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Rethinking Artisanal Fisheries Development: Western Concepts, Asian Experiences

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Rethinking Artisanal Fisheries Development: Western Concepts, Asian Experiences Rethinking Artisanal Fisheries Development: Western Concepts, Asian Experiences Public Disclosure Authorized FILE Cn, SWP423 World Bank Staff Working Paper No. 423 October 1980 Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Prepared by: Donald K. Emmerson (Consultant) Agriculture and Rural Development Department Copyright © 1980 The World Bank Street, N.W. Public Disclosure Authorized ngton, D.C. 20433, U.S.A. ews and interpretations in this document are those of the authc FILE C O PY iould not be attributed to the World Bank, to its affiliated zations, or to any individual acting in their behalf. The views and interpretations in this document are those of the author and should not be attributed to the World Bank, to its affiliated organizations, or to any individual acting in their behalf. WORLD BANK Staff Working Paper No. 423 October 1980 RETHINKING ARTISANAL FISHERIES DEVELOPMENT: WESTERN CONCEPTS, ASIAN EXPERIENCES While reviewing the "state of the art" of artisanal fisheries development, this paper argues for policies that are sensitive to contexts and alternatives. A simple analytic frame is offered to replace general and possibly incompatible intentions with specific, ranked and complemen- tary goals. Compared to production and conservation, distribution as a major concern of marine resource management has received inadequate atten- tion. Yet to those who live in fishing communities, the sharing of the value of the catch is crucial and likely to become more so as marine re- sources grow scarcer in relation to demand. Also reflecting the increased importance of distributive issues is the assertion of national authority over previously unclaimed oceanic space. After examining the policy implications of these ideas, the author recommends against integrating a fishery "vertically" (improving catch technology, expanding shore facilities, adding value through proc- essing, reorganizing markets) without also considering the benefits of "horizontal" integration (enabling low-income participants in a fishery to benefit from interaction with nonfishing groups and to respond to oppor- tunities for nonfishing employment) lest well-intentioned developers end up escalating the scale of failure of a fishery that may be or soon become biologically exhausted. Prepared by: Donald K. Emmerson (Consultant) ,. Agriculture and Rural Development DepartmentOs Copyright c 1980 The World Bank 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433 U.S.A. "I must always regret that the socio-economic fishery questions--the problems relating to the men rather than to material--have not been dealt with by me as of primary in- stead of secondary importance during three years of inquiry. I recognize now that before we can hope to deal success- fully and radically with fisheries we must deal with the fisherfolk iLn the socio-economic scale, including in this term their whole status as men and members of society, their intelligence and education, their self-respect and indepen- dence, their hope for a decent living, their knowledge of and desire for progress." --The director of fisheries in Madras in 1917 (Blake 1969:258, citing Sir Frederick Nicholson) "It is not mathematically possible to maximize for two (or more) variables at the same time." --An ecosystem theorist in 1968 (Garrett Hardin, as reprinted in Hardin and Baden, eds., 1977:18) RETHINKING ARTISANAL FISHERIES DEVELOPMENT: WESTERN CONCEPTS, ASIAN EXPERIENCES Table of Contents Page No. NOTE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ABSTRACT ................ ..................................... SUMMARY ...................................................... iii I. OBJECTIVES .1............................................ II. PERSPECTIVES ........................................... 7 Biology ................................................ 9 Economics .............................................. 14 Law ........... ......................................... 22 Anthropology ............................................ 28 Melanesians and Polynesians ........................ 28 Malays................... 33 Summary ................... 40 III. PROBLEMS ................... 44 Assumptions .......... .................................. 47 Diversity ....... 47 Rationality ........................................ 55 Issues ....... 60 Technology ....................... .................. 60 Middlemen ....................... ................... 65 Integration .......... .............................. 73 Summary ................................................ 79 Table of Contents (Continued) Page No. REFERENCES (Selectively Annotated) .............................. 83 Tables 1. A Simple Frame for Preparing Policy Objectives in Marine Resource Management ............................ 4 2. An Overview of Fisheries-related Literature, by Period and Discipline ........ ............................ 8 3. The Relative Frequency of Some Major Ways of Catching Fish in the Central Visayas (Philippines) ............. 49 4. Sharing the Value of a One-ton Catch in Muncar, East Java, Indonesia ........ ................................. 50 5. The Primacy of Fishing as an Occupation and the Willingness to Leave It, in the Philippines ........... 54 6. Returns to Middlemen in Sri Lanka and the United Kingdom as a Percentage of the Retail Price of Fish ..... ....... 71 Figure 1. Changing Social Relations Between Economic Roles in the Dominant Mode of Fishing in a Malay Village ........... 38 NOTE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The type of marine fishery about which this paper is written has been variously described in the literature as "inshore," "small-scale," "subsistence," "artisanal," and "traditional"--as opposed to "offshore," "large-scale," "commercial," "industrial," and "modern," respectively. Each of these adjectives has disadvantages: commercial trawlers sometimes operate inshore, overpopulation can make a subsistence fishery large in human scale, and literally subsistence fisheries whose producers consume their own production are hard to find. Among the least commercialized mari- time communities, one can observe respect for the resource and efficiency in its capture that seem ecologically and economically modern, for that label and its antonym are culture-bound and laden with normative connota- tions. "Artisanal," on the other hand, implies a nonindustrial mode of life in which producers are directly and knowledgeably related to production, and that supports the accent in this paper on changes in the structure of rela- tions between capital and labor. Nevertheless, to avoid monotony, other adjectives wilL also be used from time to time. Helpful in various ways, notably in suggesting or supplying material, were Paul Alexander, Yono Astrodihardjo, Daniel Bromley, Francis Christy, Laura Clyburn, Graham Donaldson, Carolyn Emmerson, Robert Hart, Rowena Lawson, John Magnuson, John Marr, Barry Michie, Michael Orbach, Richard Pollnac, William Ricker, Philip Roedel, Scott Schultz, Alfredo Sfeir-Younis, Estellie Smith, Ian Smith, Daniel Speckhard, Gordon Temple, and Emiko Tierney. The author's gratitude is matched only by his responsi- bility. i ABSTRACT While reviewing the "state of the art" of artisanal fisheries development, this paper argues for policies that are sensitive to contexts and alternatives. A simple analytic frame is offered to replace general and possibly incompatible intentions with specific, ranked and complementary goals. Compared to production and conservation, distribution as a major concern of marine resource management has received inadequate attention. Yet to those who live in fishing communities, the sharing of the value of the catch is crucial and likely to become more so as marine resources grow scarcer in relation to demand. Also reflecting the increased importance of distributive issues is the assertion of national authority over previously unclaimed oceanic space. According to standard bioeconomic theory, because the prospect of physical or economic overexploitation is intrinsic to the "common property" nature of marine resources, highest priority should be placed on managing the biomass to avoid physical or economic overfishing. In contrast, a com- bined biological and anthropological perspective would also emphasize human needs, including those of fishermen who are vulnerably dependent upon marine harvests. "Bioanthropologically" oriented policymakers would not only try to use marine biological knowledge to ensure the regeneration and harvestability of the living resource; they would also base their decisions as much as pos- sible on the actual circumstances and perceptions of those most directly concerned--fishermen, middlemen, retailers, consumers and others who benefit from the fishery and its products. Development planners would recognize that artisanal fishing covers many different roles and techniques and is normally a part-time activity. Rather than treat such versatility as unprofessional, rather than rationalize a seemingly chaotic or redundant fishery by reducing its participants to a Eew career producers working full-time with a few powerful techniques, fLshery developers would acknowledge technological and occupational diversification as a rational hedge against uncertainty regard- ing the size, location and weather-contingent accessibility of marine stocks. Nor would project officials lightly stigmatize the middleman; they would instead understand the reluctance of a fisherman to relinquish the small but certain benefits of an existing arrangement with a familiar broker for the sake of a chance for greater
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