sion of the Soviet Union began in June "research," this contribution will soothe ternational relations between the US the anxieties and shore up the smug 1941 the CP reversed its position on government and the Soviet Union more this' and many other things. Now the ness of pseudo-liberals and reactionaries than on any other factor. who lap up its contents. But these CP flatly opposed and sabotaged the Isolated in a backward economy and March on Washington movement be readers will remain utterly impotent surrounded by a sea of hostile capital in the face of the new and dynamic cause it was interfering with the "war ist enemies, the Soviet power suc effort." Throughout the war the CP movements of radicalism now stirring cumbed to an internal bureaucracy con throughout the land. The generation of not only held back from, but actively cerned about its domestic problems and discouraged or sabotaged efforts by Ne anti-communists raised and fe'; on this its own "goulash," to use Khrushchev'S pap will be poorly equipped to stem the groes to take advantage of the situation revealing expression, i.e. its own priv and press for more rights and more next surge of radicalism. Readers of ileges and standard of living higher these subsidized anti-communist treat opportunities. This caused severe con than that of the Soviet masses. This flict with the Negroes in and around ises will be equipped only to deal with petty-bourgeoisified privileged bureau conventional old-fashioned Stalinist the CP leading to an unhealing rupture cracy, exemplified in Stalin and later the CP and that sector of in Khrushchevite movements, and will not in Khrushchev, cynically regards the betwee~ tegrationist Negroes which the CP .had be too well equipped even for that. But "communist" parties beholden to it as been able to influence up to that tIme. then that is their problem. so much small change in its dealings The professorial author states: with capitalist "friend" and enemy na * * * "This study is part of a much larg tions. If the capitalist country in ques er collective inquiry into the impact The NAACP is a liberal, not a radi tion is temporarily "friendly" toward cal organization. While controlled and of' communism on American life and the Soviet Union in its foreign policy, institutions, sponsored by the Fund fin~nced by white liberals, it has a the politics and behavior of the "com large Negro following in the south and for the Republic. If the stUdies now munist" party in that country will re in process are as enlightening as those a middle-class Negro and white follow flect that warm state of affairs, as seen ing in the Northern cities. Its integra already published, the project will in the Browderite phases of the CP in enhance scholarly comprehension of tionist goals fit the needs of the South 1935-1939 and 1941-1945. When the par ern struggle, although in recent years a complex phenomenon in a seminal ticular capitalist country is more open way." newer and more militant organizations ly hostile toward the Soviet Union, t~e have been elbowing it aside. In the Such comprehension would require "communist" party in that country WIll an understanding of what radicalism is North the NAACP has little contact display more militancy and more "left with the working-class black people in and an understanding of the comlilex ist" demagogy, as seen in the behavior ities of the struggle of black people the ghettos and frequently evokes hos of the CP in 1939-1941 and during the tility from' black ghetto militants. The in white America. Prof. Record, like initial cold war period, 1947-49. most white liberals, demonstrates him Association is openly hostile to black self inadequate for either task. * * **When more liberal sources prove inade nationalism and to any attempts by The questions posed are nevertheless quate, Prof. Record frequently cites from Wil black people to break free from (~nd interesting and of importance. What is liam Nolan's Communism versus the Negro. But not into) the American Way of LIfe. the Communist Party and what rela this anti-communist treatise is a HUAC-Ievel, The concept of NAACP "member tion does it have to radicalism? How facetious, ignorant and sloppy work w~ich ship" is confusing. Anyone can become reeks from every page of smug American a "member" of the NAACP by donating Race and Radicalism: The NAACP chauv'inism and patronizing contempt for Ne two dollars to the Association for that * groes, with the attitude that "our Negroes" and the Communist Party in Conflict, are "too intelligent and too loyal to fall for purpose, so that the yearly "memb~r by WiLson Record. Cornell University that Commie stuff." Citing this as an author ship" figures of the NAACP run to SIX Press, 1964. 237 pp. $5.95. ity does no credit to Prof. Record's scholarship. figures. But this is actually a matter

122 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW

.. of fund raising. The dedicated active radical movement differ frem the CP bigger goals than integration into membership is relatively small. in its relations and approach to Negroes Bwana's Way of Life. In its ideological The NAACP is an organization which and to a NAACP-type movement? How onslaught against the status quo, black has rendered enormous and invaluable would a black radical movement differ nationalism is not only far more radical services to the cause of Negro equality, from the CP and from other white radi than the pseudo-radical CP could ever it its areas of competence. But it is cal movements in its approach, meth be, but is more revolutionary than any pointless to attribute to the NAACP ods, and relations? But then that's not white radical tendency cast in the a role which it is incapable of fulfilling what Prof. Record is being subsidized image of the conservatized and priv - that of an organization adequately for. His mentors are not hip to those ileged white trade unionists. representing all aspects of the black questions either. It is against this background that we struggle. examine the scholarly efforts of a lib * * * Omits Black Nationalism eral to "analyze" radicalism and Negro Prof. Record, bringing the liberal Record's absence of any understand revolt. viewpoint to bear, addresses himself ing of spontaneous black radicalism is to an imposing and exacting task: an so complete that he fails to mention The Liberal Viewpoint analysis of the interaction between an Robert F. Williams, until 1961, the re The picture seen through Record's ti-capitalist radicalism and Negro pro bellious president of the Monroe, N.C. liberal eyes blocks out this unpleasant test in the United States. His main NAACP chapter, even in a footnote, nightmare of black radicalism and sub thesis is that radicalism, represented despite the fact that his study of the stitutes an idyllic landscape: in Record's eyes by the CP, is alien to NAACP and radicalism takes us up to H ••• if successful, [the Negro rev the American scene altogether and in date in 1963. His denial of the existence olution] will strengthen the bourgeois particular alien to American Negroes, of black radicalism, his inability to order and the American middle-class whose protest is "nothing more than a grasp the significance of the Garvey ideology, enabling one-tenth of the radical Americanism." In the other cor movement, of the Black Muslims, of citizenry previously excluded to live ner, the Negroes are completely and the current generation of Afro-Ameri in tract houses, wear grey flannel unambiguously represented by the NA can rebels in the North, reflects severe suits, shop in the supermarkets, and ACP. It remains to fill in the blow-by ly, but still indirectly, on his compe achieve 'togetherness.'" blow details of the slugging match be tence to deal adequately even with a Don't laugh - there's more: tween the CPUSA and the NAACP, liberal organization like the NAACP. "The performance of democratic with the latter winning by a knockout. But there is no excuse for failing to capitalism . . . has been, despite its Prof. Record does have a standard deal with the problem posed by a rad many faults and limitations, so im technical sociological training which ical NAACP fighter like Rob Williams pressive as to cut the heart from rad makes him competent in the usual aca in a book written explicitly about the ical refrom movements. American so demic sense. But his background and NAACP and radicalism - Except that ciety . . . offers to its members such abilities are completely inadequate for this would explode the ludicrous fiction ... material wealth, mobility, oppor handling phenomena which are not lim that raQicalism and the CP are iden tunity, and personal freedom that few ited to the scope of the American Way tical. Americans are inclined to shop else of Life and to white American "cul Today, new radical forces are sweep where ... The mainstream of racial ture," and this holds for both radicalism ing the Negro communities North and dissidence as the United states pur and black people. South. The militant integrationists sues the seventh decade of the twen Record not only equates the CP with North and South have developed com tieth century is unquestionably inte radicalism, but displays an unscholarly pletely outside of any control or guid grationist. The freshet of radicalism ineptness in his complete inability to ance by any white radicals, and are has virtually dried up: separatism is distinguish those aspects of the CP's seekin~ to break free from influence a brackish slough . . . The American activities which might be inherent in by white liberals and Negro liberals. black man severed his African roots radicalism (even black radicalism) by As it becomes increasingly clearer to in the dim Pftst . . . the American the simple fact of its being radicalism, integration fighters that their goals can Negro is an American. In his thirst as against those which are due to the not be attained within the framework for cultural assimilation he follows Stalinist and pseudo-radical character of the existing society, the gulf between the traditional pattern of American of the CP alone. Record is not enough them and their liberal "friends" be ethnic minorities . . ." of a scholar even to pose, much less comes progressively wider and wider. Before he got completely carried to grapple with and answer, such ques The black nationalist tide in the away, Prof. Record did manage to add: tions as: how would any other mass Northern ghettos represents not only a H ••• of course, the interracial mil new stage in the black struggle, but lenium is not likely to begin next a vital component and a new stage in year or next decade." radicalism as a whole. Black national One wonders how (and why) a black Bulletin of Marxist Studies ism is not new, and has always re worker holding his last unemployment flected the fact that the American Way check (after his job has been eliminated of Life is hostile to and inadequate for by advaNcing automation) will make Documents black people. It has always been an the payments on that split-level house expression of the black ghetto, the most with picture window and that grey compact, the most combative, and the flannel suit. And granting a minority on the most explosive working-class concentra of successful Negroes able to break into tion to be found anywhere in these Charlie's middle-class world, where will Negro Struggle United States. the white liberals move to, to get away What is new is the sweep and quality from that horde of grey-flannel-suited of the present-day black nationalist up attache-case-toting Negroes invaGling 65c surge. Although numerically weaker their all-white suburbias? than the organized movement of Gar A constant theme of liberal "experts" vey's days, black nationalism today is on communism is that the U.S. Com PIONEER PUBLISHERS on a much higher political level and munist Party made progress only when vibrates in tune with the urbanized it concealed its "real" radical aims in 116 University Place. N. Y. 3. N. Y. black working class packed into the its right-wing zigzag periods, because ghettos, whose problems can be tackled then it was swimming in the main succesfully only by taking on much stream of American life, and that it

:FALL 1964 123 failed to make a good pitch to the continually pictured as "lambasting" of an independent black radicalism, masses when it became too outspoken the NAACP, as the "archenemy" of the both organizationally and ideologically, or too radical. But the fact is that the NAACP. all of which is moreover com is one of the greatest advances in the CP gained its mass following in the pletely out of character with the pro black struggle, and therefore in the Thirties as the product of a radicaliza longed right-wing opportunist behavior class struggle, in the Sixties. The Free tion of large sectors of both black and of the CP since 1941. This distortion dom Now Party, GOAL and Rev. white workers beginning to recover is necessitated by the central purpose Cleage in Detroit, RAM in Philadelphia, from the trauma of the Great Depres of the book: to picture the NAACP and Malcolm X, Liberator magazine, and sion. The degree to which these work the CP as prime antagonists represen countless other individuals and organ ers associated the CP with the Russian tative of Negroes and radicaliE:m re izations are attempting to artiCUlate the Revolution and with the Soviet Union spectively, whereas in fact neither to needs of the black ghettos of the North was an advantage for the CP at that c1n~r "f'~"T)ies the leading place either and to organize their potential. In gen time. Friction betwen the CP and its among radicals or Negroes. eral, this trend aims toward a hard mass following came about not because A common fallacy of the white lib· headed, eyes-open, realistic approach to the CP was too radical but because it erals is that the CP failed in its ap building independent black power, and was too unpredictably at odds with the proach to Negroes because Negroes are away from the Negro protest techniques radical needs and aspirations of its fol so American and so loyal (to Bwana) of begging, pleading, working on the lowing and membership. and so nonviolent, the little darlings. guilt feelings and "conscience" of white The liberal attitude betrays a total But it is precisely the rejection of America, coddling of white liberal lack of understanding of radicalism in America and of Bwana's Way of Life "friends," or other ineffective methods. general. The task of a radical organi which attracted masses of black people In this arena, nationalism and race zation seeking a mass following is not to the Garvey and Black Muslim move pride coincide with the class struggle. to follow the mass at its lowest politi ments. It is precisely this feeling which The black ghetto is the most solidly cal level or to conform to whatever sweeps the Northern ghettos today. concentrated, compact working-class popular opinion is, but to win the sup Black militants are 100,000 times more formation in American life; today far port and loyalty of that large minority radical than the CPo They reject the more proletarian and revolutionary in of radicalized rebels who will form CP because of its alien. middle-c] ass, potential than the trade-union move the backbone of a radical movement. pseuo-radical, and therefore to them ment or white radical milieu. All-black A radical organization is to be judged a white, politics. or black-led movements spur the strug failure when it alienates that kernel The Communist Party orientation to gle forward by eliminating the petty of rebels who are in conflict with cap ward the Negro struggle is strictly bourgeois influences of all white liber italist society. The CP, through its dis toward the integrationist wing of that als (and their middle-class Negro honesty, its unreliability, its class hos struggle. The CP displays an undis friends) and almost all white radicals. tility to the needs and aspirations of guised hostility toward the black na "Marxist" quacks offering a pre-frozen, the black working-class ghetto popula tionalist wing genera+ed by the black pre-packaged, white man's political tion, sealed its doom when it alienated W"... l.rp...... ,,-I' +he Northern ghettos who "science" bearing no relevance to the the vanguard of black radicalism. How do not feel themselves a part of Amer experience of black people in America middle-class people in the NAACP felt ican society and draw appropriate con find no buyers. Shrill insistence on about the CP was of secondary impor clusions. This hostility is in part the Negro~White Unity with nonexistent tance. class hostility of petty bourgeois white white allies (implying the subordina It is no advantage for radicals to radicals (priviJeged white workers, tion of black militants to the leadership conform to the "mainstream" of Amer middle-class radicals, radicals taking of petty-bourgeois white radicals, priv ican life. The mainstream of American their lead and inspiration from priv ileged white workers, or Negro political life happens to be directed against ileged "socialist" bureaucracies abroad) zombies tutored by disoriented white black people, and it is nothing new or toward a movement they are incapable radicals) fall on deaf black ears. alien for black radicals ~o swim against of nnderstanding, and is in part the These are some of the salient features it. They have no choice. reflex of a bureaucratic pseudo-radical of the new black radicalism in develop fV) 0 vempn.t: against a rival which it can ment. While putting new life and new Radicalism or Reformism? not control or manipulate. power into the class struggle, it still From his liberal perch, the learned In their common class hostility to has a long way to go toward consoli professor conjures up a grotesque death ward this aspect of the black ghetto, dation: political leadership and organ duel between the liberal NAACP and Prof. Record and the CP are not quite ization are sorely lacking, the untapped the pseudo-radical CP in which the poles apart. Record slanders the Black wildcat energy of the ghetto has to be survival and prospering of the NAACP Muslims as in "alliance" with "George organized and channeled, the ghetto is somehow evidence of a defeat of Rockwell and the American Nazis" - welded into a solid power and muscle; radicalism. Nonsense. In any radical a slander also circulated by the CP - new roads have to be opened up for upsurge, there is always plenty of room and links Marcus Garvey with "the the blind struggle in the south; black for reform organizations like the NAA Ku Klux Klan, the Anglo-Saxon Clubs, militants must eventually meet the chal CP which do a commendable job of lynching" in the same breath. For Prof. lenge of taking over the leadership of winning short-term reforms. These or Record, no other black radicals exist. all American radicalism. A realistic, ganizations draw in all those partially The words "black ghetto" do not even serious socialist movement can use but not completely radicalized elements app~ar once in all of his 237 pages. Marxism to good advantage, but this who abound in any period when radi Prof. Record's incompetence is also Marxism will have to be Afro-Ameri calism is rampant, and who, as aptly evidenced in his equation of the CP canized, imbued with SOUL, revitalized described by Fidel Castro, "quieren la "theory" of an independent black na and reinforced with the contributions revolucion, pero no tanta" [. . . are tion in the southern "black belt" to and outlooks of black radicals. for the revolution, but not so much "Negro nationalism." This "theory" was It is in this turbulent cauldron that revolution - from speech to Metal neither generated by nor accepted by the future of American radicalism is workers Union, Havana, July 1960]. any segment of black people, and is being forged. Where does the learned These organizations are not deadly ene completely alien to black nationalism, Prof. Record's "scholarly comprehen mies of the radicals, or vice versa, which is a product of the black ghettos sion" and, in general, the liberal view unless the radicals concerned are hope of Northern cities and not of isolated of the world, fit in here? Nowhere. The less and blinded sectarians unable to Southern farm communities. professor looks at the withered rump cement their ties with the masses. * * * of a past failure and pronounces r~di In Record's fanciful view, the CP is The continuing vigorous development calism dead.

124 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW IN REVI EW

Purge and Rehabilitation in the Soviet Union

By Dick Roberts

On June 12, 1937, Mikhail Tukha fact, a reexamination of the anatomy of a Russian-born journalist. Alexandrov's chevsky, Chief of Staff of the Red Army, a purge has particular significance at articles were published in France, in and seven other generals, were executed the present time precisely in the con 1962 and a translation has appeared after a secret trial. Before them Zino text of the Kremlin "de-Stalinization." this' year, published by Prentice-HaIl.3 viev Kamenev, Pyatakov, and Radek It offers a striking measure of Moscow's In these articles, Alexandrov traces in had' fallen victim to Stalin's bloody half-hearted attempt, after more than detail the circumstances leading to purge' after, Bukharin and ... Trotsky. twenty years, to bring the truth of Tukhachevsky's execution; but Alexan Perha~s as many as 35,000 officers o.f Stalin's purges to light. drov does not leave the frame-up sim the army were "liquidated." The estI ply in the hands of the Gestapo. It is mated total of those imprisoned during Rehabilitation Alexandrov's thesis that Stalin, not the purges reaches the fantastic figure Marshal Tukhachevsky was "rehabil Hitler, originated the frame-up of the of 8,000,000.1 itated" at the 22nd Party Congress, in army generals. In view of the awesome toll of Stalin's October, 1961. In two brief paragraphs purges, it may seem somewhat. out of in his final speech to the congress, Role of the White Guard proportion to deal at length wIth the Nikita Khrushchev accomplished this circumstances of a single frame-up, even Throughout the period, Stalin's secret act of divine resurrection: police worked in close cooperation with that of a Tukhachevsky. The extent to "We have heard with sorrow of the which these trials changed the course of the White Army exiles living in Europe. eminent political and Party men who "The active utilization of White Guard history is incalculable. At the least, died without being in any way cul they rendered the Soviet Union nearly officers has become a general method pable. Leading officers such as Tu of the G.P.U. abroad . . .," Trotsky defenseless before Hitler;2 and they khachevsky, Yakir, Uborevitch, Kork, destroyed her revolutionary cadre. The wrote in 1937. "The kidnapping of Gen Yegorov, Eidemann and others fell eral Mueller was committed in order to frightful toll would seem to make the victim. These were not ordinary of execution of a single individual almost replace him with General Skoblin, an ficers. As a result, Blucher and other old agent of the G.P.U., and in this way inconsequential. leading military men also became vic It is nevertheless instructive to note to have the free disposition of the whole tims. Union of the White Army." (Socialist with what care Leon Trotsky focused "A curious piece of information has his attention on each episode, each as Appeal, October 30, 1937) appeared in the foreign press accord It is Alexandrov's contention that sassination trial or disappearance, and ing to which Hitler, while preparing every mov~ of the Stalinist bureaucracy Stalin, through Skoblin, initiated con to attack us, circulated by means of tact with the Gestapo, and that the through the entire course of the purges. his secret service a document, forged It was Trotsky's task to pillory in detail Gestapo willingly cooperated in the pre throughout, according to which Yakir, paration of forged letters of the Ger the lies and treacheries of international Tukhachevsky and the others were Stalinism to warn the world working man General Staff to Tukhachevsky. agents of the German General Staff. The letters again through Skoblin, were class of the precise nature of the coun This was sent to the President of terrevolution as it took place; and this passed on' to Czechoslovak President Czecho-Slovakia who, in turn and un Benes, who, as Khrushchev commented, operation he accomplished with the doubtedly with good intentions, sent precision of a master surgeon. "undobutedly with good intentions," it to Stalin. Yakir, Tukhachevsky and forwarded them to Stalin. There is not a little irony in the the others were arrested and done comparison between Trotsky's careful With such "evidence" in hand, Stalin away with." wiped out his general staff. dissection of each case, and Khrush One must have to be some kind of chev's "rehabilitations" which can re Between Alexandrov and Khrushchev, Kremlinologist to figure out exactly it is impossible to escape either of two solve thousands of cases in a trifling what implications, in this second para sentence at a Moscow party meeting. In conclusions: Either Stalin consciously graph, are intended. Note that Khrush framed Tukhachevsky with the inter chev does not deny the validity of the mediary of the White Guard and Hit 1 This is the considered estimate of Alexander "curious piece of information." It seems, ler' or Hitler framed Tukhachevsky Weissberg, a noted Austrian physicist who was in fact that Khrushchev expected his imprisoned in the purges. Other estimates con with the intermediary of the White cur with Weissberg. See, The Accused, by audien~e to accept without question the Guard and Stalin. Such a "triple al Alexander Weissberg, trans. Edward Fitzgera:d, probability that Stalin, receiving some liance" is of the utmost significance, New York, 1951. sort of counterfeit document from the and highly revelatory of the charcter of 2 The debilitation of the Red Army (arrests Gestapo through Benes, simply took it Stalin's maneuvers towards coexistence of 60-70 percent of the officers, elimination of for good coin and executed his top rank with the Third Reich. 90 percent of the generals and 80 percent of ing generals. the colonels) on the eve of the war allowed Even the year 1937, two years before The "curious piece of information" the Stalin-Hitler pact, is not too early Hitler's troops to run rampant through the quite probably refers to a series of ar country, as far as the Volga, destroying in all nearly 25 percent of the Soviet population - ticles on the Tukhachevsky frame-up 3 The Tukhachevsky Affair, trans. John He the fruit of just one of Stalin's innumerable which were printed in the Giornale wis'h, Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, N.J., "errors." d'Italia in 1960, by Victor Alexandrov, 1964. 201 pp. $4.95.

FALL 1964 125 only clarification Khrushchev offers us that the generals are no longer are the cryptic sentences quoted above. traitors. In fact, he admits that it was not Himmler, but Yezhov, Stalin's right Aragon's Apology hand man, who originated the frame-up. But perhaps the affairs of the 22nd (Stalin had paved the way to Yezhov's Congress took precedence over these leadership of the G.P.U. by purging the matters, and further enlightenment previous G.P.U. head Yagoda.) Finally awaited the research of Khrushchev's Stalin, now the philosopher-king accord scholars, the historical experts. With ing to faithful disciple Aragon, had been this expectation we turned to the long "perfectly right." At headquarters, the awaited new version of the history of elitists (Stalin-Yezhov & Co.) felt a the Soviet Union, A History of the single bureaucrat is worth more than USSR from Lenin to Khrushchev, by several army corps. Louis Aragon. Aragon, "intellectual No. There cannot be any illusions: leader of the French Left and interna about the extent of de-Stalinization. It tionally famous as a poet, historian, and is not simply that Khrushchev does not novelist ... "H winner of the Lenin Peace want to reveal his own complicity in Prize in 1957, was hand-picked by the the purges, which would become ap Khrushchevites to accomplish this parent in any scrutinization of the monumental task. Here is Aragon's ex records; a thorough examination of the Stalin planation of the Tukhachevsky case: purges would reveal that Stalin had completed a counterrevolution against "Later is was to be said that the the Bolsheviks who led the Russian a date for this inverted cooperation. arrest and the trial were based upon Revolution. The degeneration of a rev Commenting on the Kirov assasination, information given to Stalin by Benes, in 1934, Trotsky wrote, olutionary Marxist movement to a gang and that it wa3 the Sicherheitsdienst of cloak-and-dagger men, who maneu of the Nazi party that had thus de "The vile amalgam constructed vered in back alleys to make deals around the 'consul' who, apparently, prived the Red Army of its best lead with fascists, was not simply a bureau was in the simultaneous employ of three ers . . . Although there are no docu cratic shift in tactics. It could only be governments, stands today as one of a ments that allow one to suppnse that accomplished by destroying physically number of ordinary and normal meas there has been a revision of those every last vestige of the great Leninist trials in which the accused publicly ures utilized by the Stalinist bureau movement, every man who knew the cracy in the struggle for its caste posi confessed, the verdict on the generals idea, every man who knew a man who tions." (New Militant, April 5, 1935) has been officially reversed since knew the idea . . . (Emphasis Added). 1956 [sic]: Tukhachevsky, Uborevich, Eideman, Yakir, Kork, Primakov, et The bureaucratic yes-men who emerged from this "schooling" as the Krivitsky's Story cetera, are no longer traitors. It may be said that it was Himmler who leaders of the Soviet state understand Nor was Victor Alexandrov the first gained in this affair, but it was well the role they played. There is not to level specific accusations against Yezhov who set it on foot and who a little "curious information" that their Stalin. Walter Krivitsky, chief of Soviet brought about the execution of those hand-picked historians must "fail" to Military Intelligence in western Europe, men who were to be so tragically uncover. defected from Stalin in 1937 and pub missed in the face of the German in lished a series of articles in this coun vaders. Stalin had been perfectly try disclosing Stalin's schemes for pre right: at headquarters one can strike paring an alliance with Hitler.4 In 1937, a blow that accomplishes more than Krivitsky contended, "Stalin was con the heroism of several army corps." Reviews in Brief fident that the deal with Hitler was as (p. 323) good as consummated.... He now knew SOCIALIST THOUGHT: A DOCUMENTARY that he had no immediate attack to Thus Stalinists write history! Now, HISTORY edited by Albert Fried and according to "expert" Aragon, the ac fear from Germany. The road was clear Ronald Sanders. Doubleday Anchor for the purge of the Red Army." (Re cused "publicly confessed!" This is an Books, Garden City, New York, 1964. printed in Socialist Appeal, April 25, outright lie - the trials, if there were 544 pp. with bibl. $1.95. 1939) Although Krivitsky had defected any, having been kept completely secret. before he would have been able to have But suppOSe they had confessed. Their To the recent literature on the social complete information on the Tukhachev confession, according to Khrushchev's ist tradition, Socialist Thought is a help sky case, he predicted to a man, the speech, would have been to a conspiracy ful addition. The editors confine their agents whom Alexandrov later labeled with Himmler against Stalin, which comments to biographical sketches and as intermediaries in the frame-up.5 Stalin would have learned about in let the authors speak for themselves. Krivitsky was "paid off" for his ef 1937. If we accept this, then Stalin, The collection seeks the seeds of so when he signed the nonaggression pact forts to expose Stalin. February 10, cialist thought in the hopes of the early with Hitler in 1939, two years later, 1941, six months after the assassination eighteenth century democratic revolu would have known that Hitler had of Trotsky, Krivitsky's dead body was tionaries; it traces these hopes from framed his best generals. discovered in a Washington hotel - the Rousseau through the disillusionment in work, again, of Stalin's gunmen. Incredible to believe is Aragon's as the French Revolution, which the fol sertion that there are "no documents" lowers of Baboeuf then saw as "only How do Khrushchev's revelations to clear this up! But that's all right, be the herald of another revolution, far stack up against the indictments of cause Aragon, to whom the Soviet greater, far more solemn, which will be Trotsky, Krivitsky, and Alexandrov? archives were made available, assures the last." We might expect, at least, an answer to the charges, if not an admission. The The articles representing Marx, En 6 Quoted from the inside cover which con gels, and Trotsky are too short and too tinues, "[Aragon] has had the full co-operation few to give an adequate understanding 4 The articles were published in the Saturday of the Soviet authorities in writing this arrest of their contribution to socialist theory, Evening Post. See also In Stalin's Secret Serv ing reappraisal of Soviet history." David Mc but the book contains a superb and rae ice by W. G. Krivitsky, New York, 1939. Kay Company, Inc., New York, 1964. 684 pp. ly published essay by Engels summariz 5 In Stalin's Secret Service, pp. 238-243. $12.00. ing Marx's first volume of Capital.

126 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW AN INTRDDUCTION TO' THE LDGIC DF MARX For us ... it is a political, economic, sky that recent world events espe- ISM by William F. Warde, Pioneer and social Revolution." The real solu cially the Sino-Soviet dispute have Publishers, New York, 1964. 107 pp. tion requires that Africa take the road produced. $1.00. of Cuba, in line, of cDurse, with her The most recent of these, The Age Of own histDry, traditions and problems. Permanent Revolution, is by far the The publication fDr the first time in Appended to this volume is the Char most valuable and also, fortunately, the book form of William Warde's lectures ter of Unity of the African states, least expensive. It is an excellent in Dn the logic of Marxism is a welcome adopted at Addis Ababa in 1963. Author troduction to Trotskyism and at the contribution to our Marxist library. Davidson is an informed, sympathetic same time gives a good picture of Trot In eight lectures (given in 1942) and honest observer of cDntemporary sky - the amazingly manysided man Warde traces the philosophical back Africa. He exposes many of the myths of action and of far ranging intellect. ground of Marxism in early Nineteenth concerning the continent, and sets the The book contains only a tiny part Century idealism; he compares the record straight before his Western au of Trotsky's enormous output, but such formal logic of Aristotle with dialectical dience. Which Way Africa? is a useful a careful selection has been made that logic, clearly explaining the inadequa introduction to a part of the world that the reader gets a balanced and rounded cies of formal logic to deal with the will play an even larger role in the his picture of Trotsky's views and deeds. material world; and he shows why it tory of the coming decades. Trotsky's brilliant style comes through was necessary for Marx to replace Ralph Levitt too, of course. Hegel's dialectical idealism with dialec Isaac Deutscher's introduction is a tical materialism. valuable addition to the book. Suc cinctly, it sketches the background ma But Warde's treatment of philosophy THE AGE DF PERMAMENT REVDLUTION: A is far from academic. He illustrates each terial which an American audience, TRDTSKY ANTHDLOGY, edited, with an largely ignorant of both Marxism and concept in application to the problems introduction, by Isaac Deutscher (with of the everyday world, giving in his recent world history, will need, to fol the assistance of George Novack). low the book. Deutscher's defense of the final lecture a brilliant description of Dell, New York, 1964. 384 pp. 95¢. the dialectical development of working relevance of the theory of permanent class consciousness. THE ESSENTIAL TRDTSKY, Barnes & Noble, revolution to today's world will interest This brief work is unquestionably one New York, 1963. 251 pp. $1.50. both Marxists and the general reader. The Essential Trotsky contains three Df the finest writings in the American THE BASIC WRITINGS DF TRDTSKY, edited revolutionary socialist tradition. It had essays on the Russian Revolution. The by Irving Howe. Random House, New been available until this pUblication best known of the three, "The Lessons York, 1963. 427 pp. $5.95. Dnly in rare mimeograph copy. of October," has long been out of print; and is an important work. The first Edward Smith essay, "The History of the Russian Rev olution to Brest-Litovsk," was written while Trotsky was negotiating the peace WHICH WAY AFRICA?-THE SEARCH FDR at Brest-Litovsk. It was written to con A NEW SDCIETY, by Basil Davidson. vey the significance of the Russian Rev Penguin, Baltimore, 1964. 199 pp. olution to the working class of Europe $1.25. and other parts of the world. The last essay refutes some of Stalin's falsifica The newly independent African na tions about the Russian Revolution. tions are faced with momentous prob lems in their quest for the building of The anthology edited by Irving Howe a truly free society. Paramount in this is based on a much narrower range of regard is the inheritance from the years material than The Age of Permanent Revolution - mainly on well-known Df colonial oppression. The traditional continental system of peasant communal works in print in English. It reflects production was virtually destroyed by the editors views in its stress on Trot the conquering imperialist powers, and Leon Trotsky sky's criticisms of the Soviet bureau replaced, as in Latin America, by the cracy. But it's hard to miss with an anthology of the works of Trotsky! Any predominance of cash crops, such as cot Three different anthologies of the one not familiar with TrDtsky's writings ton and cocoa; the concommittant of works of Leon Trotsky have been put will find Howe's anthology an intellec this for the Africans was semi-perma out by major publishers since 1963. tually exciting and enlightening book. nent famine and devastation of the This is evidence of the very rapid agricultural lands. Britain, France, et al, growth of interest in the ideas of Trot- David Herman IDst nO' opportunity to exacerbate and, even, to create tribal rivalries, in keep ing with the colonialist maxim of "divide and rule." Although most of the peoples of T\NO Important Reprints Africa now live in new nations that, after years of struggle, have achieved political autonomy, many of their bro In Defense of Marxism The Revolution Betrayed thers and sisters in South Africa, Mo By Le0n Trotsky By Leon Trotsky zambique, Southern Rhodesia and An gola are still the victims of overt and A handbook of Marxist Theory that A monumental study of the origin and brutal subjugation. Freedom from apar probes the class nature Df the Soviet development of the bureaucratic de theid is high on the agenda. But, after Union and provides a major exposition generation of the Soviet State under freedom, what? The answer is dictated of dialectical materialism. the Stalinist regime. by African reality; and, articulated by the present battles in the Congo, as well Paper ...... $2.50 Paper ...... $2.50 as in the words of the program of the Algerian FLN: "the Algerian Revolu Pioneer Publishers tion . . . is not and cannot be a simple 116 University Place New York 3, N. Y. fight for the conquest of political power.

FALL 1964 127

Socialist Review (Sum­ April 15Th, 1964, Dr

Socialist Review (Sum April 15Th, 1964, Dr