Proceedings from the First International Conference on Urbanisation in the Arctic Conference 28-30 August 2012 Ilimmarfik, Nuuk, Greenland

Klaus Georg Hansen, Rasmus Ole Rasmussen and Ryan Weber (editors)

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6

Proceedings from the First International Conference on Urbanisation in the Arctic

Conference 28-30 August 2012 Ilimmarfik, Nuuk, Greenland

Proceedings from the First International Conference on Urbanisation in the Arctic

Conference 28-30 August 2012 Ilimmarfik, Nuuk, Greenland

Klaus Georg Hansen, Rasmus Ole Rasmussen and Ryan Weber (editors) Proceedings from the First International Conference on Urbanisation in the Arctic Conference 28-30 August 2012, Ilimmarfik, Nuuk, Greenland

Nordregio Working Paper 2013:6

ISBN 978-91-87295-07-2 ISSN 1403-2511

Nordregio P.O. Box 1658 SE-111 86 Stockholm, Sweden [email protected] www.nordregio.se www.norden.org

Editors: Klaus Georg Hansen, Rasmus Ole Rasmussen and Ryan Weber Front page photos: Klaus Georg Hansen

Nordic co-operation Nordic co-operation is one of the world’s most extensive forms of regional collaboration, involving Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, and the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Åland. Nordic co-operation has firm traditions in politics, the economy, and culture. It plays an important role in European and international collaboration, and aims at creating a strong Nordic community in a strong Europe. Nordic co-operation seeks to safeguard Nordic and regional interests and principles in the global community. Common Nordic values help the region solidify its position as one of the world’s most innovative and competitive.

The Nordic Council is a forum for co-operation between the Nordic parliaments and governments. The Council consists of 87 parliamentarians from the Nordic countries. The Nordic Council takes policy initiatives and monitors Nordic co-operation. Founded in 1952.

The Nordic Council of Ministers is a forum of co-operation between the Nordic governments. The Nordic Council of Ministers implements Nordic co-operation. The prime ministers have the overall responsibility. Its activities are co-ordinated by the Nordic ministers for co-operation, the Nordic Committee for co-operation and portfolio ministers. Founded in 1971.

Nordregio – Nordic Centre for Spatial Development conducts strategic research in the fields of planning and regional policy. Nordregio is active in research and dissemination and provides policy relevant knowledge, particularly with a Nordic and European comparative perspective. Nordregio was established in 1997 by the Nordic Council of Ministers, and is built on over 40 years of collaboration.

Stockholm, Sweden, 2013 Content

1. Preface...... 9

2. Program for the conference...... 11

3. Urbanisation – an obstacle or a precondition? Palle Christiansen...... 17

4. Megatrends in Arctic Development Rasmus Ole Rasmussen...... 19

5. A History of Urbanization in the Arctic Timothy Heleniak...... 23

6. Review of Russian Arctic Regions: urbanization, economy, demography Lyudmila Zalkind...... 25

7. Marginal places in discursive space: Political economies of development and urban space planning in the North, conceptual shifts Andrey N. Petrov...... 31

8. The history of urbanization and Urban Planning in the Faroes – the case of Tórshavn Sámal tróndur Johansen...... 37

9. Iqaluit – Growth of an Inuit Capital Rob Shields and Barret Weber...... 39

10. Un-Planning in Iqaluit, Nunavut Kirt Ejesiak and Alain Fournier...... 49

11. Arctic Urban Development and Climate Change: Past, Present and Future of Russian Urban Infrastructure in Permafrost Regions Nikolay I. Shiklomanov...... 57

12. Environmental Impacts of Urbanization: Policy Implications for Local Warming in Nuuk, Greenland Tony Reames...... 59

13. The Role of Winter/Ice Roads in Industry and Communities in Northern Alberta Scott Stephenson...... 67

14. Urbanization of the Alaskan Arctic: The Great Reversal? Hal Salzman...... 73

15. Greenlandic urbanization and urban life – Decline or development? Gitte Tróndheim...... 75

16. Urban Sámi and the City as a frame for the development of a new Sámi cultural form in Scandinavia Paul Pedersen and Torill Nyseth...... 79 17. Coming off Country’: The unthinkable process of Indigenous urbanisation from remote Australia Andrew Taylor...... 91

18. Your region – your choice Maliina Abelsen...... 105

19. Remoteness, Transportation Infrastructure and Urban-Rural Population Movements in the Arctic Matthew Berman and Lance Howe...... 109

20. Long-distance commuting (LDC) in the Russian North: understanding socio-economic impacts on host communities Elena Vladimirovna Nuikina...... 123

21. Oil and Gas towns in Western Siberia:past, present and future challenges Yvette Vaguet...... 125

22. Urban Greenland: A spatial analysis of Nuuk’s evolving labour market Michael J Dangerfield...... 133

23. New industry and changing demography in East Iceland Hjalti Johannesson...... 135

24. New industry and changing demographyin Newfoundland and Labrador Keith Storey...... 137

25. Climate and Demographic Change in Arctic Alaska Lawrence C. Hamilton...... 147

26. New Economic Activities and Urbanisation: Individual reasons for moving and for staying – Case Greenland Klaus Georg Hansen and Rasmus Ole Rasmussen...... 157

27. Aftermath of growth in Reykjavik Capital region – land-use and values inherent in Icelandic urbanization Anna Karlsdóttir...... 183

28. Gender dynamics in the “oilopolis”: consequences of boomtown growth for women in Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, Russia Jessica K. Graybill...... 193

29. Sociological perspectives on Canadian Arctic urbanization – What is a town? Thibult Martin...... 195

30. Diasporas in the Arctic Urbanization Rasmus Ole Rasmussen...... 197

31. Recommendations from the conference...... 213

32. Participant list for the conference...... 215 1. Preface

The First International Conference on Urbanisation in participants represented 13 countries – 28 participants the Arctic was held in Nuuk in Greenland from the 28th from Greenland, 19 from North America, 12 from the to the 30th August 2012. The conference was organized rest of the Nordic countries, 3 from European coun- by Nordregio, the Nordic Centre for Spatial Develop- tries, 1 from Russia, and 1 from Australia. ment, in cooperation with Ilisimatusarfik, University The main purpose of the conference was twofold. of Greenland. The conference took place at Ilimmarfik. First, it was the idea to create a forum where politicians Economic support for the conference has been from some of the Nordic countries could meet politi- granted from the Nordic Council of Minister’s Pro- cians from Canada and discuss mutual experienced gramme “Samarbete med Nordens grannar i vast”, with the urbanisation process and share ideas on how Nordic Council of Minister’s Arctic Co-operation Pro- to manage the urbanisation process from a politicians’ gramme, National Science Foundation in USA, and the point of view. Second, it was a success criterion to give Government of Greenland. Without this support the the politicians and the researchers an opportunity to conference would not have been possible. The organ- discuss on an informal basis what the politicians would izers are grateful for this generous support from the like to know more about from the researchers and what foundations in and outside of the Nordic countries. the researchers could have of recommendations to the The frame for the conference was phrased with a ci- politicians in the Arctic societies. tation from the book Megatrends: That purpose was fulfilled in a unique and clearly “Urbanisation is a global trend which will signifi- constructive way. It was not least due to the discus- cantly contribute to the shaping of human life in the sion group sessions on the last day of the conference. future. The Arctic region is no exception … Since the In these sessions there was time to go into a deeper and 1960’s, most of the population growth in the Arctic informal discussion on several of the topics which had has occurred in urban centres tied to industrial ac- been discussed in the presentations during the first two tivities, social services and public administration” days of the conference. The main recommendations (Rasmus Ole Rasmussen, Megatrends, 2011, pp 22). from these discussions can be found in chapter 31. Thus, the presentations and the discussions at the The proceedings include 10 abstracts and 18 papers conference did not focus on if there is an urbanisations not previously published. They represent some of the going on in the Arctic. The presentations and the dis- most distinguished researchers on socio-economic, so- cussions looked at how the urbanisation in the Arctic cial and cultural aspects of urbanisation in the Arctic. actually has been going on and is developing. The articles have not been peer reviewed but the editors The conference was open to researchers, planners have made a light language revision of the texts. and decision-makers who are directly involved in the administration or development of Arctic societies. For Klaus Georg Hansen, Rasmus Ole Rasmussen and the conference 64 participants were registered. Unfor- Ryan Weber (editors) tuntely, a few last minute registrations had to be reject- Stockholm, 5th May 2013 ed due to lack of seating capacity. Geographically the

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 9 2. Program for the conference

Monday 27th August 2012

Registration 15:00-17:30 Registration. Ilimmarfik.

Reception 18:00-21:00 Get together Reception. Hosted by Palle Christiansen, Minister for Education, Research and Nordic Cooperation, Government of Greenland. In Hans Egedes House, the Old Harbour (“Kolonihavnen”).

Tuesday 28th August 2012

Registration 08:00-16:00 Registration. Ilimmarfik. 08:00-08:30 Coffee and tea.

Plenary session I Chair: Klaus Georg Hansen, Nordregio.

08:30-08:40 Welcome from the organizing committee. Klaus Georg Hansen, Deputy Director, Nordregio, Sweden. 08:40-08:50 Welcome from the host institution Ilisimatusarfik. Tine Pars, Rector, Ilisimatusarfik, Greenland. 08:50-09:05 Opening speech. Urbanisation – an obstacle or a precondition? Palle Christiansen, Minister for Education, Research and Nordic Cooperation, Government of Greenland. 09:05-09:40 Megatrends in Arctic Development. Rasmus Ole Rasmussen, Senior Research Fellow, Nordregio. 09:40-09:50 Short break.

Thematic session 1a: The process of urbanisation – Diversity in the Arctic In the first session, focus is on the general development of urbanisation in the Arctic. Chair: Lawrence C. Hamilton.

09:50-10:00 Introduction to “The process of urbanization” (Sessions 1a + 1b). Lawrence C. Hamilton, Professor of Sociology, Senior Fellow of the Carsey Institute, University of New Hampshire, Durham, USA. 10:00-10:20 A History of Urbanization in the Arctic. Timothy Heleniak, Department of Geography, University of Maryland, USA. 10:20-10:40 Differentiation of Russian Arctic Regions: urbanization, economy, demography. Lyudmila Zalkind, Senior Researcher, Kola Science Centre RAS, Russia.

10 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 2. Program for the conference

Monday 27th August 2012

Registration 15:00-17:30 Registration. Ilimmarfik.

Tuesday 28th August 2012

Registration 08:00-16:00 Registration. Ilimmarfik. 08:00-08:30 Coffee and tea.

Plenary session I Chair: Klaus Georg Hansen, Nordregio.

Thematic session 1a: The process of urbanisation – Diversity in the Arctic In the first session, focus is on the general development of urbanisation in the Arctic. Chair: Lawrence C. Hamilton.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 11 10:40-11:00 Marginal Cities in Discursive Space: Understanding Political Economies Thematic session 1d: Contemporary challenges – Urban life in the Arctic of Urbanization in the Canadian and Russian Arctic. A general challenge in the process of urbanisation is to identify what are the major social changes Andrey N. Petrov, PhD, Assistant Professor and Director, University as a result of moving from villages to towns. of Northern Iowa, Department of Geography and Arctic Social and Environmental Chair: Andrew Taylor. Systems Research Lab, USA. 11:00-11:30 Break – coffee and tea and a bite of something. 15:30-15:50 Urbanization of the Alaskan Arctic: The Great Reversal? Hal Salzman, Professor, E.J. Bloustein School of Planning & Public Policy, Thematic session 1b: The process of urbanisation – Planning in the Arctic J.J. Heldrich Center for Workforce Development, Rutgers University, USA In this session, the focus is on the changing role of planning in connection with the process of 15:50-16:10 Greenlandic urbanization and urban life – decline or development? urbanisation in the Arctic. Gitte Tróndheim, Associate Professor, Ilisimatusarfik, University of Greenland, Nuuk, Chair: Lawrence C. Hamilton. Greenland. 16:10-16:30 Urban Sami and the city as a frame for the development of a new sami cultural form in the 11:30-11:50 The history of urbanization and Urban Planning in the Faroes – the case of Tórshavn. Scandinavian countries. Sámal Johansen, Director for the National Archives for the Faroe Islands. Torill Nyseth, Professor, Department of Sociology, Political Science and Community Planning, 11:50-12:10 Iqaluit – Growth of an Inuit Capital. University of Tromsø, and Paul Pedersen, Norut Tromsø, Norway. Authors: Rob Shields and Barret Weber. 16:30-17:00 Open discussion. Presented by Rob Shields, Henry Marshall Tory Endowed Research Chair and Professor, Panel: Nikolay, Tony, Scott, Hal, Gitte, Torill, Paul. Departments of Sociology and Art and Design, University of Alberta; Director, City – Region Studies Centre Faculty of Extension, Canada. Wednesday 29th August 2012 12:10-12:30 Nunavut – Examples of Community Unplanning – A Brief Historical Review. Kirt Ejesiak, M.P.A., C.A.S, Partner and Alain Fournier, OAQ, OAA, FRAIC, Partner Panaq Registration Design, Iqaluit, Nunavut, Canada. 08:00-16:00 Registration. Ilimmarfik. 12:30-13:00 Open discussion. 08:00-08:30 Coffee and tea. Panel: Rasmus, Themothy, Lyudmila, Andrey, Sámal, Rob, Kirt, Alain. 13:00-14:00 Lunch. Plenary session I I Chair: Gitte Tróndheim, Ilisimatusarfik. Thematic session 1c: Contemporary challenges – Climate in the Arctic An important part of the planning process is to meet the challenges imposed by the environment. In these years, 08:30-09:00 ‘Coming off country’ – the unthinkable process of Indigenous urbanisation from remote focus is especially the question of the role of the ongoing changes in the climate. Australia. Chair: Andrew Taylor. Dr. Andrew Taylor, Senior Research Fellow, Charles Darwin University, Darwin, Northern Territory, Australia. 14:00-14:10 Introduction to “Contemporary challenges” (Sessions 1c + 1d). 09:00-09:30 Your region – your choice. Dr. Andrew Taylor, Senior Research Fellow, Charles Darwin University, Australia. Maliina Abelsen, Minister for Finance, Government of Greenland. 14:10-14:30 Arctic Urban Development and Climate Change: Past, Present, and Future of Russian Urban 09:30-09:45 Short break. Infrastructure in permafrost regions. Authors: Nikolay I. Shiklomanov and Dmitriy A. Streletskiy. Thematic session 2a: Work, mobility and planning – Labour and industries Presented by Nikolay I. Shiklomanov, Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, The Large-scale industrialization, energy and resource exploitation have become a reality in connection with George Washington University, Washington DC, USA. development in the Arctic – a situation with high impact on settlement structures and processes of urbanisation. 14:30-14:50 Arctic Urbanization: Testing the Urban Heat Island Effect in Greenland. Chair: Keith Storey. Tony Reames, PE, School of Public Affairs and Administration, NSF C-CHANGE IGERT Program Trainee, University of Kansas, Lawrence, USA. 09:45-10:00 Introduction to “Work, mobility and planning” (2a + 2b). Keith Storey, Honorary Research Professor, Memorial University 14:50-15:10 The Role of Winter/Ice Roads in Industry and Communities in Northern Alberta. Scott of Newfoundland, St. John’s, Newfoundland, Canada. Stephenson, Ph.D. student, Department of Geography, University of California, USA. 10:00-10:20 Remoteness, Transportation Infrastructure, and Urban-Rural Population Movements in the 15:10-15:30 Break – coffee and tea and a bite of something. Arctic. Authors: Matthew Berman and Lance Howe. Presented by Matthew Berman, Professor, University of Alaska Anchorage, Alaska, USA. 10:20-10:40 Long‐distance commuting (LDC) in the Russian North. Elena Nuikina Vladimirovna, Political scientist, Scientific collaborator University of Vienna, Austria. 10:40-11:00 Oil and Gas towns in Western Siberia: past, present and future challenges. Yvette Vaguet, CNRS-UMR I.D.E.E.S, Department of Geography, University of Rouen, Mont Saint-Aignan, France. 11:00-11:30 Break – coffee and tea and a bite of something.

12 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Thematic session 1d: Contemporary challenges – Urban life in the Arctic A general challenge in the process of urbanisation is to identify what are the major social changes as a result of moving from villages to towns. Chair: Andrew Taylor.

15:30-15:50 Urbanization of the Alaskan Arctic: The Great Reversal? Hal Salzman, Professor, E.J. Bloustein School of Planning & Public Policy, J.J. Heldrich Center for Workforce Development, Rutgers University, USA 15:50-16:10 Greenlandic urbanization and urban life – decline or development? Gitte Tróndheim, Associate Professor, Ilisimatusarfik, University of Greenland, Nuuk, Greenland. 16:10-16:30 Urban Sami and the city as a frame for the development of a new sami cultural form in the Scandinavian countries. Torill Nyseth, Professor, Department of Sociology, Political Science and Community Planning, University of Tromsø, and Paul Pedersen, Norut Tromsø, Norway. 16:30-17:00 Open discussion. Panel: Nikolay, Tony, Scott, Hal, Gitte, Torill, Paul.

Wednesday 29th August 2012

Registration 08:00-16:00 Registration. Ilimmarfik. 08:00-08:30 Coffee and tea.

Plenary session I I Chair: Gitte Tróndheim, Ilisimatusarfik.

08:30-09:00 ‘Coming off country’ – the unthinkable process of Indigenous urbanisation from remote Australia. Dr. Andrew Taylor, Senior Research Fellow, Charles Darwin University, Darwin, Northern Territory, Australia. 09:00-09:30 Your region – your choice. Maliina Abelsen, Minister for Finance, Government of Greenland. 09:30-09:45 Short break.

Thematic session 2a: Work, mobility and planning – Labour and industries Large-scale industrialization, energy and resource exploitation have become a reality in connection with development in the Arctic – a situation with high impact on settlement structures and processes of urbanisation. Chair: Keith Storey.

09:45-10:00 Introduction to “Work, mobility and planning” (2a + 2b). Keith Storey, Honorary Research Professor, Memorial University of Newfoundland, St. John’s, Newfoundland, Canada. 10:00-10:20 Remoteness, Transportation Infrastructure, and Urban-Rural Population Movements in the Arctic. Authors: Matthew Berman and Lance Howe. Presented by Matthew Berman, Professor, University of Alaska Anchorage, Alaska, USA. 10:20-10:40 Long‐distance commuting (LDC) in the Russian North. Elena Nuikina Vladimirovna, Political scientist, Scientific collaborator University of Vienna, Austria. 10:40-11:00 Oil and Gas towns in Western Siberia: past, present and future challenges. Yvette Vaguet, CNRS-UMR I.D.E.E.S, Department of Geography, University of Rouen, Mont Saint-Aignan, France. 11:00-11:30 Break – coffee and tea and a bite of something.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 13 Thematic session 2b: Work, mobility and planning – Changing economic realities ernance of Territory, University of Québec, Université du Québec en Outaouais, Québec, With large-scale activities as a reality, the economic structure has changes, and the local responses are crucial in Canada. meeting these new challenges. 16:10-16:30 Diasporas in the Arctic Urbanization. Chair: Keith Storey. Rasmus Ole Rasmussen, Senior Research Fellow, Nordregio, Stockholm, Sweden. 16:30-17:00 Open discussion. 11:30-11:50 Urban Greenland: A spatial analysis of Nuuk’s evolving labour market. Panel: Lawrence, Klaus, Anna, Jessica, Thibault, Rasmus. Michael J. Dangerfield, D.Phil. candidate, School of Geography and the Environment (SoGE), Worcester College, University of Oxford, United Kingdom. 11:50-12:10 New industry and changing demography in East Iceland. Thursday 30th August 2012 Hjalti Johannesson, Assistant director and Researcher, RHA – University of Akureyri, Research Centre, Iceland. Registration 12:10-12:30 New Industry and Changing Demography in Newfoundland and Labrador. 08:00-13:30 Registration. Ilimmarfik. Keith Storey, Honorary Research Professor, Memorial University 08:00-08:30 Coffee and tea. of Newfoundland, St. John’s, Newfoundland, Canada. 12:30-13:00 Open discussion. Panel: Andrew, Matthew, Elena, Yvette, Michael, Hjalti, Keith. Thematic session 3a: Urbanisation and policy implications 13:00-14:00 Lunch. Chair: Klaus Georg Hansen.

09:00-09:15 Introduction to the panel discussion and group work process. Thematic session 2c: The Arctic goes global – Structural responses to global dynamics Klaus Georg Hansen, Senior Research Fellow, Nordregio, Sweden. The challenges for the urbanised Arctic encompass several issues – impact on demography and mobility, 09:15-10:30 Panel discussion. and by global crises. “What do the politicians need from the researchers?” Chair: Hjalti Johannesson. Politicians: Madeleine Redfern, Kirt Ejesiak, Naaja Nathanielsen, Palle Christiansen. 14:00-14:10 Introduction to The Arctic goes global (2c + 2d). Researchers: Hjalti Johannesson, Assistant director and Researcher, RHA – Andrew Taylor, Tine Pars, Keith Storey, Torill Nyseth. University of Akureyri, Research Centre, Iceland. 14:10-14:30 Arctic Alaska population challenged by climate change. 10:30-11:00 Break – coffee and tea and a bite of something. Lawrence C. Hamilton, Professor of Sociology, Senior Fellow of 10:30-12:30 Group discussions. the Carsey Institute, University of New Hampshire, Durham, USA. The conference delegates will be divided into four discussion groups. 14:30-14:50 New Economic Activities and Urbanization: individual reasons for moving and “Identify the five most important recommendations to politicians reasons for staying – Case Greenland. in the Arctic societies regarding the urbanization process.” Authors: Klaus Georg Hansen and Rasmus Ole Rasmussen. Presented by Klaus Georg Hansen, Senior Research Fellow, Group 1: Facilitator: Anna Karlsdóttir Nordregio, Sweden. Presenter: “A person from Group 1” 14:40-15:10 Aftermath of growth in Reykjavik Capital region – land-use and values inherent in Reporter: A student from Ilisimatusarfik. Icelandic urbanization. Group 2: Facilitator: Sámal Johansen Anna Karlsdóttir, Assistant Professor, Geography, University of Iceland, Reykjavik, Iceland. Presenter: “A person from Group 2” 15:10-15:30 Break – coffee and tea and a bite of something. Reporter: A student from Ilisimatusarfik. Group 3: Facilitator: Gitte Tróndheim Presenter: “A person from Group 3” Thematic session 2d: The Arctic goes global – Social responses to global dynamics Reporter: A student from Ilisimatusarfik. In connection with the new challenges, social relations and conditions require new types of response. Group 4: Facilitator: Ryan Weber Chair: Hjalti Johannesson Presenter: “A person from Group 4” 15:30-15:50 Gender dynamics in the “oilopolis”: consequences of boomtown Reporter: A student from Ilisimatusarfik. growth for women in Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, Russia. 12:30-13:30 Lunch. Jessica K. Graybill, Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, Colgate University, Hamilton, New York, USA. 15:50-16:10 Sociological perspectives on Canadian Arctic urbanization; What is a town? Thibault Martin Ph.D., Professor and Chairholder, Canada Research Chair on AboriginalGov

14 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 ernance of Territory, University of Québec, Université du Québec en Outaouais, Québec, Canada. 16:10-16:30 Diasporas in the Arctic Urbanization. Rasmus Ole Rasmussen, Senior Research Fellow, Nordregio, Stockholm, Sweden. 16:30-17:00 Open discussion. Panel: Lawrence, Klaus, Anna, Jessica, Thibault, Rasmus.

Thursday 30th August 2012

Registration 08:00-13:30 Registration. Ilimmarfik. 08:00-08:30 Coffee and tea.

Thematic session 3a: Urbanisation and policy implications Chair: Klaus Georg Hansen.

09:00-09:15 Introduction to the panel discussion and group work process. Klaus Georg Hansen, Senior Research Fellow, Nordregio, Sweden. 09:15-10:30 Panel discussion. “What do the politicians need from the researchers?” Politicians: Madeleine Redfern, Kirt Ejesiak, Naaja Nathanielsen, Palle Christiansen. Researchers: Andrew Taylor, Tine Pars, Keith Storey, Torill Nyseth.

10:30-11:00 Break – coffee and tea and a bite of something. 10:30-12:30 Group discussions. The conference delegates will be divided into four discussion groups. “Identify the five most important recommendations to politicians in the Arctic societies regarding the urbanization process.”

Group 1: Facilitator: Anna Karlsdóttir Presenter: “A person from Group 1” Reporter: A student from Ilisimatusarfik. Group 2: Facilitator: Sámal Johansen Presenter: “A person from Group 2” Reporter: A student from Ilisimatusarfik. Group 3: Facilitator: Gitte Tróndheim Presenter: “A person from Group 3” Reporter: A student from Ilisimatusarfik. Group 4: Facilitator: Ryan Weber Presenter: “A person from Group 4” Reporter: A student from Ilisimatusarfik. 12:30-13:30 Lunch.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 15 Thematic session 3b: Urbanisation and policy implications

13:30-13:40 Introduction to the reporting back from the four groups. Klaus Georg Hansen, Senior Research Fellow, Nordregio, Sweden. 13:40-14:00 Report from Group 1. By the Presenter from Group 1. Including questions and comments. 14:00:14:20 Report from Group 2. By the Presenter from Group 2. Including questions and comments. 14:20-14:40 Report from Group 3. By the Presenter from Group 3. Including questions and comments. 14:40-15:00 Report from Group 4. By the Presenter from Group 4. Including questions and comments. 15:00-15 :30 Break – coffee and tea and a bite of something. 15:30-16:15 Introduction to the final discussion about policy recommendations. Klaus Georg Hansen, Senior Research Fellow, Nordregio, Sweden. Panel: Politicians: Madeleine Redfern, Kirt Ejesiak, Naaja Nathanielsen, Palle Christiansen. Researchers: Andrew Taylor, Tine Pars, Keith Storey, Torill Nyseth. 16:15-17:00 Final remarks from the organizing committee. Presentation of the preliminary structure of the forthcoming book from the conference – obtaining commitments from the contributors. Klaus / Rasmus / Keith / Hjalti / Samal

16 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Thematic session 3b: Urbanisation and policy implications 3. Urbanisation 13:30-13:40 Introduction to the reporting back from the four groups. Klaus Georg Hansen, Senior Research Fellow, Nordregio, Sweden. 13:40-14:00 Report from Group 1. – an obstacle or a precondition? By the Presenter from Group 1. Including questions and comments. 14:00:14:20 Report from Group 2. By the Presenter from Group 2. Palle Christiansen Including questions and comments. 14:20-14:40 Report from Group 3. By the Presenter from Group 3. Including questions and comments. Abstract result is that their countries will fall behind on all ar- 14:40-15:00 Report from Group 4. eas. The way I see it urbanisation cannot be stopped, so Urbanisation is a global trend and is the result of peo- By the Presenter from Group 4. the countries (and thereby their politicians) that fight ple seeking new opportunities. There are two ways – at Including questions and comments. against urbanisation will face problems. Problems with least – that we can choose to look upon urbanisation. 15:00-15 :30 Break – coffee and tea and a bite of something. proper housing, lack of sufficient possibilities for edu- One way to look at it is that it is a threat to the way of 15:30-16:15 Introduction to the final discussion about policy recommendations. cation for their population and as a result a rise in un- living, meaning the way we live now and the life we Klaus Georg Hansen, Senior Research Fellow, Nordregio, Sweden. employment rates. have become accustomed to. The other way is, to look Panel: So, is urbanisation an obstacle or a precondition? upon urbanisation as a natural way to adapt to the ever Politicians: The answer depends on, what kind of political goals changing world we live in. Madeleine Redfern, Kirt Ejesiak, Naaja Nathanielsen, Palle Christiansen. the majority of the politicians have in a given country. Some countries are planning the urbanisation, both Researchers: If they do not want change or development, urbanisa- so they can maintain economic growth, but also so Andrew Taylor, Tine Pars, Keith Storey, Torill Nyseth. tion is an obstacle. If the same majority wants to help they can provide proper housing, education and work 16:15-17:00 Final remarks from the organizing committee. develop their country and seek a sustainable adapta- for those who choose to move from rural districts to Presentation of the preliminary structure of the forthcoming book tion to the ever changing world, urbanisation will be the cities – or related urban areas. I dare say that this is from the conference – obtaining commitments from the contributors. one of the strongest preconditions. being done in the developed countries and in countries Klaus / Rasmus / Keith / Hjalti / Samal Urbanisation equals change. Change is not wel- where they have politicians who has the foresight to see comed by everybody. Therefore urbanisation often the gain obtained from urbanisation. ends up being a taboo for many politicians and other On the other end of the scale, we have politicians decision-makers. And in my opinion, taboos can only with less or no foresight regarding urbanisation. These be broken with knowledge and political courage. traditionalists fight against urbanisation and the

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 17 18 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 4. Megatrends in Arctic Development

Rasmus Ole Rasmussen

The current pace of global change has already had a de-  It leads to a further concentration of the Arctic pop- cisive impact on the Arctic. To understand the current ulation on fewer and larger places - with increased di- and likely future situation in the Arctic it is important versification of the economy, social relations, and cul- to acknowledge the pre-conditions, challenges and ten- tural activities. dencies at work here.  It entails a complex set of processes, not only in Some of these developments should be characterised where people live and what they produce, but in who as megatrends because they overarch and impact on they are, how they live in terms of economic well-be- everything else. They are trends deemed so powerful ing, political organisation and the distribution of pow- that they have the potential to transform society across er, demographic structure and social relations. social categories and at all levels, from individuals and  The pace may differ in different parts of the Arctic, local-level players to global structures, and eventually but the trend is the same! to change our ways of living and thinking. 2. Demographic challenges – the old stay while the young leave

 A decline in birth rates leads to a reduction in the number of people in the active workforce. This, combined with a general ageing of the population, results in increased old age dependency rates.  Stagnating or declining predominantly rural regions are experiencing the temporary out-migration of young persons seeking educational opportunities, usually resulting in the permanent out-migration of young and well-trained persons.  As relatively more women than men leave, this has a profoundly negative effect on the social life and the economy through opportunities for marriage, maintenance of family life and family relations etc., as well as through the loss of educational skills.  A few municipalities – basically the urban ones - can show a positive net in-migration, most of them in rela- In the report Megatrends (TemaNord 2011:527, Nor- tion to either new economic activities creating jobs, or dic Council of Ministers) we have identified the follow- educational opportunities attracting youth segments. ing nine megatrends: 3. Continued dependency on 1. Increased urbanisation – a glob- transfers and the exploitation of al trend also including the Arctic natural resources will continue to dominate the Arctic economies  Urbanisation is a process where society is transformed from predominantly rural characteristics in  The Arctic continues to be a region of economic con- terms of economy, culture and lifestyle, to one which trasts. The international economy supports modern can be characterised as urban.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 19 large scale, capital intensive production, while the tra- and highly advanced exercise, with several different ditional economy exists in small individual or family layers and players. The challenge here is to provide groups. management systems such as co-management ap-  Growing global competition combined with the proaches where the different levels of interest meet in over-exploitation of natural resources creates structur- order to provide a means of regulatory control and fol- al and economic crisis in many Arctic/Northern com- low up schemes while at the same time remaining open munities. to outside involvement.  Exploited to the limit, these living resources are not  Especially in the Arctic, where cross-boundary in- expected to provide the necessary economic surplus to terests between nations, regions, and communities are enable further welfare development. In addition, ‘tradi- often involved, it seems obvious that resource manage- tional’ activities remain vulnerable to international ment could benefit from such experiences. opinion in relation to the environment and animal  While pollution from outside the Arctic is a recog- welfare. nised problem which may increase with rising levels of  Growth in the Arctic tourist industry will continue activity in the Arctic, pollution from internal Arctic with an increasing emphasis on large vessels and land- activities needs also to be addressed. based tourism.  Future extraction of the vast land-based resources of the Arctic will increasingly be based on ‘company- 5. The Arctic needs to generate towns’ generating few jobs in established communities. more Human Capital by investing  The most significant shift in the economy, however, more in its people is from primary and secondary towards tertiary sector jobs funded through transfers from royalties and gov-  The advent of what is often characterised as the ernments. ‘knowledge economy’ requires the enhancement of hu-  The Arctic will remain a high cost production region man skills and talents which will be the key to the next because it is located far from markets, it is sparsely development process. As education has a leading role populated and it is situated in a harsh environment. In to play new initiatives are needed to enable communi- most parts of the region development occurs along ties to take charge of their own development processes. ‘frontiers’ with a limited infrastructure and with few  The service sector, providing wage work in adminis- available workers. tration, education and social services, has become the main income source for most families in the Arctic. 4. Continued pollution and ongo- These sectors serve as the economic mainstay for local ing climate change will have a communities and are also increasingly necessary for the maintenance of many of the traditional renewable significant impact on the nature resource activities. and environment of the Arctic.  Ensuring the availability of educational opportunities and the jobs that enable young people to remain in  The future will see challenges such as increasing the community, or at least in the region. temperatures, melting of sea ice and glaciers, sea-level  Establishing job opportunities for women is impor- rise and probably also increased precipitation in some tant as they tend to be the main source of an educated areas and drought in others. workforce in most of the Arctic, and already tend to be  Whether or not they are fatal themselves, anthropo- a primary source for labour in the public sector’s ser- genic forces add to the stress on local ecosystems. Their vice activities, while unskilled or technical jobs tend to combined effects can be cumulative with substantial be taken up by incomers. causality. In some cases innovative approaches might reduce the impact of these processes. 6. Changes in the nature of inter-  Biological diversity could be significantly impacted if climate change continues at its current pace, though action between the public and the new composition of species is likely to be based on private spheres will impact devel- heat-tolerant fast adapters, resulting in patterns where opment these ‘invasive species’ will tend to re-structure local ecosystems.  While most of the Arctic is still characterised by a  Management of renewable resources is a complex

20 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 large public sector with state authorities involved in 8. Increased accessibility provide most regulation and planning measures, processes opportunities as well as new risks supporting the delegation of power and responsibility to lower administrative structures have been widely introduced, promoting and maintaining strong local au-  The much predicted easier ocean access to transport tonomy and democratic accountability. and resources in the region will generate increased  Of similar importance is the fact that the private sec- shipping, but also create new risks for the environ- tor is now gradually moving into fields which used to ment. be dominated by the public sphere, most prominently  It may provide inhabitants, at least some, with better in retail sale, housing and professional services. connections to other parts of the world, but the costs  Access to natural resources has long been subject to may still be a limiting factor. such a process. In fisheries Individual Transferable  It will, however, provide the cruise liner industry Quotas and Community Quotas have turned into with easier access. This may not however be of particu- forms of private ownership. And most prominently, lar benefit to small Arctic communities as they have Russia has experienced a process where privatisation only a minimal ability to benefit from mass tourism. has entered into a broad spectrum of basic economic The necessary infrastructure costs – port facilities and activities such as mining and smelter industries. hotel beds – are prohibitive and the risk that they are  Due to the high costs of establishing infrastructure never able to prove their economic viability remains and maintaining connections in the Arctic, however, great as such communities would be at the economic the public sector will prevail as the major provider of mercy of the cruise line companies. such services.  Ubiquitous low cost communications technology will change the relationship between citizens and states. In some areas, however, uneven capacities and 7. Renewable energy will contrib- problems over access due to socio-economic limita- ute to a ‘greening’ of the economy. tions will undoubtedly remain an issue due to charging systems based on the amount of traffic.  The compound effects of the impact of numerous -in  The Arctic has major potential in terms of develop- terrelated components raise the question of whether ing non-fossil fuel based local energy resources includ- this is voluntary or forced. Globalisation has a pene- ing substantial freshwater sources which may be the trating effect. basis for further development.  Energy is a key component for development, and a major challenge here is that the Arctic is among the 9. The Arctic as a new player in most sparsely populated areas in the world and with the global game obvious difficulties in establishing energy-related -in frastructures.  The current impetus to ‘green’ the economy reflects  The Arctic is no longer an isolated or remote region. three major concerns: the need to tackle climate change It is a member of the global society, often at the centre and other environmental problems; the desire to of global attention and fundamentally influenced by strengthen energy security by reducing dependence on global changes, oil and gas; and the need to stimulate job-creation  Increased global interest is however a potential through local renewable energy production in many source of tension between the need for exploration and rural areas. the requirements of conservation. This balancing act  The inflow of consumer goods to the Arctic in com- requires effective governance. Resource development, bination with a more urban lifestyle generates a sub- therefore, will be conducted in the framework of ‘stew- stantial amount of waste material. Increasingly, the re- ardship’, with a greater emphasis placed on sustainabil- generation and re-use of some products and increased ity and the principle of inter-generational equity. use of recyclable materials will provide a new approach  The complexity and rapidity of the changes experi- to waste management, while other non-recyclable ma- enced require that substantial international effort is terials are converted into energy. made to share ‘stewardship’ and that concern for this

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 21 fragile area of vital includes Arctic and non-Arctic in-depth understanding of the interaction between the stakeholders and global society more generally. different systems and in order to fully understand cur-  In this context however, the need for new data, rent and potential future changes. knowledge, and information is required for a further

22 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 5. A History of Urbanization in the Arctic

Timothy Heleniak

Abstract and government policy documents. The role that factors such as the discovery of new resources, improved This paper traces the process of urbanization in the transportation and communication, new methods of Arctic starting in about 1900 when industrialization construction on permafrost and high-latitude regions, began in the region in pursuit of the region’s natural militarization, and government policies in developing resources. The period from 1900 to the present is one of the urban Arctic will be examined. unprecedented population growth and urbanization Both terms ‘urban’ and ‘Arctic’ need to be defined. across the world and the Arctic regions have been part The definition of urban varies across countries and is of this process and have been impacted by them and defined using a combination of population size and the rapid industrialization of the global economy. density criteria and economic activity. Arctic is defined In 2010, the global population reached a milestone using latitude, climatic, and other factors. The purpose with over half of the population now living in cities, of examining past trends in urbanization in the Arctic but a far higher portion of the Arctic population resides is to see if there are any clues for future patterns in the in urban settlements. The paper will draw upon census region. and population data, historical records,

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 23 24 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 6. Review of Russian Arctic Regions: urbanization, economy, demography

Lyudmila Zalkind

Introduction Attention to the Arctic as a geopolitical and economic world future is increasing. Russian state has paid much attention to the development in the Arctic since the 20th century. It was a period of great industrial expansion of the Russian state, which required large natural resources. Much of these resources are concentrated in the Arctic regions of Russia. During the Russian industrialization huge masses of people moved to the North and Arctic, previously inaccessible regions of Russia. This was a period when Russia created the new industrial economy, the main settlement structure of Arctic regions and passed population to filling unpopulated areas. Direct Arctic territories of Russia are the Chukotka Autonomous District, several areas1) of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), the Taimyr Peninsula (including trialization of the Arctic continued. The Soviet gov- the Taimyr Autonomous Okrug and Norilsk city dis- ernment concentrated its efforts on the development trict), Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Okrug, the Nenets of the Northern Sea Route and air transport to ensure Autonomous Okrug and Murmansk region. economic links between eastern and western regions. The dynamics of urbanization is considered in the context of the inter-censuses period since 1959, when History of urbanization in Arctic the emergence and growth of cities had become most Russia visible. Each period had its specifics from exponential Urbanization of Russian Arctic regions has been an growth to reduced rates of urbanization. Since the pe- uneven process, which began in the late 19th century. riod between censuses have different lengths, then a However, it wasn’t until the 20th century that this pro- direct comparison is not valid, and therefore only the cess became permanent and sustainable under a cen- features of each period will be described. tralized, government run economy that addressed is- Since the 1960’s new cities were built as planned set- sues of creating new settlements. tlements equipped with electricity, running water, etc. Since 1959, growth continued in both the number The heating system was centralized in the cities, for of urban settlements and the number of people (pic. this purpose, the power plants were built. Each city was 1). During this period, new ventures went to the op- provided hospitals, clinics, cultural centers, schools, erational stage and old ones expanded, so the indus- kinder-gardens, etc. This trend continued through 1979-1989, but the rate of urban population growth increased significant- 1) Разные исследователи по разному определяют количество этих ly. In the same period, reduced growth in the number районов – от 5 (Селин), до 13 (Мегатрендс). В данном исследовании of urban settlements took place as already established рассмотрены 10 районов, полностью лежащих севернее Полярного settlements continued to grow. круга.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 25 However, due to political and economic crisis in population and in the number of urban settlements Russia, urban population began to decline in most and provision of urban infrastructure.Since the 1950’s, regions of the Russian Arctic. The steepest decline in a high level of urbanization was evident in Taimyr, population occurred from 1995 to 2002, resulting in which a much smaller total population than Murmansk the mass closure of some municipalities. This led both region, but is concentrated in almost only one enclave to a reduction in the number of urban settlements and – Norilsk – and its emerging satellite towns. Accord- the concentration of the population as people migrated ingly, the contribution of these indicators in Taimyr is from the dying communities to larger urban areas not significant, even though it is less than one fifth of the only outside the region, but quite often in the same size of Murmansk. region. Rate of decline of the urban population has In the 1970’s Yamal also emerged as an important slightly decreased in the second half of the 2000s, but participant of the Russian urbanization process. Pop- the process continues in most parts of the Arctic. ulation grew more than threefold between 1960 and The overall reduction of the population in cities than 1980 alone. As such, the region became an important in rural areas, leading to a further increase in the share player in the mix of active Russian Arctic regions. In of the urban population of the Russian Arctic, from 83 2010, Yamal urban population was more than half of % in 1989 to 88 % in 2010. the Murmansk region, a telling statistic considering that Murmansk was 26 times larger in 1959. The urban population of the rest of the Russian Arc- Contribution of Russian Arctic tic, although increasing, remains low and does not have regions a significant impact on overall migration processes in This is the general picture of the urbanization process the greater region. Thus, the population of the Chu- in six Russian Arctic regions. At the same time, the re- kotka and Nenets region, and also the Arctic Yakutia gions themselves have their own dynamics of urbani- is less than 10% of the total population of the Arctic, zation, in some cases, significantly different from the and on average 20 times lower than the most densely overall picture (Pic 2). populated region - the Murmansk region. The most urbanized area is the Murmansk region, The contribution of each of the regions in the eco- which gave the majority of the weight indicators of ur- nomic and demographic situation in the Arctic is also banization for almost 50 years, until the early 2000s. uneven (Table 1). It really is the most urbanized region in terms of both

Pic.2 Contribution of each region in urbanization of Russian Arctic (share of region in total urban population)

80,0% 69,5% 53,5% 60,0% 49,7% 1959 29,8% 40,0% 1989 18,7% 19,5% 16,1%13,6% 2010 5,8% 20,0% 3,8% 3,4% 2,9%3,4%1,7% 2,8% 2,2%1,7% 1,9% 0,0% Chukotka Sakcha (Yakutia) Taymyr Yamal Nen ets Murmanskaya

26 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Table 1 Russian Arctic regions in 2010

Natural Migration Urban Popu- Fertility, Morta-lity, growth, rate, population number number for GRP per person Region number for number lation, th. changes, for 1000 1000 in 2009, th.RUR 1000 for 1000 people % to 1989 persons persons persons persons Chukotka 32.7 - 71.0% 14.7 13.8 +0.9 -16.8 925.4 Sakha 24.6 - 62.9% 16.8* 9.8* +7.0* -7.4* 417.1** (Yakutia) Taimyr 201.5 - 36.4% n/a n/a n/a n/a 1 77.2** Yamal 443.0 +14.8% 15.8 5.5 +10.3 -6.1 1 180.0** Nenets 28.5 - 16.9% 16.4 11.7 +4.7 -3.1 3 053.6** Murmansk 738.4 - 30.1% 11.7 11.9 -0.2 -8.4 240.3 region

* Data for Sakha Republic in whole.

** The estimated GRP, divided by the number of permanent population in the area.

Practically all Russian Arctic regions other than Mur- result, the region has lost more than two thirds of its mansk exhibit a natural increase in population. This is population in the last ten years (around 8 % per year), due to the high birth rate of both the local indigenous and the outflow from the cities and towns was higher population and the migrant population; where the av- than that of rural areas. A majority of this emigrated erage age of the population is 30-35 years. Only Mur- population were new comers who arrived there in the mansk has a low birth rate and a high mortality rate, 1960’s and 1970’s, but because of the recession in the which is due to the very small indigenous population 1990’s were forced to migrate to other regions of Rus- and an older age structure compared to other Russian sia2) (Pic. 3) Arctic regions. Migration balance in 2010 was negative for all regions, due to the global crisis of 2008-2009, and a decline in production even in economically successful regions such as the Yamal-Nenets and Nenets Auton- omous District took place. But in most regions of the Arctic a high fertility rate blocked negative migration trends and the population continues to grow. The level of economic development is uneven. Oil and gas producing regions are the most economically advantaged. The high level of per capita GRP in these regions is a consequence of high production and high prices, and low permanent population. As such, the lowest level of economic well-being is in Murmansk, which also has the highest resident population. Chukotka is the most eastern Arctic region of Rus- sia. The pace of town development has been quite slow, One of the main reasons for such strong emigration especially considering that even though the first wood- in Chukotka - far more than in other regions – has been en house was built in 1889, people were still living in due to the “syndrome of postponed life”. That is, their mud huts in the 1960’s. lives in the North is temporary, but real life will begin Now, there are three settlements with city status and four with village status in Chukotka. However, due to the closure of production facilities in the early 2000’s, 2) Стратегия для России: новое освоение Сибири и дальнего Востока// Е.Андреева, Ж.Зайончковская, О.Кузнецова, В.Лексин, twelve settlements have been shut in the region. As a В.Любовный, Е.Скатерщикова, А.Ушаков, А.Швецов . – 2001.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 27 later, when they can return to the “continent” – to the gion to restore the production of gold and silver, but place from which they came. And this expectation of crisis of 2008-2009 thwarted these plans. life has stretched to 30-40 years and more. Now on the Taimyr Peninsula there are two cities This is due to a relatively small labor market in the - Norilsk and Dudinka. Before 2004, there were four region. Tin and tungsten mines, worked in the Soviet separate towns, three of which are areas of the city of era, were closed and mining companies had disap- Norilsk. The population of the region grew slowly un- peared. Now, there are small amounts of coal mining, til 1989, but now the population is slowly decreasing. fish processing and building materials for local use. The urban population increased on average by 5.8% per There are many sources of electricity - Bilibinskaya nu- year from 1959 to 1990, but went into decline in the clear power station, Chaunskaya heating plant, Anadyr 1990’s. In recent years, the rate of decline decreased, heating plant, Anadyr gaz heating station, Egvikenots- but a negative migration balance remains. kaya hydropower station and Anadyr wind station. All The region’s economy is based on the Norilsk depos- of them work only for the regional market and are not it and processing of copper and nickel. A major trans- connected to the nationwide power grid. portation hub Dudinka and hydropower plant serve In the 2000’s the outflow of new comers continued, the Norilsk nickel plant. but much slower rate (averaging about 1% per year). In Settlement was initially localized at two points 2000, the Russian oligarch Abramovich became gover- (Norilsk with satellites and Dudinka). As such, not as nor of Chukotka. He began to systematically implement many towns were created in Taimyr as in other regions, the concept of “minimal population in the North”3) in so that the structure of settlement remains relatively order to to reduce the number of people residing in the unchanged. territory and move to shift method of work in enter- The Autonomous Okrug of Yamal-Nenets is still a prises. This initiated a massive company resettlement growing region in the Arctic. This is due to large oil of people in central and southern Russia, but already by and gas reserves, which are being actively exploited at next year people started refusing to grant resettlement. present. As a result, the level of income in the region Seizing the opportunity to find a job and start again to is much higher than in other regions, which attracts earn decent money swayed the pendulum of migration migrants. During the 20th century population growth back to Chuckotka. was mainly due to in migration. The basis of the economy of the region is dominated The capital of Yamal – Salekhard - remains a rather by the mining of gold and other precious metals. The small city with a population of just over 40 thousand main perspective direction of economic development people. Most of the urban population is concentrated in in Chukotka is gold mining, which is implemented on two growing cities - New Urengoy and Noyabrsk. Since a rotational basis (within and inter-regional). In 2009, the mid-2000 their population has passed 100,000. construction began on one of the GOK’s gold mines, There has been almost no closing of settlements in which in theory should be running this year. In ad- this region; and until 2005, Yamal’s in migration was dition, the current construction of a road will finally greater than the out-migration of all other regions in connect the Chukotka region with other regions in the the Russian Arctic combined. Since 2005 however, Far East. Yamal has had a high coefficient of out-migration (pic. In the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), most of the pop- 4). Population growth is still ensured by a high birth ulation lives in rural areas. Total population in the re- rate and relatively low mortality rate. gion has decreased twofold since 1989, manly in rural At present, the nature of settlement is changing. areas. In the 1990’s alone over half of the settlements Although no new towns are being developed, there were closed. are dozens of work camps scattered about the region, Settlements with city status - Verkhoyansk and Sred- which in many ways act as small cities themselves (e.g. nekolymsk – have between 1000 and 3000 residents, Yamburg)4). with most engaged in hunting, herding and fishing. Favourable economic conditions in oil and gas pro- The more populated urban areas have between 4000 duction will continue to contribute positively to the and 6000 residents, primarily active in agricultural development of this area and it is expected that the activities, especially since the areas has extinguished region will continue to grow, both economically and its Tin deposits and the associated firms have long left. demographically for several decades. However, if the Some companies were considering relocating in the re-

4) Жукевич Г.В. Модернизация экономики и социальной сферы 3) Север как объект комплексных региональных исследований/ северных и дальневосточных регионов России// Вопросы Севера, Отв. ред. Лаженцев В.Н. –Сыктывкар, 2005. – 512 с. № 3, 2011.

28 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 sula,. The Murmansk region is still the most populous region in the Russian Arctic, but it is the only region that does not have the status of national territory. This is likely due to its very low share of aboriginal population (which in the last census was approximately 1500 people). The number of cities and towns in the Russian Arc- tic in 2010 was 28, which is several times more than any other country in the Arctic. Over the past 90 years, the region has lost about 30% of its population. In general out-migration is gradually decreasing, and in the last 10-15 years the population of the region as a whole growth of shale gas production and a free pricing of has stabilized. The first and foremost driver of this sta- gas continue as many believe it will, then the income of bilization has been the basis of the economy - mining the Yamal will be reduced significantly. This may lead plants located throughout the western part of the re- to decommissioning and the region will face the same gion. fate as other Arctic regions of Russia. Conclusion The Autonomous Okrug of Nenets, developed with The Soviet government established strong economic the same trends as its neighbour - the Murmansk re- and social incentives in order to convince people to gion it showed high rates of urban population growth move to the Arctic, which has led to rapid popula- between 1959 and 1989 and relatively small decline tion growth of the region. At the same time, migra- (24%) in the 1990’s. In the 2000’s population growth tion flows have been distributed unevenly: they con- resumed (8%), due to in migration and natural increase centrated around large industrial complexes set up in (pic. 5). The main reason behind this was the rise of oil the Yamal, Taimyr and Murmansk regions during the and gas industry, which due to high oil and gas prices, mid-20th century. made production profitable again. The transition from a centralized to a market econ- Despite the original idea of developing work camps, omy has had a negative impact on production systems and demographic processes in the Arctic regions. In the 1990’s there was a mass closure of settlements, and while this trend ceased in the 2000’s there are still a number of settlements that face the threat of closure. So on one hand, the system of settlement in the Russian Arctic has stabilized, but many settlements are still almost completely dependent on the success of single firms. Moving forward, cities and the populations will remain highly concentrated in Murmansk and Yamal. The Norilsk enclave (Taymyr peninsula) will also survive as long as the mining industry supports it, with estimates ranging from 30 to 50 years. In Yakutia, as the economy of the Arctic regions continues to shift toward shift work, existing urban settlements gradually turn into rural areas. The same process is taking place in the Nenets and Chukotka as well. If the trend of declining profits for producing raw human nature to settle down in a new place has led to materials holds up in the longer term then economic an increase of the permanent population. And as in prospects will not be good for the Yamal and Nenets Yamal, the main way of organizing work is via shift regions. If this happens, Yamal will likely face signifi- labour. However, work camps in Nenets are generally cant depopulation or complete closure. In Nenets, the smaller and not as developed as in the Yamal Penin- situation is not so critical due to the fact that it is the youngest of the mining regions, and it did not create a

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 29 mass of urban settlements. development in the 20th century was adopted by the The main factor driving population change contin- principle of construction of permanent settlements. In ues to migration, while the natural shifts via births and the Urals and the eastern part the decision was a mixed deaths account for only a small proportion. All regions, type of development: a combination of permanent set- except for the Murmansk region, show natural growth, tlements and the work camps. although low. This is due to the high birth rate of both the local population and newcomers. In contrast, the percentage of the population above retirement age is References only about 10%. The Murmansk region showed a negative natural increase due to the very low birth rates among all Arctic regions. This is connected with the Selin V.S., Vasiliev V.V., Shirokova L.N. Russian Arctic: fact that many teenagers and young adults have left the geography, economy, zoning. - Apatity: Kola Science Center rgion looking for new opportunities. Publishing, 2011. Overall, the urbanization process in the Russian Megatrends / A. Karlsdottir, R. Rasmussen, K.G. Hansen et Arctic has significantly slowed. However, the settle- al., ed. – Copenhagen: Nordic Council of Ministers, 2011. ment systems of the regions are very different. This is due to historical conditions: the density of indigenous Strategy for Russia: a new development of Siberia and the Far East / E. Andreev, V. Leksin, A. Shvetsov et al., ed. – peoples living in these places until the 20th century, Мoscow, 2001. as well as the level and spatial distribution of industrial development of the North in the 20th century. Ac- North as the object of comprehensive regional research / Ed. cordingly, the East of the Russian Arctic is an area with Lazhentsev V.N. - Syktyvkar, 2005. small settlements and small administrative town cen- Zhukevich G.V. Modernization of the economy and social tres. Ural Arctic is also characterized by a large number sphere of the northern and far eastern regions of Russia // of small settlements and higher concentration of popu- Problems of the North, № 3, 2011. lation in large cities. The Western Arctic is mostly from the towns and cities with a small number of villages. Ryabova L.A. The new paradigm of northern Russia: problems of formation and social priorities // Scientific Notes of Factors that significantly influenced the settlement sys- Petrozavodsk State University.– 2010. – № 7 . tem is centrally managed economic development of the territory. In the Western Arctic in the framework of Federal State Statistics Service of Russian Federation. www. gks.ru

30 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 7. Marginal places in discursive space: Political economies of development and urban space planning in the North, conceptual shifts

Andrey N. Petrov

Introduction: development re- on behalf of the British government, was more focused on the exploitation of space rather than on its develop- gimes and urbanization in the ment (Rich, 1958). On the other hand, Russian Tzars Canadian and Russian Norths were more concerned with controlling the space5) Arturo Escobar provided a provocative reevaluation of rather than exploiting and developing it (Hill & Gaddy, development policies enforced by the West and its in- 2003; Wood, 1987). stitutions in the Third World. He claimed that mod- This suggests that, at first, the discourse of the fron- ernist normative views on development upon which tier development in the North was produced by the Ca- the development project was conducted, brought this nadian and Russian states, but, at second, that it was effort to a devastating failure (Escobar, 1995). Escobar’s done relatively recently in historic terms. In Canada comments on development in the Third World have a the genealogy of this discourse can be traced to indirect link with events in the Canadian and Russian famous works of Harold Innis. It coincided with the North, which, in fact, are frequently referred to as the birth of the Keynesian welfare state, which adopted Fourth World (Young, 1995). Since the Fourth World Inissian approach amid the struggle of the Canadian was embedded in the First, the Western (in a broad nation-building, and, then, through Defenbakerism, meaning of the term) political economic discourse of implemented developmentalism in the North. In Rus- development has dominated in the North and has been sia, the discourse of northern development became an empowered there as nowhere else. This discourse jux- element of the communist political economies almost taposed “developed” mainland and “underdeveloped” from the very beginning of the Bolshevik’s regime, and frontier and justified the “regime of truth” (in Fou- especially when country’s isolation became obvious. cauldian terms, Foucault, 1970) under which the supe- Although Canadian and Soviet discourses had no- riority of “developed” was unquestionable, while un- ticeable similarities in how they represented the idea derdevelopment was unacceptable. The assumption of of development, the production of discourses was the mainland supremacy over the Hinterland gave birth to result of societal evolution in both countries and bear the discourse of nordicity (see West, 1991) and validat- explicit differences. Therefore, employing Peet & Watts ed state-led economic, political and social intervention (1993) term, one must differentiate the Canadian and into the periphery by the means of development. The Soviet regional discursive formations. The major dis- state-based character of this process should be accen- crepancy between the two was not within the field of tuated, because other performers in the region (such as questioning or propagating development, but in terms private corporations) have never been interested in the development per se. Even the semi-private Hudson 5) Commodification of space rather than its resources was a peculiar Company, which ran the Canadian North for centuries fact of pre-imperialistic colonial expansion. In our context, this attitude culminated with Alaska sale by the Russians in 1867.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 31 of what political economic strategies were used to ac- trol and design these urbo-industrial spaces, it largely complish this task. failed to meet the needs. Elsewhere we identified the following development This paper provides a brief survey of urban devel- regimes that emerged in the North at different points opment, planning and formation of urban places and in time: Inissianism, Diefenbakerism and neo-liberal- spaces in the Canadian and Russian Arctic and Subarc- ism in Canada and different versions of ‘Gosplanism’ tic in the context of changing development regimes in (Stalinist and Developed Socialist) and neo-liberalism the North. in Russia. Inissianusm is associated with early years of developing Canadian Arctic and Subarctic and formation of pre-Forsdist urban places under the conditions Planning urban places and spaces of extensive accumulation, instability, frequent boom and bust cycles and lack of organization and state inter- in the Canadian and Russian Arc- vention. Since the 1950s the ‘Diefenkaberism’ took over tic and Subarctic as a dominant development regime of resource Ford- The genealogy of developmental discourses and chang- ism that brought the interventionalist state in direct or es in urban political economies in the North deter- indirect control of northern development and urbani- mined shifts in strategies of northern urban design in zation (Petrov, 2008). Focus on construction of urban the distinct periods of colonization. The above discus- settlements, settling and using the North was tied with sion presented several versions of possible pereodiza- a system of priority-constraint system exercised buy the tion of northern urban development in the context of state in tandem with resource corporations. As we will the general development discourses that dominated in see, during this period larger, more elaborate urban set- Canada and the USSR. In Canada (along the lines of tlements appeared in various parts of Canadian Arctic Escobar’s analysis) we have accounted for two major and Subarctic. Finally, the neo-liberal shift and dimin- variations of modernist (Keynesian-Fordist) discourse: ishing state support coincided (not accidentally) with pure Innssianism of the 1900s-1930s6) and Diefenbak- major ‘winding-down’ of Cabadian northern cities and erism/post-Diefenbakerism of the 1950s-70s. It was also towns. Hoervwe, a number of communities was able to argued that neo-liberal tendencies in the northern dis- embark upon urban reinvention - efforts to refurbish course appeared in the 1980s, but were quickly followed urban centers in on the post-modernist basis (e.g. using by post-developmental approaches, which are beyond place-sensitive design, diversity, sustainability, promo- the scope of this study. In the USSR we found two tion of social cohesion, etc. (Iqaluit). northern versions of Gosplanism, namely the Stalinist- The outset of the Soviet northern urbanization is sig- GULAG and “developed socialism” discourses of devel- nified by mobilization economy of Stalinism (neglect of opment. local costs, forced cheap labor), fully institutionalized Spontaneous town-spaces. The early settlements both state control, and dominant GOELRO development in the Canadian and Russian North were spontaneous- discourse (Petrov, 2008). As a result, sporadic camp- ly organized temporary shelter communities “rude and urbanization consisted of town-like GULAG camps haphazard collections of tents and shacks at the edge was a prevailing form, alongside with emerging civil- of mining area” (O’Mahony, 1978, p. 18). There was no ian towns. However, even there the rate of uncontrolled notion of particular planning (McCann, 1978), and the population growth was too high for planners to keep up. urban structure of larger cities represented a conglom- The lack or insufficiency of urban planning in the North erate of various structures of different shapes, sizes and (despite its high profile in the USSR!) was inherited in functionality. In the booming Gold Rush towns like the post-Stalin times of what we can call ‘Developed So- Dawson, it was impossible to control the growth and cialism’ with its ‘temporary’ focus on resource (rather systematize the construction (Baldwin, 1978; Innis, than ‘complex’ development) and state command-and- 1974). Social capitalization of such communities was control development regime that bears some similari- extremely low, and residents kept week ties with neigh- ties with Canadian ‘Diefenbekerism.’ Soviet northern borhoods, abandoning them almost immediately upon urban system although desired as an eventual outcome downturns in the resource sector. Towns born under of development, by essentially a byproduct of industri- the discourse of ‘pure Innissianism’ (i.e. with no con- alization that was heavily prioritized over urbanization. As a result, Soviet northern megapolises emerged and 6) Innisianism was formulated in the 1930s, but as a general discourse of spatially evolved as sloboda – a ‘worker town’ attached, colonization was in place prior to that period. This study considered only dependent and subdued by a dominant industrial plant. the length of the ‘urban history’ of the North, which started roughly in the As indicated below whereas the state attempted to con- late 19th-early 20th century.

32 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 ceptual regional and settlement development, Fig.1) North. Adopted “new township” acts8) required gov- both in Canada and Russia were the typical boom-bust ernment approval for newly established mining towns communities. as well as granted them mandatory self-governing sta- Company Towns. Further mineral discoveries in tus. This marked a transition of responsibility in north- the North and the growth of mines production made ern urban development from individual companies to possible more permanent and better-established set- the state (Gill, 1994; Robinson, 1962) and from pure In- tlements. The period of 1920-1930s was marked with nissianism to Diefenbakerism (Fig.1). the appearance of dozens of “company towns.” Mining The notion of “company towns” could be successful- corporations created these settlements close to work- ly used in reference to the GULAG prison-camps. They ing mines and maintained them permanent for the shared all major characteristics: they were built, main- entire period of exploitation. It is problematic to dis- tained and governed by a ‘profit-seeking’ organization tinguish any specific planning perspective on how the that applied its internal standards and economic needs urban space was organized (Robinson, 1962; Stelter & as guidelines for community development. Indeed, Artibise, 1978). Towns were constructed as residential NKVD’s9) economic subdivisions were not separate areas of the south, but possessed limited elements of companies, although they usually had corporation-like social infrastructure and could barely provide basic so- organizational structure (Khlevnuk, 2003), as they did cial needs. By implementing rudimentary community not benefit from their activities in conventional terms planning, corporations attempted to secure their capi- (their profit was expropriated by the state at large). But tal returns through attracting skilled labor and cutting ‘GULAG quasi-corporations’ such as Dal’stroi (Nord- workers’ turnover. Dwellings consisted of relatively lander, 2003; Pilyasov, 1996), did create and run urban small apartment buildings and houses – light struc- settlements where the civil government was not present tures (“matchboxes”), imported from the south, which (Ertz, 2003). could be moved to another location if necessary (e.g. Therefore, company-led planning efforts or the ab- town of Sherridon). sence of planning constituted the basis of production “Company towns” were under a full control of cor- of the urban space in resource towns in the Canadian porations who owned everything from dwellings to and Russian North in the 1920-1940s. There was no telephones (Lucas, 1971) and executed autarchic rule particular vision on how northern towns should be over the social life. These practices frequently were not organized. Canadian companies quickly realized su- appreciated both by companies’ management (who was periority of small, mobile and spatially-concise settle- unhappy with maintenance and construction costs and ments with at least minimal level of social infrastruc- rising conflicts) and by residents (who felt intimidated ture development. Populated places in the Soviet North by the “big brother” policies)7). Many mining compa- were planned and put together under conditions of nies were inclined to transfer their responsibilities to construction ‘boosterism’ with little consideration for local governments to achieve cost reduction and lower community-building and social capitalization in place labor turnover by forcing workers to own their houses (e.g. in Noril’sk, Magadan, Kolyma’s towns) and be involved in community-building. However, Northern Suburbia. The shift towards state-regulat- self-determination (“municipalization”) of “company ed planning and the development of northern single- towns” brought new challenges and controversy to the industry towns under the discourse of Diefenbaker- governance, while being sometimes only a façade for ism brought innovations in the planning perspectives. the old corporate rule, when a city council consisted Since the 1950s new resource towns must be built ac- of company’s employees. The interosculation of local cording to prepared and approved by the government government and private capital in northern cities con- city plans. The after-war period was characterized by stituted a long-term obstacle to formation of the civil the introduction of the ‘comprehensive planning’ para- society and development of community sustainability digm (Stelter & Artibise, 1978; McCann, 1978). Devel- there. opers, among which the state quickly took a leading “Company towns”, in pure terms, started to disap- role, introduced latest innovations of planning science pear since the 1950s, when the federal and provincial in theory projects. Basically, the idea for the spatial governments moved to increase their control in the

8) E.g. Mining Act in ON (1954), New Towns Act in AB (1956), Instant Towns Act in BC (1965). 7) Lucas (1971) provided an in-depth analysis of interests and contradictions in “company town” development in Canada. See his book 9) NKVD – Peoples Commissariat of Internal Affairs – the min- for details on social conflicts and community problems. istry in charge of GULAG.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 33 organization of northern towns was borrowed from a could enjoy their free time (McCann, 1978). typical suburbia. The discourse of developing the North The major goal of revised planning practices was in accordance to ‘southern’ standards remained un- to create sense of place and community among citi- challenged. As correctly noted by Gill, “in the absence zens and encourage them to stay longer. BC planners of relevant social research it was a widely held belief in Tumbler Ridge – the most elaborated example of that this type of urban environment was appealing to this wave of communities, used the concept of ‘Main labor force… from the cities of southern Canada” (Gill, Street’ as a town-wide public-private space of social in- 1994, p. 138). “Wilderness suburbs” (Robinson, 1962) teraction. Interestingly, the notion of ‘crime prevention adopted the neighborhood units principle for organiz- through environmental design’ and ideas of territorial- ing residential spaces. Family houses were distributed ity and defensible space led them to implementing de- in neighborhoods-clusters with complex of social in- sign methods, which enhance surveillance and reduce frastructure (schools, local shops, parks and churches) opportunity of crime (e.g. placed a hotel and a pub out- in each neighborhood. However, eventually it became side the town). Therefore, the paradigm of social cohe- obvious that deconcentrated internal urban structure sion, as a way to stabilize population, was at the top was largely unsuitable: wide driveways and roads re- of the developers’ list and defined other aspects of the quired heavy snow removal costs, expansive lawns urban space organization (Gill, 1994). were unpractical and unsightly during long winters, At the same time, innovative design was criticized sprawled urban structure demanded more traveling on a number of grounds. Again, the city-space in new (both costly and uncomfortable), sparsely located hous- communities was produced by southern architects, es did not protect from winds and could not provide who sometimes misunderstood local realities. For ex- positive microclimatic effect, and so forth (O’Mahony, ample, large wind-screen buildings seemed alien and 1978). Among northern towns constructed as “wilder- artificial for small-town residents (e.g. in Fermont). In ness suburbs,” were those appeared in the 1950s-60s: the same town, it was found that concentration of pub- Thompson, Kitimat, Schefferville, Elliot Lake, and lic spaces in one area (and one building) did not neces- many others (see Figure 1). Overall, these towns being a sarily enhanced social interaction, but denied people subject of admiration at the time of founding (Karpov, of choice and, thus, reinforced a feeling of isolation 1972) appeared to be much less successful in achiev- (living in “cocoon”). Overall, the design was perceived ing high life quality and residents satisfaction than ex- as reducing creativity and forcing residents to accept pected (Gill, 1994; Lucas, 1971). This was an apparent certain behaviors envisioned by planners (Blanc, 1990). failure of the planning in the long-term. Compactness of the settlement was considered a nega- Northurbus. The last generation of northern towns tive feature and led to overcrowding the inter-house reflected an attempt to overcome shortcomings of space with residents’ vehicles and equipment. In con- suburbia-like planning. Planners hired by government trast, large public spaces between housing groups were agencies and private companies undertook a major not sufficiently used. In short, the innovative, but still effort to create communities that would account for imposing design was not very successful (Blanc, 1990). northern specifics, both natural and social. First, new The ideas, worked through in newly established towns were designed to provide family housing with communities, were, to some extent, spread to the older extensive provision of recreation and community fa- towns (see Wonders, 2003). In many of them situation cilities. Second, the updated planning principles were with housing and social infrastructure was far from environmentally sensitive and adapted to northern desirable. The Government of Northwest Territories, climate: enclosed town center (Leaf Rapids), buildings trying to overcome housing shortages, ensure afford- blocking wind (Fermont), high concentration of facili- ability and slowdown deterioration of existing build- ties and dwellings (Tumbler Ridge), etc. The sites for ings, subsidized construction of ergonomic houses, new towns were carefully chosen to ensure maximum and funded rehabilitation work, including training exposure to sunshine, protection from cold northerly program for residents focused on saving energy and winds, optimal elevation and so forth (O’Mahony, house maintenance (Goliger, 1984). 1978). Streets were designed short and curved with It is evident, that the introduction of northern-spe- limited driveways. Variety of dwelling types (in op- cific architecture and the emphasis on social prosperity position to monotonous northern ‘suburbia’) allowed and sustainability of northern communities reflected for less sprawled city structure and presented a choice the influx of post-development discourse that account- of housing for residents. Instead of dispersing public ed for north-specific knowledge and dismissed direct spaces and facilities across the town, they were gath- transfer of urban planning principles from the south. ered within the central district, where all residents This planning approach was promising and could have brought new development perspectives to northern cit- inconvenient urban organization and underdeveloped ies. Unfortunately, it did not happen, because the North public facilities. was devastated by the neo-liberal triumph. Many if not The approach to organizing urban spaces was bor- most northern industrial towns faced economic crisis rowed from the general urban design in Soviet cities. and depopulation. Even communities designed by the Northern urban places were filled with monumen- latest standards became unattractive for residents, and, tal concrete multistory apartment complexes located therefore, failed to fulfill the major goal – to ensure sta- along straight streets in a relatively simplistic city set- bility of northern population. Once again, the urban ting. As a result, houses were inefficient for heating, -in development efforts in the Canadian North have failed. convenient for living and contingent for fast physical And although assistance to existing communities was deterioration. Straight-cut city layouts encouraged the not discontinued or severely cut, the perspective for ‘canyon’ wind effect and created unfriendly landscapes. further development has perished. A purposeful design of public spaces was largely a pre- Soviet northern megapolices. In the Soviet North, rogative of the largest cities. But even there it was unfor the four decades after the demise of GULAG derfunded, since the issue of social cohesion was con- northern population continued to grow. In contrast sidered to be secondary, compared to the permanent to Canada, where the focus was on individual towns, housing crisis. The unsustainable character of urban the Soviet planning efforts were centered on develop- design caused the dependence on funding and supplies ing settlement system with at least four level of hier- from the south. Construction and maintenance costs archy (Slavin, 1985): multifunctional regional centers paid by the government to support the northern urban (100,000 and over), leading local cities (30,000-100,000) system were enormous and tended to increase every (both with a range of industries and amenities accord- year. At the end, the USSR overstrained itself funding ing to the ‘complex development’ principle), smaller the North and slipped into deep economic depression. resource towns and temporary settlements (30,000 and In other words, stereotyped city planning in the less). First two categories concentrated the majority of Soviet North could hardly be called effective. Unfor- population, and consisted of large cities, many with tunately, the innovative design techniques developed hundreds of thousands residents. They also demon- by the Soviet northern scientists (see Slavin, 1985) have strated the highest population increase (Wilson, 1987). never been fully implemented. Overpopulation and City general plans (genplan), therefore, were designed faulty organization of urban spaces and lack of social for large cities, and a major challenge was to provide capital in the communities of the Russian North was necessary infrastructure and mass housing for arriving one of the factors why neo-liberal policies responsible migrants. Needless to say that it has never been done, for economic crisis, resulted in such dramatic out-mi- partly because the industrialization was prioritized gration. over the urban development. Delays in planning and funding, lack of equipment and the abundance of cor- ruption caused a systematic failure to meet required Concluding thoughts deadlines and fulfill the plans. Boosterism (shturmovs- This paper attempted to connect (and compare) poli- china) in industrial development, when thousands of cies economies of regional development and histories workers were sent to the North prior to housing con- of urbanization in the Canadian and Russian Norths. struction and de facto ignorance of social cohesion in By tracing the genealogies of regional development communities led to the persistent faults in the develop- once can identify the driving forces of urbanization ment efforts. For example, Nefteugansk has been devel- and shed a new light on the origins of the urban form oping unplanned for 12 years; Surgut was promoted to and space in the Arctic. Urban places and sdpsaces in a city in 1965, but construction works occurred without the North have undergone considerable evolution fol- any plan until 1970 (finally composed genplan quickly lowing changes in dominant regimes (and develop- became obsolete, because it underestimated population ment discourses). However, a number of similarities is growth, and thus, city infrastructure was not able to also as remarkable as the number of fundamental dif- accommodate all residents, many of whom had to live ferences. Both regional urban systems appear to fail to in mobile homes and use local inefficient boilers to heat reach stability and suatainability of its components and (Wilson, 1987). At the same time, some of the proposed forms. Fortunately, Canada and Russia are experienc- plans were good (in terms of projected social and cul- ing the rise of post-development thinking, which put tural infrastructure) and several cities later achieved the emphasis on reconciling needs of development and considerable success, for example Noril’sk. But the av- alternative modernities, local knowledge and tradi- erage communities were far behind with poor housing, tional economies of the North. Although it is evident

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 35 that some its elements have to be demised (for example, Khlevnuk, O. 2003. The economy of OGPU, NKVD and MVD to end overpopulation in the Russian North), there are in the USSR 1930-1953. The scale, structure and trends of chances that northern communities will cope with development. In P. Gregory, and V. Lazarev (eds.). The economics of forced labor: The Soviet GULAG. Hoover Institu- harsh realities by using both top-down and bottom-up tion, Stanford, 43-66. post-Fordist development opportunities (Ironside, 2000). Lucas, R. 1971. Miletown, milltown, railtown: Life in Canadian Communities of single industry. University of Toronto Press, Toronto.

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36 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 8. The history of urbanization and Ur- ban Planning in the Faroes – the case of Tórshavn

Sámal tróndur Johansen

Abstract the Faroes, growing from less than 10% of the total Faroese population in the 19th century to around 35- At least since the late 18th century people in the Faroes 40% of the total population in the early 21st century. have been migrating away from the old settlements ei- From the 19th century and onwards the process of ther to newer settlements around the Faroes or to Tór- urbanization, combined with the implementation of a shavn. Since the first half of the 20th century though modern administration, made the authorities address people went even further and out- migrated, mainly to the challenges of a growing urban population, by im- the neighboring Nordic countries. During this period plementing different forms of regulations. In 1856, of about 200 years the pattern of migration has not al- with the establishment of a ‘Building Commission’ in ways been a straight forward or simple process but the Tórshavn authorities began systematically to regulate main development has been a process of urbanization, the public and private space of Tórshavn. As the city sometimes slow and at other times faster. Tórshavn has grew outside of its old boundaries, the municipality be- not been the only place in the Faroes experiencing a gan to implement some form of initial city-planning. process of urbanization. During different periods peo- Since then city-planning generally has become more ple have migrated not only to Tórshavn but to different professional, comprehensive and invasive, sometimes places in the Faroes. Over time though Tórshavn seems more successfully than other times. to be the most important place of population growth in

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 37 38 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 9. Iqaluit – Growth of an Inuit Capital

Rob Shields and Barret Weber

‘There are no Inuit in Iqaluit’ of permanent inuit organizations in major cities such (cited in Searles 2008; 2010:153, 159) as Ottawa, Toronto, Winnipeg and Montreal. The ‘spatialization of inuit identity’ refers to the way in Iqaluit, Nunavut has experienced rapid growth in which activities and understandings of place fit togeth- the last decade as the capital city of Nunavut. Despite er in specific sites making them ‘places for “this” and administrative decentralization, Iqaluit has become places for that”. This spatial division of labour and ac- a destination at least for a period for many Nunavut tivities is not just couched in specific places but in a residents (majority Inuit) seeking education, admin- network of places and regions that are differentiated istrative jobs, experience and employment in mining compared to one another (R Shields, 1991; Rob Shields, developments on Baffin Island. Propelled by both cir- 2006). This structure of difference defines the identity cumpolar and national geopolitics as much as by the of any given place and does so at successive scales. This ambitions to form Nunavut, Iqaluit’s expansion into network or ‘formation’ is social and cultural, not natu- an Inuit capital city has been an unintentional conse- ral. That is, it is based on activities within locations, quence of Territorial governance. The social problems not just the topography or affordances of sites. Thus of urbanization and lack of housing, reflects this lack Iqaluit was always more that a ‘place of many fish’ – it of planning and the unanticipated role a capital city was a good place for people to encounter fish (in the would play as a centre of attraction for Iqaluit as a re- social activity of fishing)! gional growth pole. Academic and social welfare prac- It follows that changing the identity of a place involves titioners contribute by continuing to stress the cultural changing its relationship with other places, changing inauthenticity of Inuit urbanization and to deny the its position within the network. While there is much new urban scale and sprawling, suburbanized shape of that can be done locally, attention has to be on the rela- Nunavut’s settlements. tive identity of place. This paper considers the implications a developing city such as Iqaluit poses for changing the spatialisation of Inuit culture from one understood to be pri- Land versus town marily rural and seasonally nomadic, to a life centred Although he aims to transcend a mere dichotomy, in towns. Searles reports, there is an abiding bias against settlement life and Iqaluit in particular as places where lifestyles are influenced by southern culture and house- Spatialisation hold economies profoundly changed by part-time wage The irony of the spatialization of Inuit identity in the labour and aspirations to acquire consumption goods Arctic is that many Inuit seem unwilling to extend that promoted in popular media culture. It is axiomatic identity into urban spaces even as more and more Inuit that Inuit identity is related to hunting and fishing are becoming urbanized (Searles, 2010: 157, 164). camps (see Collignon, 2006): some places nourish one’s What would an urban expression of Inuit culture and Inuit identity (e.g. outpost camps) while other places lifestyles (plural)? In the Canadian context Inuit have drain it away (e.g. Iqaluit)’ and concomitantly ‘the ar- been largely urbanized in the sense of dwelling in ham- ticulation of Inuit identity entails a positive affirmation lets established at trading posts and near military of Inuit culture and a simultaneous repudiation of Qal- camps since the Second World War. By the end of the lunaat [white people’s] culture’’ (Searles, 2008: 240) twentieth century, Inuit settlements in Nunavut and that is privileged and accorded status in settlements. elsewhere had begun to develop into large towns, with This reflects tensions and a debate within Inuit society. Iqaluit the largest. These experiences of urbanization Although Inuit now hunt to express their identity rand were also amplified by travel to southern metropolises, supplement their diet, rather than to survive (Rasing, beginning with emergency medical evacuations, terms 1999:97) there is a spectrum of authenticity from tradi- at high schools and universities, and the establishment tionalists (inummariit), weekend-traditionalists and

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 39 intermarried couples of Qalunaat and Inuit (qallu- across ice and frozen land, with the South appearing naamiut), and those who have migrated to large south- beyond as a distant site outside this network. ern cities.or have a life integrated with southerners, Nuna (the land in general including earth, ice and viewed as whites (Qallunaamariit, ‘real white people’ water) is differentiated in practice from seasonal hiku (Rasing, 1999). Within this framework of ‘place imag- (ice sheet) where no game live and tariuq (salt sea). es’ (R Shields, 1991), Iqaluit is also disadvantaged as a These surfaces are crisscrossed by lines of travel across truly Qallunaat city, compared with the southern me- otherwise ignored spaces where game is not abundant. tropolises. This geography is enlivened by memory and signifi- This anti-urban, anti-settlement spatialisation of cance which is only hinted at in place names that of- Inuit is shared by anthropologists most of whom have ten refer to activities possible at a place, or a significant seen themselves as advocates for the Inuit in southern event that took place at a site. Uumajuit (animals, and fora. all living beings including people and mythical crea- According to this interpretive framework, many tures) also contribute to a spiritual sense of nuna as a Inuit believe that larger towns like Iqaluit, Nunavut, network of sites as a living environment. ‘Great myths where large numbers of Qallunaat live, work, and in- and small tales from the oral tradition are one of the termarry with Inuit, are places where Inuit culture and many signs on the land, that transform the landscape identity are being lost. Conversely, places like outpost into a ‘memoryscape’, as Mark Nuttall describes it camps and smaller settlements, which are thought to (1992:51-58). With changes in travel, language and the exist beyond the influence of Qallunaat culture, are Inuinnait economy, many are now less familiar with imagined as places where Inuit can learn properly this geography and less engaged in the activities that it about their culture and heritage…. no place reflects refers to and which in turn refresh it: ‘Inuinnait have this process better than Iqaluit, the current capital of primarily taken advantage of the speed. They do not the Territory of Nunavut. If being on the land is a kind travel farther, but do not stop at the traditional stag- of utopia, then being in Iqaluit symbolizes a dystopia ing areas anymore and they go ‘back and forth’ more (Searles, 2010:152-3). often….from the 1980s onward, snowmobiles…have Searles identifies this as an ideology of the Inuit been a means toward a life increasingly centred in and leadership, which he finds himself repeating as a re- around the settlement’ (Collignon, 2006:188). Map- searcher by associating ‘the act of maintaining ties to ping local place names, she notes that “The abstract, the land with personal virtue and collective vitality and virtual map of the Inuinnait is closer to the experience the work of living in towns with depravity, marginali- of the land it depicts that the [abstract] Western sys- zation, and the loss of self-esteem’ (Searles 2010:162). tem,” (p.167) She is ultimately unsuccessful at encap- As if in support, Searles cites anthropological research sulating the paradox of Inuinnait toponymy: it is not on the cultural geography of the Navaho (Basso, 1996) a system of abstract locational signposts but an anno- without much thought to the appropriateness of a com- tated geography which casts places as sites of activities, parison legitimated mostly by anthropological conven- affordances and events. tions around traditional cultures. Partly as a result, While it was once more detailed and intensely en- Canadian northern anthropology celebrates life on the gaged, Inuinnait toponymy still reveals a network of land. There is little insight offered and in fact little re- settlements and ancient fall and winter camps nearby. search on contemporary urban culture and its relation- These places are often named for regular activities or ship to social problems in Nunavut, even though the events. Second, spaces of trails are traversed on season- Inuit are now amongst the most urbanized populations al migrations which may now only be quick hunting in the world, living almost entirely in settlements. Even trips out from town on snowmobiles. A third border on the land, insights on Inuit understandings of land- zone which were historically assocated with summer scape and place identity are rare in the social science camps and with trapping during the fur trade period literature. One example is the work of Béatrice Col- from about 1920-1970. One could add that beyond lignon. Her work documents the social spatialisation these areas of activity, lie less frequented southern shared by the Inuinnait of Ulukhaqtuuq ([Ulukhaktok] spaces such as southern cities visited by plane (some- formerly Holman) on Victoria Island. This involves times for health care) and the globalized mediascape of settlements, a network of camps linked by rapid travel places represented on television shows.

40 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6

Figure 1 Iqaluit Central Core 2012, showing high school, new cathedral, and administrative core, left to right (the author)

Iqaluit Nunavut selves a heterogenous group. Although census data is quickly out of date in a rapidly growing city, over the Iqaluit faces a number challenges to its image and de- last decade, Iqalummiut have become a more multicul- velopment as an Inuit capital. Thus neighbourhoods in tural group, with at least 22% moving from other prov- Iqaluit have contrasting qualities while Iqaluit has a inces or territories (Statistics Canada, 2006). A small contrasting identity compared to other places (see also but growing and visible number are new Canadians Kishigami, 2006). Iqaluit has been challenged as a (Sudanese, Somalis. At only 1% in the census, this ap- meaningful site for Inuit dwelling, rather than purely a pears to have doubled since 2006, while non-Aboriginal governmental place (Weber, 2013) or strategic location visible minorities have also grown from just over 4% of (Loukacheva, 2007; Weber & Shields, 2010). Iqaluit, Iqaluit’s population in 2006 (Statistics Canada 2006b)). Nunavut has experienced rapid growth in the last dec- As a transportation hub, air links correlate with the ade as the capital city of Nunavut. Despite administra- significant populations from Quebec (10% in 2006) tive decentralization, Iqaluit has become a destination and Newfoundland (a new and visible group almost at least for a period for Nunavut residents (majority absent in the 2006 census returns). Iqaluit offers an in- Inuit) seeking education, administrative jobs, experi- timation of how northern populations are change and ence and employment in mining developments on Baf- how diversity will play a key role in forging the future fin Island. Iqaluit stands out – it is much larger than of the Canadian Arctic, within the Inuit-centred con- any other settlement in Nunavut. text of the land claim and legislation establishing Nu- Iqaluit originated as the USAF’s “Crystal Two” air- navut (85% Inuit in 2003). Further, in 2006 25% of the base in the 1940s and developed as a military outpost city’s population was under 14 years old meaning that with a small population of southern Baffin Inuit fami- they did not participate in the process of land claims lies encamped nearby (see Timeline). It has undergone negotiation. Notions of sovereignty and viewpoints dramatic social and political changes in its status, first on these governance structures vary between genera- as the settlement of Frobisher Bay and then as the capi- tions. The most significant new economic opportuni- tal of Nunavut under the name Iqaluit from 1987. Iqal- ties, mineral resource extraction and offshore fisheries, uit received official status as a city in 2001 and has since were hardly conceived of by many elders who negoti- emerged as Canada’s most rapidly growing municipal- ated the original claim (Pilot visit data 2008). Finding ity (pop. 7500+; see Fig. 1). From its beginnings as an themselves witnesses to, rather than owners or par- American airbase, it has been an amalgam of long- ticipants in economic development, raises questions of term and short-term residents and of Qalluunat, Inuit identity, dwelling, and of social and economic citizen- and other cultures. Inuit made up a steady 60% of the ship. As a capital, Iqaluit must be a cultural capital as population between 1996 and 2006 (Statistics Canada, well as a governmental capital. It has to become a place 2006) and include both long term and temporary Inuit where Inuit culture and identity can prosper and be ex- residents from across the North, meaning that multiple pressed. dialects are spoken and that Inuit residents are them-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 41

Figure 2. Iqaluit 1966 showing administrative boundaries (Courtesy: City of Iqaluit)

Iqaluit is also a key regulatory host for Arctic air and nomic networks of regulation and enterprise, and flows sea navigation (eg. Nordreg, which tracks shipping of human resources and capital (Gombay, 2009). Its throughout Canadian Arctic waters), for public safety emergent urban identity is hypothetically one novel ex- services, and a base for the extension of sovereignty pression of a socially- and economically-based form of through civil emergency and military exercises such as ‘cultural sovereignty’ - what political scientists have the annual Operation Nanook or its predecessors. appreciated as ‘popular’, ‘community’, or ‘local’ sover- These demonstrations respond to transnational pres- eignty. sures, which also include air safety, epidemiological The aerial photograph mosaics from 1966 and 2011 trends, and competing sovereignty claims in Baffin (see Fig. 2 and 4) provide an original glimpse into the Strait and on the extended continental shelf (Steinberg development of Iqaluit along roadways that have fol- & Shields, 2008). Iqaluit is atypical but still significant lowed dips and valleys that avoid major rock outcrops. because it is culturally and political-economically posi- Both multistory and detached prefabricated and wood tioned as a social and spatial capital within Nunavut, frame housing stands on pilings into the permafrost, Canada and the Arctic (see also Dybbroe, 2008). Iqal- avoiding construction in concrete, with local stone or uit is a nodal point at which legal strategies (on all on the bedrock outcrops (see Figure 3). By the date of sides) for the implementation of the Nunavut Land the last photos, Iqaluit was reaching the limits of its ca- Claim Agreement link to territorial governance and to pacity to pump water to further development, limiting on-the-ground practices of administrative actions, this pattern. everyday life and economic development activities of Drawing on sources such as the Qikiqtani Truth resource industries onshore and off. It is integrated Commission, we can summarizes Iqaluit’s growth as through neoliberal economies into global socioeco- Table 1.

42 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Figure 3 Iqaluit construction: driving pilings (the author)

Population and dwellings Iqaluit, City Total Percentage Change Nunavut Total 304 (50 near base, 14 Population in 1951 (Crystal Two) employed) 2006 6,184 29,474 2001 5,236 26,745

2001 to 2006 population change (%) 18.1 10.2

Total private dwellings 2,460 9,041 Aboriginal identity population in 2006 3,650 24,915 Non-aboriginal identify population in 2006 2,435 4,410

Table 1: The statistical summary is based on: Statistics Canada. 2006 Community Profi les. Census Subdivision Iqaluit. Ottawa: 2007. Available online at: www.statcan.ca (blank fi elds indicate where data is unavailable or unreliable) (Courtesy Qikiqtani Truth Commission – Iqaluit Pre-hearing community History 2008)

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 43 Iqaluit has grown rapidly with a current population of places where Qallunaat forms of power and knowledge between 6700 and 7500 depending on the number of dominate. (Searles 2010:158). temporary residents staying in Iqaluit with relatives to In similar work in the late 60s on Western Arctic access health care, attend school or obtain training. settlements (Inuvik, NWT), Honigman does not even 2010 figures give an official population count of 6185 in index politics or struggles over power in the commu- 2075 housing units with 7.8 % unemployment, and av- nity. Participation is directed to the churches, and in- erage income of $44885 Canadian, and 70.8 % subsist- strumental groups such as the day nursery. A Village ing on traditional hunting and fishing, as well as arts Council had only just come into being in 1967 (Honig- and craft making. Yet only about half of the population man & Honigman, 1970:91-2): is made up of Inuit Nunavummiut (northern residents) a disinclination to participate in public affairs is and the other half are southern metropolitan Qallu- consistent with the individualism and the anti-organ- naat, often on 2-year work contracts, and refugees izational attitude characteristic of a frontier culture (such as the highly visible Sudanese) or economic mi- and…people’s beliefs about their social role. …By no grants. This indicates the unreliability of population means do natives regard existing social conditions as statistics for Iqaluit. a matter of chance or fate. They know that somebody Coming from Pangnirtung, Iqlauit seems like a someplace regulates the social order …but to exert such little slice of Paris. With its movie theatre, busy bars influence requires more patience and effort than people and gourmet latte shops, it’s by far the most urbane are willing to put out. …it also requires more skill and place in Nunavut. Just about everyone seems to have confidence than most people feel they possess. …they a BackBerry. Brief-but-real traffic jams clog the city’s are embarrassed to get up and speak. They know that main street as people drive home for lunch in sudivi- their form of speaking English differs from the form sions built on the tundra… statistics show it’s become spoken by people coming from southern Canada.. Na- considerably “whiter.” But it’s also drawn countless tives possessthat that nonreceptivity and distrust of Inuit immigrants, who’ve moved in from more rural strangers which Gans… ascribes to working class peo- outposts to join this Arctic metropolis. With so many ple. Honigman & Honigman, 1970:92) newcomers, Iqaluit’s lingua franca has become English This is not just a problem of a lack in the cultural (Reaney 2009: 52) sense of place but in the economic realities of places. Iqaluit, however, has earned its poor esteem as a site Inuit experienced unemployment and lower wages identified as a place where Qallunaat ‘monopolize pow- than Qallunaat in towns, with Iqaluit being no excep- er and initiative (Honigman & Honigman, 1970:159), a tion (Hicks & White, 2000; Billson, 2001). Northern reputation that stemmed, racial economic stratification compounded the low directly from the government policy directed at esteem for urban living and the social pathologies of Inuit in the 1950s and 1960s. This policy, referred to settlement life including alcohol and drug addiction, as tutelage by some anthropologists (Paine, 1977), con- suicides, and communicable disease. Weber adds a centrated the social and economic power of the towns regional dimension: the poor image of Iqaluit is also in the hands of a few civil servants, most of whom had related to the differential experience of migrants from little to no experience living in the Arctic. Each set- other parts of the arctic and local families who are suc- tlement and town was run by a government-appointed cessful as ‘established insiders’ (forthcoming 2013). Northern Service Officer who became responsible for Iqaluit finds itself as a space of uneven development mentoring Inuit into the ‘‘proper’’ ways of getting an pulled in several directions (Harvey, 2005). Its direc- education, maintaining a house, and keeping a job. tion of development seems uncertain. Streets with The ultimate goal of tutelage was to enable Inuit to as- names such as The Road to Nowhere are ironic, but similate into mainstream Canadian society. The asym- hint at the sense of confusion southern-trained plan- metrical relations of power and privilege that existed ners face in developing an Arctic city (See Fig. 5). In in each community made casual and intimate relations all of these portraits, the image of Iqaluit is related and between the two groups awkward and strained (Searles compared to other places: other regions of rural camp 2010:158). life in general, Baffin Island and Nunavut and other … The near-total inversion of power and prestige centres beyond including Southern metropolitan plac- also fed the stereotype linking place to ethnicity, to es such as Ottawa. These other centres currently deter- the idea that the land is a place where Inuit tradition- mine the identity of Iqaluit as deficient. al knowledge and identity thrive while the towns are

44 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6

Figure 4 Iqaluit 2011 showing current and dotted 1966 administrative boundaries (Courtesy City of Iqaluit)

Searles concludes that ‘The possibility of an authentic Frobisher Bay is 900 urban Inuit identity continues, in many ways, to be 1970 - Frobisher Bay officially recognized as a Settle- frustrated by an unwillingness on the part of Inuit and ment Qallunaat alike to imagine the more densely populat- 1974 - Settlement of Frobisher Bay gains Village status ed, ethnically diverse towns’ (Searles 2010: 157). How- 1976 - Inuit present the Nunavut proposal to the Fed- ever, the problem is deeply rooted in social spatializa- eral government tion of Iqaluit as a genuinely Inuit and Arctic capital 1979 - First mayor elected that are partly shared and partly contested by these 1980 - Frobisher Bay designated as a Town groups. 1982 - Government of Canada agrees in principle to the creation of Nunavut 1987 - Frobisher Bay officially becomes Iqaluit, revert- Timeline: History of Iqaluit ing to its original Inuktitut name meaning “place of 1576 - Englishman Martin Frobisher sails into Frobish- many fish” er Bay believing he has found the route to China 1993 - The Nunavut Land Claims Agreement is signed 1861 - Charles Francis Hall, an American camps at the in Iqaluit Sylvia Grinnel River and explores the waters of Kojeese 1995 - Nunavut residents select Iqaluit as capital of the Inlet, which he names after his Inuit guide new territory 1979 - U.S. Air Force selects Iqaluit’s current location 1999 - Territory of Nunavut comes into being as the site of a major air base 2001 - Iqaluit given status as a City 1980 - The HBC moves its trading post from Ward Inlet to Apex 1955 - Frobisher Bay becomes the center for U.S. Cana- da Dew Line operations 1979 - US military move out of Iqaluit 1980 - First community council formed; population of

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 45 Harvey, D. (2005). The New Imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Hicks, J., & White, G. (2000). Nunavut: Inuit self-determination through a land claim and public government? In J. Dahl, J. Hicks & P. Jull (Eds.), Nunavut: Inuit Regain Control of Their Lands and Their Lives (Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs.

Honigman, J., & Honigman, I. (1970). Arctic Townsmen: Ethnic Backgrounds and Modernization. Ottawa: Canadian Research Centre for Anthropology, St. Paul University.

Kishigami, N. (2006). Inuit social networks in an urban setting. In P. Stern & L. Stevenson (Eds.), Critical Inuit Studies: An Anthology of Contemporary Arctic Ethnography (Lincoln Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press. 206-216.

Loukacheva, N. (2007). The Arctic Promise: Legal and Politi- cal Autonomy of Greenland and Nunavut. Toronto, Ontario: University of Toronto Press.

Rasing, W. (1999). Hunting for identity: Thoughts on the practice of hunting and its significance for Iglulingmiut identity. In J. G. Oosten & C. H. W. Remie (Eds.), Arctic identities: Continuity and change in Inuit and Saami societies (Leiden: Research School CNWS, School of Asian, African and Amer- indian Studies, Universiteit Leiden. Figure 5 Iqaluit Arctic sprawl: The Road to Nowhere 2008 Searles, E. (2010). Placing Identity: Town, Land, and Authen- (the author) ticity in Nunavut, Canada. Acta Borealia, 27(2), 151-166.

Shields, R. (1991). Places on the Margin: Alternative geogra- References phies of modernity. London: Routledge Chapman Hall.

Basso, K. (1996). Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Shields, R. (2006). Knowing Space. Theory, Culture & Soci- Language among the Western Apache. Albuquerque, New ety, 23(2-3), 147-149. Mexico: University of New Mexico Press. Statistics Canada. (2006). Selected trend data for Iqaluit (CY) Billson, J. M. (2001). Inuit Dreams, Inuit Realities: Shattering , 2006, 2001 and 1996 censuses.: http://www12.statcan.ca/ the Bonds of Dependency. American Review of Canadian english/census06/data/trends/Table_1.cfm?T=CSD&PRCOD Studies, 31(2), 283-299. E=62&GeoCode=04003&GEOLVL=CSD

Collignon, B. (2006). Knowing Places: The Inuinnait, Land- Steinberg, P., & Shields, R. (Eds.). (2008). What Is a City? scapes and the Environment, . Edmonton, Canada: CCI The Urban after Katrina. Atlanta GA: University of Geogia Press, University of Alberta. Press.

Dybbroe, S. (2008). Is the Arctic really urbanizing? Etudes Weber, B. (2013). The Politics of Development in Nunavut: Inuit Studies, 32(1), 13-32. Landclaims, Arctic Urbanization and Geopolitics. University of Alberta, Edmonton. Gombay, N. (2009). Sharing or commoditising? A discussion of some of the socio-economic implications of Nunavik’s Weber, B., & Shields, R. (2011). The virtual north: on the Hunter Support Program. Polar Record, 45(233), 119-132. boundaries of sovereignty. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 34(1), 103-120.

46 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 47 48 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 10. Un-Planning in Iqaluit, Nunavut

Kirt Ejesiak and Alain Fournier

Introduction of our team Un-planning in Iqaluit, General Kirt Ejesiak-M.P.A, C.A.S. is Partner and Alain Fourni- Context and Personal Encounters er-Architect, OAQ,OAA, FRAIC is Design Partner. They have been involved in the Arctic built environment for over 35 years. Panaq Design has its headquar- General Context ters in Iqaluit, Nunavut Canada. Before I give a very brief account of my first-hand en- PANAQ DESIGN was founded in 1997 by Kirt counters with un-planning in Iqaluit I think, that to be Kootoo Ejesiak, President, for the purpose of fostering fair, it is necessary to put planning in a more global active Inuit participation in the development of Nuna- context. One may cringe at our oversimplification, but vut. it is an effective way of getting the message across. We will look at planning for Arctic communities Canada does not have a tradition of strong, central- from the vantage point of hands-on professionals hav- ized, from the top down planning as it can be found ing contributed building designs to various communi- in Europe and elsewhere. The belief is that individu- ties, large and small. als’ rights be they private citizens or private developers will, at the end of the day, prevail over those of community rights. In Canada, the “anything goes” attitude to

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 49 development is alive and well. they need. In smaller, outlying towns like Iqaluit, this Larger Canadian cities try to contain this situation attitude is rampant. It is in this context that we must but with more than mitigated success. Private develop- judge Iqaluit’s successes and failures. ers and money seem to always get the zoning changes

Personal encounters with Iqaluit summer was working on an extension to the Frobisher Un-planning Developments Limited “high-rise complex”. At the time FDL was looming heavily on the Town’s develop- 1970, My first uneducated encounter with Iqaluit was ment, in fact they seemed to be the only act in Town. during its heyday as Frobisher Bay. My student job that I used more brawn that brains that summer to

50 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 help build the pool and the Hudson’s Bay store. The The 4 most prominent structures in town were the high-rise complex was a large, monolithic, linear de- High rise complex, the Federal building by the airport, velopment overlooking a hodge-podge of rag tag build- the Oil tanks along the cargo beach and the massive ings, match boxes, shoe boxes, shacks and tents. The mountain of rusting barrels. Prince Philip, on his visit High-rise complex was a smaller version of the “omni to Frobisher Bay, that summer, anointed Frobisher Bay building” approach that a number of private and gov- by calling it a “dump”. ernment planners alike favored at the time for the Ca- At least now, it was not just any other dump, it was nadian Arctic. a royal dump.

1982, My first educated look at Frobisher Bay, was as a work should not stop at a single building and in 1986 young, idealistic, professional architect bent on making we proposed to start exploring Planning and Urban Frobisher Bay a better place to live in. My colleagues Design for Arctic Communities. The time was not ripe and I went on to design a new Air Terminal Building, for such an endeavor. None of the governments showed the unabashedly yellow building that no longer needs any interest whatsoever. introduction. We felt that our

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 51 Mega project circa 1977 M. Safdie

Mega Building project 1958

52 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 1999, Nunavut is created; all hell breaks loose. The velops further. No one wants to take responsibility for hodge-podge feeling remains, only difference is that these. the shoe boxes have gotten bigger. Planning for the future: The need to develop Plan- From American Army Base to Frobisher Bay to Iqal- ning and Urban Design Criteria for Arctic Communi- uit: a series of half-hearted, misguided or non-existent ties efforts at planning: End result: Un-Planning. As an example of what developing Planning and Urban Design Criteria for Arctic Communities could mean, the following is the list of criteria that were sub- Kirt Ejesiak - former city council- mitted to the Central Mortgage and Housing Corpora- lor tion (CMHC) in Canada in 1986 as part of an applica- As a city council member and deputy mayor of Iqaluit tion for a research grant. The submittal was rejected. it was evident the developers were in control. It was a constant struggle to ensure they followed the city planning and bylaws we passed. It was only when we began fining developers for not following the rules the development community took notice and we were serious about sustainable planning principles. Looking recently at the discussions at the current city council I see the struggle continues- this after many years after my political stint with the municipal council.

FDL complex , nicknamed the ‘’ the high-rise’’-1972

“We’ve had so many 5 year plans in this town ... I don’t even know which 5 year plan I’m on.“ Sytukie Joamie at Iqaluit planning session.

Other examples of Un-Planning Iqaluit is in its 3rd temporary dump since the military closed down. Diesel generators for electricity being used beyond their useful life- 40 plus years. Remnants of toxic waste being discovered as city de-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 53 But as this conference clearly exemplifies, Arctic Ur- Diversity banization is no longer a matter of science-fiction or Within this range of toleration, a diversity of sensation neglect. There is a more than ever dire need for Arctic- and setting will give the inhabitant a choice of the en- relevant Town Planning tools. vironment he prefers, and correspond to his pleasure in At the time we proposed to use a list of criteria de- variety and change. Diversity is an important support veloped by the well-respected urban planner Kevin for human cognitive development, and indeed, for the Lynch as a preliminary conceptual framework that very maintenance of the perceptual and cognitive sys- would help sort and analyze information gathered in tem. Nuuk, Iqaluit, Puvirnituq and Ivujivik. Lynch’s criteria were developed to provide a direct Identity relationship between the viewer’s perception of his en- Places in the environment should not only be diverse, vironment and the quality and relevance of his envi- but have a clear perceptual identity:recognizable, ronment. These criteria would provide us with a basis memorable, vivid. A street should not look like all oth- for generating settlement design criteria that are spe- er streets. cific to the Arctic. These newly derived criteria would have served both as assessment tools and as means of Identifiable Parts communication with the residents when testing out the These identifiable parts should be so arranged that a relevance of the new criteria against Case Studies. normal observer can mentally relate them to one another, and understand their pattern in time and space.

Lynch’s 6 Perceptual Criteria10) are: Meaning The environment should be perceived as meaningful, Comfort that is, not only should its visible and identifiable parts Sensations should be within the range of comfort, and be related to each other in time and space, but they not interfere with the activities that people wish to should seemed to be related to other aspects of life: the pursue: not too hot, noisy, bright, cold, silent, loaded or natural site and its ecology, functional activity, social empty of information, too steep, dirty or clean. structure, economic and political patterns, human values and aspirations, even to individual idiosyncrasies and character.

Fostering The environment plays a role in fostering the intellec- 10) Principles and Practice of Urban Planning, chapter 9 City Design and tual, emotional and physical development of the indi- City Appearance Kevin Lynch, International City Managers’ Association, vidual, particularly in childhood, but also in later years. Washington DC 1968. Goodman, William 1 editor.

54 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 There is a serious need for a vision of Arctic com- the Arctic experience and meaningful to its culture munities, a vision that is holistic, comprehensive, fully and society. These tools are needed as much for the integrated and culturally sensitive. Only then, can rel- small to medium sized Hamlets as for Towns like Iqal- evant and sustainable Town Planning tools, be devel- uit. This conference should not just be a wake-up call, it oped. should also be a call to action.

Conclusions More than ever, there is an urgent need to develop Arc- tic-Relevant Urban Planning tools; tools derived from

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 55

Arctic Sprawl

Mural near Qikiqtani General Hospital, Iqaluit

56 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 11. Arctic Urban Development and Climate Change: Past, Present, and Future of Russian Urban Infrastruc- ture in Permafrost Regions

Nikolay I. Shiklomanov

Abstract than 75 % of urban structures in Russian permafrost regions were built according to the passive principle, Russia has been building urban settlements in the Far which promotes equilibrium between permafrost ther- North since the 16th century, a situation that is unique mal regime and foundations of the structures through in the history of all Arctic regions. Planned socio-eco- the foundation bearing capacity. Majority of Russian nomic development during the Soviet period promoted northern urban infrastructure consists of mass-pro- migration into the Arctic and work force consolidation duced standard design structures built in the 1960- in a few, sparsely-distributed urbanized settlements to 1970s and are not designed to withstand changes in support mineral resource extraction and transporta- permafrost conditions beyond the natural variability. tion industries. Despite the mass migration from the Permafrost warming observed in the Russian Arctic northern regions during the 1990s, followed by the col- can be responsible for significant decrease of founda- lapse of the Soviet Union and the diminishing govern- tions ability to support structures leading to deforma- ment support, the Russian Arctic population remains tions and even collapse of the buildings. The survey of predominantly urban. In five Russian Administrative structures in series of settlements across the Russian regions bordering the Arctic Ocean 66 to 82 % (de- Arctic showed that the percent of buildings with defor- pending on region) of the total population is living in mations increased significantly over the last decades Soviet-time urban communities. The political, eco- indicating both changes in climatic and economic con- nomic and demographic changes in the Russian Arctic ditions. This presentation briefly examines a history of over the last 30 years have co-insided with unprece- urban development in Russian permafrost regions and dented climatic changes, which negatively affect cen- provides a quantitative assessment of impacts of cli- trally-developed Arctic urban communities. More matic change on Russian Arctic urban communities.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 57 58 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 12. Environmental Impacts of Urbani- zation: Policy Implications for Local Warming in Nuuk, Greenland

Tony Reames

Introduction ice sheet and ice retreat in the Arctic Ocean. While both are very important topics and critical to a holistic Th e world is urbanizing. For the fi rst time in history, understanding of Greenland, it is equally important more people now live in urban areas than do in rural that researchers also examine the country’s urban cent- areas. By mid-century, the United Nations projects that ers. Recognizing that urbanization trends will contin- urban dwellers will account for more than 60% of the ue, the various social, economic and environmental global population. Th is trend is highly visible in Arctic impacts must be identifi ed in order to pursue more sus- nations, with nearly 70% of Arctic populations now re- tainable urban development. A clearer understanding siding in urban areas. In Greenland, the focus of this of the urban environment enhances urban planning, paper, 84% of the population now lives in urban cent- facilitates appropriate policymaking, and may prevent ers. In Nuuk, Greenland, the population has exploded occurrences with adverse consequences for human and over the last three decades, nearly doubling in size other ecological populations. from the late 1970s when the population was just over Th e eff ects of urbanization present a host of environ- 8,500 to a population today greater than 16,000 (See mental impacts. For example, urban land-use changes Figure 1 below). increase pollution. In a study measuring how urbanization impacts levels of nitrogen dioxide, Hansen, et al. (2001) found that levels of nitrogen dioxide were greater in Nuuk than in smaller, less populated cities in Greenland. Th e authors attributed the measured difference to Nuuk having greater urban activity, such as, more automobiles, greater demand for winter heating of buildings, and more industrialization. Th is paper evaluates another environmental impact of urbanization, increased localized urban warming known as the urban heat island (UHI) eff ect. Although only one aspect of the eff ects of urbanization on local climatological conditions, the urban heat Figure 1. Nuuk population growth trend increasing (1977- island eff ect is among the best expressions of human 2012) activity on the local environment (Hinkel, et al. 2003). Although multiple motivations may explain the migra- Recognized and studied for nearly two centuries, urban tion to urban centers (education, housing, healthcare, heat islands describe the eff ect that land development and economic opportunity), the eff ects of climate and other human activities have upon air temperatures change, particularly for small, remote Arctic commu- in and around a city. Urban warming as explained by nities, may inevitably force both voluntary and invol- Hinkel et al. (2003) is “a manifestation of the direct and untary, government-mandated relocations. However, indirect alteration of the energy budget in the urban research in Greenland continues to emphasize the tra- boundary layer.” Th e direct impact is typically seen in ditional Inuit way of life in the remote Arctic, and en- the transformation of fossil fuels for such activities as vironmental research focuses heavily on the Greenland generating heat for buildings and powering vehicles.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 59 Therefore, since human activities are concentrated the urban heat island. in urban areas, a net flux of heat into the atmosphere Additionally, the characteristics of urban cities in is often detectable in cities known as anthropogenic high-latitude regions are different. The populations are (caused or produced by humans) heat release (Hinkel, relatively small, and lack the density and tall skyscrap- et al. 2003). The indirect impacts include land use pat- ers typically associated with large cities. Construction terns and changes in surface geometry and morphol- materials in the Arctic often differ with wood and con- ogy. Impermeable surfaces, such as, buildings and pav- crete used over brick and steel. The release of building ing, possess different thermal and optically reflective heating energy into the atmosphere presents significant properties than does vegetation. Evapotranspiration implications and opportunities for construction design processes in plants cool areas; thus, urban vegetation and energy efficiency policies. deficits also result in higher temperatures. Buildings In urban areas underlain by permafrost, warming alter the reception of solar radiation and impact local may be problematic because it may reduce the load winds, also leading to temperature fluctuations (Bowl- bearing capacity of the “ice-cemented” permafrost. ing, Research, & Development, 1983; Magee, Curtis, & During the winter, warmer urban air temperatures Wendler, 1999). have the potential to accelerate snow cover ablation, UHI research has typically focused on tropical and and reduce the rate of heat loss from the ground, caus- mid-latitude cities for a variety of reasons, and results ing an increase in ground temperatures. Warming at have been applied to issues of urban pollution, energy the surface can also increase the thickness of the ac- conservation and heat-related heath problems. In the tive layer. An ice-rich, underlying permafrost, coupled United States, UHI research has also brought aware- with an increase of active-layer thickness can result in ness to environmental and climate justice issues affect- differential ground subsidence and have a detrimental ing the urban poor and disadvantaged communities. effect on buildings and infrastructure (Goldman, 2002; However, it is important to note that not all heat is- Hinkel et al., 2003; Nelson, Anisimov, & Shiklomanov, lands are created equal. There exist fundamental dif- 2001). Though not a major issue for Nuuk, as it located ferences between heat islands in high-latitude cities south of the Greenland permafrost boundary, this may and those in lower latitudes, mostly attributed to the have implications for Greenland’s fast-growing urban solar cycle and consequent impact on the urban energy centers to the north, such as, Sisimiut and Aasiaat. budget. The UHI in high-latitude cities, like those in the Arctic, has a strong seasonal component with maximum development and intensity in the winter, and a Site description and data weak or nonexistent expression during other seasons Nuuk (64° 10’ N, 51° 45’ W) is the capital of Greenland, (Benson, Bowling, & Weller, 1983; Hinkel et al., 2003). and is its largest city. As of January 2012, Nuuk had a Arctic winters are long and cold and there is a period population of 16,181. Unlike many other Greenland of near continuous darkness. These cold, dark winters towns and settlements, Nuuk has experience 89% provide a unique window where contributions, other growth since the late 1970s, from a population of 8,545 than anthropogenic, to the urban heat island are es- in 1977. The municipality has a total area of 105,000 sq. sentially eliminated (Hinkel et al., 2003; Magee et al., km, of which 19,000 sq. km is free of ice and 6,500 sq. 1999; Simmonds & Keay, 1997). Energy demands in the km is ocean. Situated on the southwest coast, the cli- winter are much higher than during the summer, and mate is heavily influenced by the rather warm West space heating is a major source of energy consumption. Greenland current and is thus relatively humid. The Energy used to heat buildings must ultimately escape mean annual precipitation is 752 mm. Nuuk is located into the atmospheree. Thus, winter months isolate the south of the Arctic Circle. The mean annual tempera- influence of anthropogenic heat loss as the short days ture (1977-2011) is -1.2°C, with a mean temperature of make solar influence practically negligible and latent -7.9°C in January and 7.2°C in July. Nuuk has experi- energy transfer is minimal because water remains in enced increased mean annual temperatures over the the solid state. Because solar radiative heating during last thirty years (See Figure 2). The winds experienced winter in high-latitude cities is so slight, the heat island in Nuuk are relatively high when compared to prevail- becomes particularly intense. The expected urban heat ing wind forces in Greenland. island intensity is further heightened by the frequent This study evaluates the temperature difference be- occurrence of strong surface inversions during the tween two sites in Nuuk, one located in the central city, winter (Magee et al., 1999; Wendler & Nicpon, 1975). and the other located north of the central city at the Surface temperature inversions trap heat and pollution Nuuk Airport to assess the impact of urbanization on near the surface, suggesting a further intensification of local warming. Meteorological data was acquired from

60 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Asiaq HOBO Test Station Number 500 (Asiaq Head- cal Organization Station Number 042540 (Nuuk Air- quarters at 64°10’11.5”N, 51°43’59.7”W, 39m) and from port at 64°11’35.52”N, 51°40’35.76”W, 87m) (see Figure the National Climatic Data Center’s Global Summary 3 for station locations). of the Day (GSOD) records for the World Meteorologi-

Figure 2. Nuuk mean annual temperature trend increasing (1977-2011)

Figure 3. Location of two weather stations in Nuuk

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 61 Methodology and results weather conditions. Th e urban heat island magnitude (UHIM) is typically defi ned as the diff erence in tem- Th e urban heat island is the temperature at a specifi c perature, ΔT between the urban (u) and rural (r) lo- location in a city subtracted from the temperature at cations, or ΔT . Th ese diff erences can be calculated that same location if the city had not been developed. u-r using hourly, daily, or monthly means to examine pat- Since this is impossible to measure, there are two sur- terns at diff erent temporal scales. Calculations can be rogate methods to assessing a heat island (Magee et al., done using individual representative stations (i and j), 1999). Th e fi rst approach is to approximate the magni- or spatially averaged measurements from a group of tude of the urban heat island by taking simultaneous stations representing (u and r) (Hinkel, et al. 2003). temperature reading diff erences between two loca- For this study the UHIM is calculated using monthly tions, one located within the urban area, and the other means (ΔTm, u-r) from individual stations (i and j), or in a nearby rural setting with similar geographic fea- Asiaq Station 500 and Nuuk Airport. Th e winter sea- tures. Th e second approach is to analyze trends in cli- son is considered January-March, as these are the cold- matological records, assessing the diff erences between est months of the year. Other seasons are as follows, an urban weather station and a nearby rural weather spring (April-June), summer (July-September), and fall station. (October-December). Figure 4 illustrates the monthly I examined temperatures and temperature diff er- mean temperatures for Nuuk, showing lower tempera- ences between Asiaq Station 500 (urban) and Nuuk tures during the winter and fall, and higher tempera- Airport (rural) for all days in 2011, independent of tures in spring and summer.

Figure 4. Nuuk Monthly Mean Temperatures

62 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Figure 5. Nuuk Monthly Urban Heat Island Magnitude

Figure 5 illustrates the magnitude of the urban heat is- followed closely by the fall (0.60°C warmer). During land for each month in 2011. Th e trend is somewhat the the summer months, anthropogenic heat pollution inverse of the monthly mean temperature, with a great- is minimal compared to the strength of solar radia- er UHI eff ect seen in fall and winter, and lower in tive warming, as well as minimal nocturnal heat loss, spring and summer. April 2011 exhibits the greatest thus we witness a small negative UHI eff ect. Negative UHI with the central city being 1.2°C warmer than the UHIM values, seen in other studies (Oke, 1987; Taesler, airport; however, only three days of temperature data 1991; Steinecke, 1999; Hinkel et al., 2003), indicate were collected for urban weather station and therefore what is known as an inverse heat island or cold island. this UHI explains the diff erence between the average of the last three days of April (April 28-30, 2011) at both Nuuk Nuuk °C ΔT = UHI locations. Urban Airport Th erefore, it is more appropriate for this study to as- Winter -6.96 -7.64 0.68 sess the UHI seasonally. Seasonal averages are given in Spring 1.04 0.62 0.42 Table 1 providing values describing the magnitude of Summer 5.97 6.04 -0.07 the general warming trend for three-month periods. Fall -4.10 -4.69 0.60 With the exception of summer, all seasons experience Annual -1.01 -1.42 0.41 an urban heat island eff ect, with the greatest urban heat island experienced in the winter (0.68°C warmer), Table 1. Seasonal Temperatures and UHI

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 63

Figure 6: Monthly UHIM related to monthly HDD (2011)

As a measurement designed to reflect the demand for Conclusion energy needed to heat a building, heating degree days (HDD) also illustrates winter severity. This is a measure This preliminary study offers a first look at the urban of the amount of energy needed to maintain building heat island effect in Greenland’s largest and fastest interiors at a comfortable level. Monthly HDD values grown city, Nuuk. Nuuk experienced a mean annual are calculated by accumulating daily HDD over the temperature increase of 1.6°C from 1973 to 2011, and a month. A base temperature of 18.5°C (65.3°F), was en- mean winter temperature increased 1.4°C from 1973 to tered into the site, www.degreedays.net for Nuuk to de- 2012. By comparing two stations in Nuuk, the urban termine HDD values. The HDD are a measure of how heat island effect was revealed. As expected, the winter much (in degrees), and for how long (in days), the out- season exhibits the strongest expression of urban side air temperature was below the base temperature, warming. During the winter of 2011, the urban center thus the need for heat. was 0.68°C warmer than the airport area north of town Figure 6 shows the relationship between average during the same period. For comparison, winter UHIM monthly UHIM and monthly HDD for the period Jan- from studies in other high-latitude cities ranged from uary to December 2011, based on reduced major axis 4.5°C in Fairbanks, Alaska (McGee et al., 1999) to 2.2°C (RMA) analysis (Hinkel et al. 2003). A strong positive in Barrow, Alaska (Hinkel et al., 2003). relation (R = 0.8) exists between heating need and the As time progresses, the study can be conducted us- magnitude of the UHI. The months with the highest ing strategically placed stations in Nuuk as sufficient UHI correlate with the highest number of HDDs. A data will exist to adequately assess trends. The instal- clear relationship exists between the need for and use lation of additional weather monitoring stations in and of heating buildings and increased warming in the ur- around Nuuk would be beneficial to gauging the true ban center of the city during the winter and fall. It is spatial variations in urban versus rural temperatures. also important to note the negative UHI values for the Additional data on energy consumption, especially the month June through August related to the lowest num- use of fossil fuels for heating, automobiles, and other ber of HDDs requiring less demand for heat. industrial uses, would allow for drawing additional correlations with increases and decrease in the UHI as

64 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 population and demand changes. Acknowledgements A complete understanding of the impact of urban This work was supported by the National Science Foun- development is beneficial for scientists and policymak- dation C-CHANGE (Climate Change, Humans, and ers alike. Scientists can use these studies to inform pol- Nature in the Global Environment) Integrative Gradu- icymakers. Policymakers can in turn develop policies ate Education and Research Training (IGERT) pro- that ensure the well-being of human and other ecologi- gram at the University of Kansas. I am also grateful for cal populations who share urban spaces. the help received from Mark Pernosky and other staff The lower UHIM in Nuuk could be contributed to members at Asiaq (Nuuk, Greenland). both Greenland’s and Nuuk’s open commitments to the environment, as evident from the information listed on their government websites. The Greenlandic government has taken steps that may influence the urban References heat island, particularly in the reduction of dependency on fossil fuels. In 1990 Greenland was 100 % depend- Benson, C., Bowling, S., & Weller, G. (1983). Urban climates ent on imported fossil fuels. With the introduction of in Alaska. Environments, 15(2), 23-26. waste incineration in the early 1990s, dependency on foreign oil decreased to 99 %. Further reduction was Bowling, S. A., Research, C. E. R. L. O. o., & Development. realized in 1993 with the opening of the Buksefjord hy- (1983). Meteorological Factors responsible for high CO levels droelectric power plant that provides the majority of in Alaskan cities: Environmental Research Laboratory, Office of Research and Development, US Environmental Protection the electric power for Nuuk. The dependence on oil was Agency. reduced to 91 %. The government has made a strong commitment to increasing the use of renewable energy. Goldman, E. (2002). Even in the high Arctic, nothing is per- Greenland’s energy company, Nukissiorfiit, actively manent. Science, 297(5586), 1493. promotes energy saving tips for customers on its web- Hansen, T. S., M. Kruse, et al. (2001). “Measurements of site. nitrogen dioxide in Greenland using The private sector has also come on board to meet the environmental challenges faced by Greenland, with Palmes diffusion tubes.” Journal of Environmental Monitoring development proposals that meet the economic, social 3(1): 139-145. and environmental needs of the country. For example, Hinkel, K. M., Nelson, F. E., Klene, A. E., & Bell, J. H. (2003). the demolition of Block P housing apartments will be The urban heat island in winter at Barrow, Alaska. Interna- replaced with the purported, eco-friendly Nuuk Center tional Journal of Climatology, 23(15), 1889-1905. masterplan. Academics and researchers are also join- Magee, N., Curtis, J., & Wendler, G. (1999). The urban heat ing in by conducting top-notch research and opening island effect at Fairbanks, Alaska. Theoretical and Applied research centers and labs, such as, Asiaq, Nuuk Basic Climatology, 64(1), 39-47. and the Greenland Institute of Natural Resources. Although many motivations exist for migration from Nelson, F. E., Anisimov, O. A., & Shiklomanov, N. I. (2001). rural areas to urban centers, climate change may force Subsidence risk from thawing permafrost. Nature, 410(6831), 889-890. voluntary or even government-mandated relocation. If small Greenland settlements become environmentally, Oke, TR. (1987). Boundary Layer Climates. 2nd edition. socially and economically nonviable, and people seek Methuen: New York, NY. an improved quality of life elsewhere, policymakers Simmonds, I., & Keay, K. (1997). Weekly cycle of mete- must consider the impact of urbanization on the en- orological variations in Melbourne and the role of pollution vironment. For example, Sisimiut is the second largest and anthropogenic heat release. Atmospheric environment, city and has experienced a near 50 % increase in popu- 31(11), 1589-1603. lation over the last three decades. Sisimiut may serve as another site to monitor the magnitude of urbanization, Steinecke K. (1999). Urban climatological studies in Rey- kjavik subarctic environment, Iceland. Atmospheric Environ- by establishing climate monitors in and around the city ment, 33: 4157-4162. to test the urban heat island effect. This information could facilitate government policies on energy efficien- Taesler R. (1991). The bioclimate in temperate and northern cy, housing construction, green infrastructure, urban cities. International Journal of Biometeorology, 35: 161-168 planning and more. Unlike Nuuk, Sisimiut is under- United Nations (2005), World urbanization prospects: The lain by permafrost, thus additional concerns surround 2005 revision, Dep. of Econ. and Social Affairs, Popul. Div., the impact of local warming as a result of urbanization.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 65 New York. [Available at http://www.un.org/esa/population/ publications/WUP2005/2005WUPHighlights_Exec_Sum.pdf]

Wendler, G., & Nicpon, P. (1975). Low-level temperature inversions in Fairbanks, central Alaska. Monthly Weather Review, 103, 34.

66 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 13. The Role of Winter/Ice Roads in Industry and Communities in Northern Alberta

Scott Stephenson

Introduction The Arctic and subpolar northern latitudes are among mafrost (Instanes et al., 2005). the infrastructure-scarcest regions in the world. Cold Where permanent transportation infrastructure winters, permafrost terrain, and remoteness from pop- is scarce, winter/ice roads (hereafter termed “winter ulation centers combine to significantly increase the roads”) provide a viable and often cost-effective alter- building cost and upkeep of physical infrastructure, native. Vehicular access in many areas of the North is such as roads, and implementing human infrastruc- restricted to winter, when frozen ground provides a ture, such as search and rescue operations (ACIA, workable driving surface. Winter roads are seasonal 2005). For example, per-capita transport and commu- roads constructed across frozen land and water surfac- nication costs are much higher in the Northwest Ter- es from various materials, including compacted snow, ritories (+36 %) and Nunavut (+160 %) compared with applied ice caps, and ice aggregates (Adam, 1978). In Canada as a whole (Statistics Canada, 2009 data). In Canada, winter roads are typically constructed by re- the eastern Arctic, the average density of paved roads moving snow from land or frozen water bodies and east of the Ural mountains is 13.9 km per 1000 km2, applying water in layers to promote a smooth driving compared with 194.8 km per 1000 km2 in European surface (Cardinal, 2011). Winter roads have been used Russia (Tarkhov, 2002). Due to high cost, transporta- to support exploratory oil drilling in Alaska since the tion infrastructure in northern countries has often early 1970s, beginning after historic Arctic transpor- taken the form of vast projects requiring considerable tation methods such as peat roads were found to have investment by federal governments, such as the Alaska significant long-term environmental effects (Guyer et Highway and the Trans-Siberian and BAM railways. al., 2005). Over 5400 km of winter roads connecting Where such routes exist, freight volumes may be lim- local communities and supplying mining operations ited due to congestion from heavy use (Dibb, 1972). have been mapped in Canada (Government of Canada, Navigable rivers may make possible freight transport 2007); 13 % of the population of the NWT rely entirely by barge, but their operation period is constrained by on winter roads for land-based transportation (Gov- season and their service area by geography. Warmer ernment of Canada NRTEE, 2009). Unlike all-weath- winters due to future climate change may make some er (permanent) roads, winter roads are not generally areas more suitable for road construction, but these intended as a long-term transportation solution and benefits must be weighed against the additional main- most have an expected tenure of 2 years (Table 1). tenance cost of built infrastructure over thawing per-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 67 Clearing Watercourse Class Tenure Seasonal Description Category Width Road Crossings (m) Fully graded, all season access, pre-determined Long-term 20+ All- running surface crossings Generally Up to Up to I Route is years weather widths, side slope (bridges, Primary 40m 10m ratios, flat bottom culverts, etc.) ditch widths and back slope ratios. Same as class I but with a lower design standard Long-term Primary, 10+ All- and tenure. crossings Secondary, Up to Up to II Route is years weather Generally built (bridges, and 30m 10m to handle a lower culverts, etc.) Tertiary traffic volume and number of users. Generally common winter Seasonal access roads crossings Generally which are used (i.e. snow/ice Secondary; 2-20 Dry or Up to Up to Route III consistently every fills). Some May also years Frozen 15m 8m will season. May also crossings be Primary be longer tenure may be routes. dry access routes longer term. (ungraded). A temporary road which results in equivalent or Route lesser amount of will be environmental almost Temporary All- disturbance entirely (snow/ice Up to 2 weather or to a Class V Generally Up to Up to existing IV fills, logfills, years Seasonal road. Examples: Tertiary 15m 6m access portable Access matting, drivable with bridges, etc.) wood fiber roads, very and other non- little conventional dry new cut ground access methods. Route will be almost Road constructed Temporary entirely only during frozen (snow/ice Up to 2 Generally Up to Up to existing V Frozen conditions and fills, logfills, years Tertiary 15m 6m access only for a duration portable with less than 2 years. bridges, etc.) very little new cut

Table 1: Road Classes (adapted from Alberta Energy and Natural Resources, 1989).

68 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Decisions of whether to build all-weather roads or win- case of Class IV or V roads (Table 1). Many winter ter roads are based on an extensive cost-benefit analysis roads are built to utilize cut lines cleared for seismic of expected returns from increased access to resources, surveys (Figure 3): cost of labor and construction materials, and where required, cost of environmental impact assessments. Whereas construction of all-weather roads (Figure 1) in Canada’s Northwest Territories may cost upwards of $1 million per kilometer, a heavy-freight winter road (Figure 2) may cost only $5000 per kilometer (Zaitsoff, 2011). In some cases, laws may favor construction of winter roads—the Bureau of Land Management requires that all oil and gas exploration activities in Alas- ka be conducted in winter to limit environmental impact (Guyer et al., 2005).

Figure 3: Winter road utilizing existing cut lines from seismic surveys (photo by author)

Some terrain features may increase costs further, such as muskeg, sloped terrain, and river crossings. Muskeg (bog terrain) is impassible when unfrozen and must be removed before permanent roads may be built. Areas like High Level have muskeg extending 60 meters below surface, making permanent road construction un- feasible. In muskeg, winter roads are often the only practical form of land transport available to anything Figure 1: All-weather road. (Photo by author) other than some specialized All Terrain Vehicles (Roll- heiser, 2011). Roads over sloped terrain typically break up faster than roads on flat terrain due to higher stress loads on sloped terrain from vehicles, which may have to use chains to avoid slippage (Kirschner, 2011). Fur- thermore, roads oriented in an east-west direction typically break up faster than north-south oriented roads due to greater sun exposure (Kirschner, 2011). While frozen water bodies may comprise part of a winter road route, flooding may occur at crossings over small rivers where ice extends to the river bottom causing a backup of flow (Kirschner, 2011). The most cost-efficient route maximizes use of existing disturbance while avoiding

Figure 2: Winter road. (Photo by author) areas of muskeg, high slope, and river crossings. Winter roads depend upon climatic suitability; i.e. whether an area will remain cold long enough to allow sufficient freezing of land and water surfaces. A sali- Suitability Factors for Winter Road ent question for transportation planners in northern Construction provinces is which areas are climatically suitable for The cost of constructing winter roads depends on nu- winter road construction at which times of the year. merous physical factors, including land cover, topogra- While sub-zero temperatures are typical in north- phy, hydrography, and climate. Forested terrain must ern Alberta in late fall and early spring, interannual be cleared of vegetation; thus, road builders will utilize variation in temperature and precipitation leads to existing routes when possible to minimize clearing uncertainty in the length of the winter road season. cost and ecosystem disturbance, particularly in the Analysis of climate model data may permit long-term

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 69 spatial and temporal projections of winter road vi- all-weather roads are present, their summer use is sub- ability (Stephenson et al., 2011). Previous studies have ject to weight limits that may restrict loads to as little as identified the rate of ice formation as the most criti- 30% of a typical winter load due to softer terrain sur- cal climatic factor (Instanes et al., 2005). Subzero tem- faces (Rollheiser, 2011). For this reason, winter roads peratures are required to maintain ground strength are often necessary for transport of heavy equipment and ice thickness; low temperatures must persist long that exceeds summer weight limits for all-weather enough to allow buildup of ice to a critical thickness roads. Winter roads are also used heavily by logging before vehicles may travel safely (Instanes et al., 2005). companies, such as DMI Forestry. Many extant winter A temperature of -10°C is required before application roads in the Peace River area are built and maintained of water layers may begin (Cardinal, 2011). Care must by logging and oil and gas companies. The public may be taken to allow each water layer to freeze completely make use of these roads to access public lands at the before additional layers are applied, to avoid unfrozen operating company’s discretion due to safety concerns water occlusions (Cardinal, 2011). A warming trend of (Rollheiser, 2011). Winter roads in northern Alberta positive-degree temperatures (“Chinook”) signals that tend to be shorter and greater in number than those roads may be used for approximately 7-10 days before used in the Northwest Territories, often taking the closure, during which time travel may be possible only form of small roads “branching” from larger all-weath- at night (Kirschner, 2011). er arteries (Kirschner, 2011). Fallen snow acts as an insulator, slowing the rate of In addition to industrial use, winter roads play a vi- ice growth. However, snow may also be packed to cre- tal role in supporting communities throughout Can- ate a base sufficient for vehicle travel (Adam, 1978), as ada’s northern provinces. In northern Alberta, winter is typically done in Russia where snow removal equip- roads are often the only land links to remote aboriginal ment is less common (Cardinal, 2011). Thus, snow may towns. Fort Chipewyan, for example, is linked by win- hinder or facilitate winter road construction depend- ter road (Figure 4) to Fort McMurray 280 km to the ing on construction method and equipment availabil- south, and to Fort Smith, NWT to the north. The Fort ity. Snow may be removed by blading to hasten ground McMurray-Fort Chipewyan winter road was built over freeze; thus, snow accumulation is not a major concern several years beginning in the 1980s and taken over by for developers with capital available for snow removal the Regional Municipality of Wood Buffalo in response equipment, but may negatively impact small commu- to citizen demand in 1997 (Kirschner, 2011). Its south- nities unable to maintain roads without government ernmost portion has undergone a continuous upgrade assistance. to a high-grade dirt road since 2000 to accommodate high traffic volume (Kirschner, 2011). Resupply of remote communities such as Fort Chipewyan occurs pri- Winter Road Usage in Northern marily when winter roads are open to vehicular traffic. Alberta When closed (Figure 5), winter roads are impassible Winter roads are a fundamental part of the resource by automobile (although some roads may remain open development sector in northern Alberta. The region is to all-terrain vehicles) and resupply may take place only home to the majority of the province’s energy develop- by air or river barge. However, because barge transport ment projects (primarily in-situ oil and gas drilling often requires dredging to remove sand bars, ecosys- and oil sands mining), comprising over 30% of provin- tem disturbance due to barge transport may be higher cial GDP in 2008 (Government of Alberta, 2011). Win- than that of winter roads. In addition to their role as ter roads are often the first road infrastructure built by supply routes, winter roads also serve as access routes oil and gas companies to support extraction, particu- for search and rescue teams and recreation-seekers in larly during the exploration phase when the economic backcountry areas. Where permanent roads exist, win- viability of a deposit may be unknown. Winter roads ter roads may serve as alternate routes in the event that are often replaced by all-weather gravel, dirt, or paved primary roadways become closed due to accidents or roads during the development phase to accommodate other disasters; one example is the winter road access- larger and/or more frequent vehicles; however, winter ing the Seal Lake area through the Métis settlement of roads may remain in place for the development phase if Peavine, which was recently upgraded to an all-weath- frequent traffic is not required (Rollheiser, 2011). Where er road (Rollheiser, 2011).

70 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 interannual variability in season length, as opening and closing dates have varied by 3-5 weeks in the past 20 years (Kirschner, 2011). Uncertainty in the predic- tion of opening dates can have negative consequences for supply chain coordination wherever winter roads are used. For this reason, industrial projects that use winter roads must be able to adapt quickly to changing weather conditions (Kirschner, 2011). Reduced winter road access has profoundly negative implications for numerous stakeholders. A shortened winter road season implies higher costs for those working in impacted areas. When winter roads fail due Figure 4: Southern entrance to Fort Chipewyan. (Photo by to insufficient ice formation, overland travel may be- author) come dangerous and even impossible, as drivers may become trapped in muskeg or fall through river or lake ice (Winnipeg Free Press, 2011). Unless located near a navigable waterway, communities reliant on winter roads face steep increases in the price of supplies and food resulting from expensive air delivery. High prices have induced residents of some remote communities to ignore warnings and drive in potentially dangerous conditions, even when road operators attempt to restrict usage to night travel only (Champagne, 2011). In especially warm years, the opening of the Fort Mc- Murray-Fort Chipewyan winter road was delayed until January, extending for months the period during which prices for basic supplies are high (Champagne, 2011). Similarly, roads may close early due to warm weather, as in 1996 when roads flooded and became impassible Figure 5: Closed winter road during spring thaw Winter Road in February (Champagne, 2011). (taken 4/2/11). (Photo by author) Shortened winter road operating seasons also por- tend higher costs for industry. Inland mining, energy Evidence has been growing that climate change is re- and timber interests face shorter time windows to ducing winter access by delaying opening or advancing transport necessary equipment, supplies and product, closing dates of winter road operation. The Tibbitt- rendering these industries increasingly uneconomic Contwoyto winter road, the Northwest Territories’ in areas where permanent infrastructure is scarce. Re- longest heavy haul ice road, is expected to lose 17% of cent study of mining operations in the Northwest Ter- its operating season from 2008-2020 (Hayley and ritories shows that failed ice roads may cause annual Proskin, 1998), while operating seasons on Alaska’s supply delivery losses of up to $84 million (Goldstein, North Slope have shortened from over 200 days to just 2011), indicating that reliance on winter roads carries over 100 days from 1970-2002 (Hinzman et al., 2005). significant economic risk. Continued mineral exploi- These empirical data are supported by climate models tation in remote areas may require investment in all- which project reduced winter road potential by mid- weather roads, as has taken place north of Baker Lake, century in all Arctic states (Stephenson et al., 2011), Nunavut, or a shift toward port facilities, as has been particularly in Canada and Russia, which currently proposed at Bathurst Inlet (Government of Canada have the densest network of winter roads and the larg- NRTEE, 2009). Airships present a third alternative to est area of winter road-suitable land. In northern Al- winter road transport (Dorminey, 2011). While this op- berta, it is unclear whether climate change to date has tion has considerable cost-saving potential compared had a measurable detrimental effect on winter road vi- with other aircraft, its utility has yet to be demonstrat- ability. Opening dates for the Fort McMurray-Fort ed on a large scale in northern industrial operations, Chipewyan winter road do not exhibit a clear long- and its practicality is limited as a mode of local com- term trend toward shorter seasons (Kirschner, 2011). munity access. However, road operators are concerned about increased

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 71 Conclusion County. Personal communication. This paper has provided a brief overview of winter Dibb, P. (1972). Siberia and the Pacific: A Study of Economic Development and Trade Prospects. New York, Praeger. roads as a critical seasonal transport infrastructure in northern Alberta. As permanent roads are scarce in Dorminey, B. (2011). Is there a future for airships? Scientific much of northern Canada, winter roads are often the American, May 3. only means of land transport of supplies to northern Goldstein, M. (2011). Cold hard cash: the economic impor- communities and industrial sites. Winter road con- tance of ice in the Arctic. Presented at the 7th International struction costs vary with land cover type, proximity to Congress of Arctic Social Sciences, Akureyri, Iceland, June existing cut lines, terrain slope, and climatic factors in- 22. cluding temperature and precipitation. However, win- Government of Alberta. (2011). Energy: Facts and Statistics. ter roads are nearly always more cost-effective than permanent roads for short-term operations. Because Government of Canada. (2007). National Road Network. winter roads require subzero temperatures, warmer Natural Resources Canada, Centre for Topographic Informa- tion. temperatures and higher precipitation projected by climate change threaten their seasonal life, leading to Government of Canada. NRTEE. (2009). True North: Adapt- shorter operating seasons. As a result, communities re- ing Infrastructure to Climate Change in Northern Canada. liant on winter roads are at risk for higher costs of liv- National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy. ing and lower mobility as operating seasons contract, Ottawa. while industrial operations in remote areas may be- Guyer S. and B. Keating. (2005). The impact of ice roads come increasingly uneconomic. and ice pads on tundra ecosystems, National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska. US Department of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management. Acknowledgements Hayley D., Proskin S. (2008). Managing the safety of ice This paper was prepared with the support of the North- covers used for transportation in an environment of climate ern Alberta Development Council, Northern Sunrise warming. 4th Canadian Conference on Geohazards, Laval County and the Regional Municipality of Wood Buf- University, Quebec. falo (NADC Grant 2011-21G). Sincere thanks to Dan Hinzman L.D., Bettez N.D., Bolton R., et al. (2005). Evidence Dibbelt, Dave Kirschner, Kris Rollheiser, and Steven and implications of recent climate change in northern Alaska Rowe (Northern Alberta Development Council); Stan and other Arctic regions. Climatic Change 72: 251-298. Champagne and Bob Miles (Northern Sunrise Coun- Instanes A. et al. (2005). Infrastructure: buildings, support ty); Ken Zaitsoff (Shell Canada); Michael Cardinal systems, and industrial facilities. In: Arctic Climate Impact As- (Lakeshore Enterprises); Rene Belland (University of sessment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Alberta); and Laurence Smith (University of Califor- nia, Los Angeles) for assistance in the production of Kirschner, D. (2011). Councilmember, Northern Alberta De- velopment Council. Personal communication. this manuscript. Rollheiser, K. (2011). Senior Development Officer, Northern Alberta Development Council. Personal communication.

References Statistics Canada. (2009). CANSIM, table 385-0003.

Stephenson S., Smith L.C., Agnew J.A. (2011). Divergent long-term trajectories of human access to the Arctic. Nature ACIA. (2005). Impacts of a Warming Arctic: Arctic Climate Im- Climate Change, 1: 156-160. pact Assessment. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. Tarkhov, S. (2002). Transportation: Land Resources of Rus- Adam, K. M. (1978). Building and operating winter roads in sia. Online dataset. Canada and Alaska. Environmental Studies, No. 4, Depart- ment of Indian and Northern Affairs. Ottawa. Winnipeg Free Press. (2011). RCMP rescue five men stranded on closed winter road. April 6. Alberta Energy and Natural Resources. (1989). Resource Road Planning Guidelines. ENR Technical Report No. T/25. Zaitsoff, K. (2011). Consultation Coordinator, Shell Canada. Alberta Energy and Natural Resources. Edmonton, Alberta. Personal communication.

Cardinal, M. (2011). Owner/President, Lakeshore Enterpris- es. Personal communication.

Champagne, S. (2011). Deputy Assessor, Northern Sunrise

72 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 14. Urbanization of the Alaskan Arctic: The Great Reversal?

Hal Salzman

Abstract these services, perhaps with the exception of spill re- sponders, are unlikely to draw on the local population The urbanization of the Alaskan Arctic may be some- but, instead, be staffed by outsiders, and largely mi- what different from that in other regions of the arctic. grants for the lower service jobs. Whereas other regions may be experiencing urban The population growth is thus different from urban- growth because of migration and fertility, because of a ization that results from the regional migration of rural movement for health, education, technology access, populations to urban centers. This urbanization will and other aspects of welfare and urban attractions, the be largely if not entirely “outsiders” from other urban Alaskan North Slope, by contrast, has been on a path of areas, and many will be transient populations (e.g., on population decline (or perhaps stable more recently) work rotation). The challenges are those of both physi- and has, at the same time, been able to develop its cal and social planning: how to develop infrastructure health, education, and social and physical infrastruc- in changing permafrost and restricted lands and how ture and generally maintain its traditional land and to expand settlements, with largely outsider and tran- marine uses. What promises to be the reversal of his- sient populations, in ways that do not undermine the torical trends of outmigration and rural settlements is social and cultural integrity of the communities. the greater period of open seas and the changes in ma- This paper is based on field work on the North Slope rine use. That is, it is the increase in commercial ma- of current trends and the socio-economic transforma- rine activity that is likely to lead to urbanization on the tions of those communities over the past decades, of North Slope. the proposed and likely changes in marine activity (off- Offshore oil production in the Beaufort and shore drilling, shipping lanes, other vessel traffic and Chukchi Seas and the opening of shipping lanes along support capabilities) and the challenges and opportu- the high-latitude western Alaskan coast may have pro- nities it will present for urbanizing settlements. It will found impact on the terrestrial settlements, leading to examine both the socio-economic and social/cultural urbanization in Barrow and perhaps other areas. To consequences. The key institutions in those communi- support marine activity, there are dramatic changes in ties, most notably the Native Corporations and some of land uses, from hosting bases for the Coast Guard, oil the other entities are discussed in terms of their poten- companies, and other military operations to expand- tial and their limitations in providing for community ing local services ranging from spill response teams to responses, preserving community integrity, and man- housing to all the other indirect and associated services agement of urbanization. such as housing, shopping, transportation, etc. Most of

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 73 74 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 15. Greenlandic urbanization and urban life – Decline or development?

Gitte Tróndheim

The discussions on how to define an Arctic city and af 1950) was intended to improve the health system, when one can talk about Arctic urbanization have been housing conditions and the education system, just as difficult for many Arctic researchers. The challenges the technical development of the country was neces- often arise because of efforts to compare Arctic cities sary to make possible the commercial conversion to and urban formations with large metropolises. industrialized fishing. Swedish anthropologist Ulf Hannerz writes about The urbanization that took place in the 1950s and the difficulties in defining the city: “To identify its 1960s is not unique to Greenland; other Arctic coun- boundaries, to define it in a way which is valid for all tries were subject to enormous social and cultural times and in all places, for small towns and megalopo- changes in the same period too. In that sense, urbani- lis, has turned out to be far from easy” (Hannerz 1980, zation is a relatively new phenomenon in the Arctic 59). area (Csonka and Schweitzer 2004, 63). Given that the But how is urbanization to be understood in the Arctic countries were colonized at different points in context of Greenland? time by different colonial powers means that urbani- Colonization, the introduction of Christianity and zation has followed historically specific trajectories. commercial capitalism have been contributing factors These trajectories have created differences in the urban to urbanization in Greenland, and cities clearly devel- situations and urbanization patterns in the respective oped in Greenland because they were in the interests of Arctic countries (Dybbroe 2007). the colonial power. The urbanization process has continued to this day. In the literature about Greenland, there are three pe- Policy continues to encourage the population to settle riods in which intense urbanization can be identified down in towns and cities, where the workplaces and in Greenlandic society: educational institutions are concentrated. In an article entitled ‘Is the Artic really urbaniz-  The 1800s; when demographic development was ing?’, anthropologist Susanne Dybbroe assesses, that comparable with Danish conditions. Greenlanders – in relation to the understanding of ur-  At the beginning of the twentieth century (1900-40); ban living in classic urban theory – fulfil the criteria when the shift in occupations from hunting to fishing established by the theories. As Greenlanders become triggered increased urbanization, ushering in city-like commercially specialized, they are included in a com- life. plex division of labour and come into interaction with  1950 to 1970; when the Danish state in collaboration many different people that they do not know before- with Greenlandic politicians carries out industrializa- hand. The individual subject to urban living conditions tion, modernization and population concentration. also has greater freedom to choose than those living in smaller, ‘traditional’ areas. Social relations, networks The first two periods of urbanizationcannot be of exchange and communication between members of characterized as urban formation in the modern sense; an urban society stretch in all directions, both with- however the establishment of colonial cities, new com- in and outside of one’s immediate place of residence. mercial opportunities, wage income and the increasing Moreover, Arctic urban living is also characterized by population concentration represent the first tendencies different cultures, and the dependency on modern in- toward urbanization in Greenland. formation technology (IT). This means that the urban In the third phase of urbanization,during the 1950s residents in Arctic countries live life as it is lived in oth- and 1960s, urbanization processes intensified in er cities around the world. Dybbroe writes that every- Greenland, with the implementation of modernization one living in Arctic countries is affected to some extent programs. The New Regulation of 1950 (Nyordningen by urbanity- Given that the Arctic is an integrated part

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 75 of the world marked by interaction with foreign ways Greenland have become alienated. During this period, of life this affects Arctic cultures, behavioural norms, the Greenlanders not only become alienated in relation language, food, music and fashion (Dybbroe 2008, 2). to the city and their housing, they also become alienat- Despite the fact that the first signs of urbanity can be ed from their family-based network (Nuttall 1992: 181). traced all the way back to nineteenth century Green- Increased alcohol consumption and the actual migra- land, Greenlandic literature is marked by many depiction away from traditional settlements are also mentions of the city as a negative place to be for Greenland- tioned as causes contributing to families being split up ers. The question is whether urban living should be during this period (Andreasen and Huctin 2007: 293). narrowly seen as representing decline, or are there – Anthropologist Bo Wagner Sørensen writes that despite the negative depictions of city life – tendencies the urban societies in Greenland have been associated pointing in the direction of development? with social problems and at the same time have been set against the smaller places, where life is described as safe, good and simple. Equally important, these smaller Urban living places are regarded as more ‘Greenlandic’, something – Decline or development? that reinforces – and is reinforced by – the notion that While urban development in the Arctic countries is not Greenlanders fare better in smaller communities than comparable with the big city life that sociology and an- in bigger towns and cities (Sørensen 2003c, 25-6). thropology have dealt with at length, the same anti- Anti-urban perspectives describe the city as a very urban tendencies are found in Greenland and the Arc- negative place for people to be. Despite shifting opin- tic (Inuit) countries in general. Arctic urban research ions in the urban field, this depiction has proven re- has had a particular focus on how Inuit have adapted to markably persistent (Rygaard 2006-07, 148-53). city living that is influenced by a colonial power. Ur- Urbanization in Greenland has undoubtedly been banization studies often become acculturation studies accompanied by a number of negative effects that have (Chance 1966; Honigman and Honigman 1965, 1970). had an impact on many families. Urbanization has also Arctic research has instead had a long series of tradi- had a positive impact on life in Greenland however. It tions for local community or town studies, marked by has provided new opportunities for many families in an emphasis on a traditional way of life. In relation to the form of better housing, health, education and not the Inuit, a move towards urbanity was regarded as the least, work. adaptation to a foreign environment. In the literature The respondents who were born and raised during on Inuit living in cities and towns, the focus has gener- this period, which is usually regarded as a violent pe- ally been on social changes and adaptation, the general riod of urbanization in Greenland (1960-70), tell of a objective being to investigate the conceptual pairing of childhood and youth with tight family ties: tradition vs. modernity, often revolving around social “The city wasn’t that big at the time – we were chil- problems (Dybbroe 2007). dren and kids – everyone greeted one another in a It is my impression that the urban family – and not friendly manner, even if people didn’t know one an- least the city dweller – in Greenland is perceived as other” (Woman born in the period 1943-47, NI). being divided and marked by poor social integration. The city is also where jobs are found, and the city – There is hardly anything new about assessing city resi- Nuuk in particular – offers many opportunities, which dents in this manner however. Already in the 1800s, is the reason why many people from the coast have many observers opined that the population of west- been drawn to the city: ern Greenland was well on the way towards material “I already moved to the city when I was young be- and spiritual decay: Inspector Heinrich Rink’s writ- cause there wasn’t too much to do in the settlement ings provide the impression that his contemporaries in where I was born. I lived with different relatives. I only western Greenland were in danger of ending up as the returned to the settlement for Christmas” (Man born unhappy victims of modernization (Marquardt 1992, in the period 1948-52, NI) 147). In the 1850s, the observers of the day note the “Many people from the coast are attracted to the city increasing misery of the population and provided nu- of Nuuk because the city has so many opportunities” merous explanations for it (Møller and Dybbroe 1981: (Public sector employee). These opportunities were re- 154). flected by one informant who reported how her life had In the literature about Greenland, the wave of ur- clearly improved when her family moved to a housing banization that struck Greenland in the 1950s and block in the 1970s, particularly because they no longer 1960s is often depicted as the reason why the people in had to fetch water and coal: “When I was a child, we were living in the old part

76 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 of town in a little house. We all lived together – my close to or together with. In traditional urban theory, father and mother and eight kids. Our house had not there is also a sense of the city as a cold, emotionally for- been renovated. Like the other houses, we had a coal- saken place, inhabited by lonely people with a minimal burning stove. In 1975 we moved to Narsarsuaq. Living sense of community. Nevertheless, my study demon- in block housing was very different – there was a laun- strates how emotions are pervasive among the families dromat, we had running water and it was a lot easier in town and that these emotions play an important role to heat. We often visited the other people living in the in terms of how the individual creates their social net- same block, including our Danish teacher – we visited work. But loneliness is found in the cities of Greenland him often” (Woman born in the period 1953-57, NI). just as it is found in any other society. One respondent, As indicated above, housing blocks in Greenland employed in the public sector and working with people are often described as a very bad place to live – a place in need, had this to say about Nuuk: where many live involuntarily against their will, alien- “Many people move to the city, even though they ated from their neighbours. But the female respondent can’t find housing. They’re counting on being able to – who has always lived in housing blocks – refers to live with family members – they might end up having moving from a house to block housing as a positive de- to move from place to place. Also when couples sepa- velopment in her life. Not only did she experience im- rate – the one part becomes homeless. There are a lot proved housing conditions, she also had new neighbors of lonely people here who have moved to Nuuk. Even who became a part of her social network. though there is a lot of housing and many families in Research in Greenlandic urbanity in recent years town, people become very lonely, shy and embarrassed has also shown how, despite the traditional pessimis- – they have to walk around town all day, not having tic and anti-urban perspective on towns and cities in anyone they can visit.” (Woman employed in the public Greenland, a positive shift in perspectives is occurring sector). (Rygaard 2004; Sørensen 2008). Wagner Sørensen ex- Obviously, new arrivals to town are not alone in explains this shift through the fact that Greenland, af- periencing loneliness, as it can affect everyone in socie- ter more than 20 years with home rule, can no longer ty. But very few are starting entirely from scratch when maintain the notion of cities and towns as alienating they move to, for example, Nuuk. Most people either and incompatible with the way of life in Greenland (Sø- have close family or relatives in the town as well as oth- rensen 2008, 131). ers from their hometown or settlement. According to classic sociological theory, the popula- The idea in urban theory about how the neighbourly tion in the town is so great, dense and diverse in terms feeling is minimal because people have not chosen to of lifestyle, work activity, culture and ethnicity that live together is not entirely correct. Rather, people liv- various communities become diluted. This diversity ing in cities also create close social networks with their leads to the primary ties with family, ritual and the neighbours. But the claim regarding a minimal sense immediate community being replaced with secondary of neighbourliness also exists in the towns and cities. contacts, a dynamic which leads to the undermining “We’re in touch with my mother’s cousin – she lives of communities in the city, replaced by conflicts and in the second door in this block – but we don’t have alienation (Vacher 2000, 4). any contact to our neighbours. Unless you count when As already mentioned, in Greenland there has been we’re angry at one another – they make so much noise a sense that urbanization threatens the family. How- and drink so much. And they play such loud music.” ever as my study has shown, the family has not lost its (Man born in the period 1948-52, NI). significance despite urbanization. But it is correct that This man, who moved into the block housing in secondary contacts have also become part of the indi- 1980, had no plans to move, however, as he was so fond vidual’s family social network: of the beautiful view. The block housing in the city “On the other hand, your colleagues become part of has a reputation that is often worse than the realities. your family. Work colleagues become part of your eve- Complaints regarding domestic disputes, noise and ryday life and they also become part of your network” beer bottles being thrown from balconies are expected (Woman born in the period 1953-57, NI). around here (Rygaard 2006, 160). Including colleagues in the family social network is Despite the very negative description of family life in not the same as saying that family ties have been di- the city, family remains very important for the people luted. In many ways, it would appear as though com- in the city. For many families in cities, very day life re- radely – or those with whom one is forced to spend volves around the immediate family, while socializing time together with and to whom one forms bonds – can with the wider community, including other families function just as well as a community as those one lives and relatives is often organized around holidays, birth-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 77 days, births and deaths. (Arctic Human Development Report). Akureyri: Stefansson City dwellers in Greenland have not merely been Arctic Institute. suppressed and passive members of society; they have, Dybbroe, Susanne, 2007. ‘Is the Arctic really urbanising?’, as Hannerz says, ‘coloured and formed their lives.’ The Etudes/Inuit/Studies, 2008, 32(1):13-32. Greenlandic families in cities have been able to adapt and mix ‘old’ and ‘new’ elements, because they are con- Hannerz, Ulf, 1980. Exploring the City. New York: Columbia University Press. stantly re-constructing their family life. Those living in towns and cities do not lose their family network, Honigmann, John J. and Irma Honigmann, 1965. Eskimo but—often—actively work at maintaining and renew- Townsmen. Canadian Research Centre for Anthropology. Ot- ing this network. tawa: University of Ottawa. Many people in Greenland and other societies need Honigmann, John J. and Irma Honigmann, 1970. Arctic and use the closeness and caring in their everyday life Townsmen: Ethnic Background and Modernization. Ottawa: that they find in various types of communities. Com- Canadian Research Centre, Saint Paul University. munities and social processes include the immediate and extended family because the family is not an iso- Marquardt, Ole, 1992. Socio-økonomiske tilstande i Vest- grønland på Rinks tid: Befolknings-koncentration i kolonibyer lated institution, but rather, dynamically connected to og dannelse af lokale ”Brædtmarkeder”. Grønlandsk kultur- the surrounding world. As a result, the family remains og samfunds Forskning 92. Ilisimatusarfik/Atuakkiorfik, Nuuk. an institution of significance to the individual, collec- Pp. 147-82. tive and Greenlandic society. It can also contribute to the understanding of Greenlandic society as a whole. Møller, B. Poul and Dybbroe, Susanne, 1981. Om betingel- Current urbanization in Greenland is different serne for Grønlands kolonisering [On the conditions for the colonization of Greenland], Institut for forhistorisk arkæologi, from what occurred in earlier periods in history on middelalder – arkæologi, etnografi og socialantropologi [De- one decisive point. The introduction of home rule and partment of prehistoric archaeology, middle ages – archeolo- Self-Government have meant that the Greenlanders gy, ethnography and social anthropology], Magisterkonferens themselves are making the decisions and actively par- speciale, Moesgård, Aarhus University. ticipating in the urbanization process that is unfold- ing today. Urbanization is part of the contemporary Petersen, Søvndahl. T., 1994. Superkvinden og den svage mand. Norden – kvinners paradis? [Superwoman and the lifestyle in Greenland, and it is no longer experienced weak man. The Nordic Region – paradise for women?]. Pp. as an alienating factor, as the younger Greenlanders in 136-42. particular are living a more individual life and defining themselves both locally and globally. Sørensen, Bo Wagner, Hans Lange and Hulda Zobel Holm (2003). Nuuk: Fremmedgørelse i storbyen? [Nuuk: alienation in the big city?] Tidsskriftet Grønland nr.1. Pp.25-40.

References Sørensen, Bo Wagner, 2005. Nuuk. Tidsskriftet Antropologi 48. Pp. 185-200.

Sørensen, Bo Wagner, 2008. Perceiving Landscapes in Andreasen, Ann and Huctin, Jean-Michel, 2007. Børn på Greenland. In: Nordic Landscapes: Region and Belonging on tynd is [Children on thin ice]. In: Børn og unge i Grønland – the Northern Edge of Europe. Michael Jone and Kenneth R. en antologi. Ed.: Wolfgang Kahlig and Nina Banerjee. MIPI Olwig (eds.). University of Minnesota Press. Pp. 106-38. (Videnscenter om børn og unge). Pp. 292-304. Vacher, Mark (1999). Byen og antropologien. Konferens- Csonka, Yvon and Peter Schweitzer, 2004. Societies and speciale. Afd. for Etnografi og Social Antropologi, Aarhus cultures: Change and persistence. Part II, Chapter 3. AHDR University Moesgård.

78 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 16. Urban Sámi and the City as a frame for the development of a new Sámi cultural form in Scandinavia

Paul Pedersen and Torill Nyseth

Introduction Being a Sámi in a Scandinavian context has not been in towns and urban areas. There are therefore reason to associated with settlement in cities despite of the fact believe that to live in a town has made a difference in that this has been the case for decades. As a conse- their identity and revise; that the town Sámi popula- quence of demographic and socio-economic processes tion has made a difference to the towns where they live, particularly after 1950, the urban Saámi population study or work. has increased in all the Scandinavian countries. Urban Is it possible to say anything about what the sami- Sámi societies have a whole range of particular charac- ness’ is in an urban context? When a Sámi identify teristics compared to the traditional Sámi society set- himself with the town where he lives, and recognize tled in the remote rural peripheries. Their composition this town as a sami town, what then is it that he un- is more heterogeneous compared to different Sámi sub- derstands as particular Sámi or Sámi artefacts in that cultures and they are to a high degree settler societies town? How does the Sámi practice their Sámi identity growing during the last generation with the modern in an urban context? In this context what importance city as materiel and social context. The urban Sámi so- does the formal and informal Sámi organisations play? cieties are therefore marked with characteristics that How is the Sámi identity and culture connected to ba- make them unique along several dimensions. Despite sic local institutions as primary school, kinder gardens, of that fact that 1/3 of the registered Sámi population is religious societies, higher education and universities located in towns the scientific knowledge of this seg- and other main cultural institutions? What is the im- ment of the Sámi nation is almost non-existent. Large portance of the new forms of official recognition of the saami urban populations in the three Scandinavian sami, for instance that some towns recently are being countries consists basically of a relatively young mi- promoted as Sámi towns? grant population with their cultural roots from else- The urban Sámi society in the larger cities repre- where. sents a particular concentration of most of the different Sámi sub cultures that exists. The emergence of a Sámi public sphere through different forms of organisation Research questions and institution building has therefore been formed To what degree is it possible to identify a certain urban within a multi-cultural Sámi environment. Larger cit- Sámi identity? 50 years ago it was not easy to be recog- ies function as research and knowledge centres. The nized as an urban citizen if you were a migrant and plurality of cultural arenas make them to important even less if you proclaimed a Sami identity. The Sámi meeting places for people and cultures both from the migrants didn’t always want to be identified as Sámi in third and the fourth world, which have created a multi- every context. It is possible to live as a guest in the town cultural environment. Parallel with this the density of and commute to other territories were one have ac- proclaimed urban Sámi has strongly increased in the quired roots, by origin or through own relationships. largest towns in all the Scandinavian countries. In this This is a main characteristic at least among the first context a new generation of native Sámi population has generation of urban Sámi. Many Sámi can however grown up, and this new generation now imprints their look backwards at least 40 to 50 years as citizens settled urban environment. Our main hypothesis is that this

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 79 structural characteristic creates new frames for Sámi and the many new cultures mixing up withimmigra- identity building and culture where diversity and dif- tion. The urban Sámi population represents only one ference in the promotion of Sámi identity is a central of many ethnic groups populating the city. In an urban characteristic. Our main focus is to describe and inter- context meetings are taking place not only between the pret this part of the urban culture. Sámi and Norwegians, but also between a number of other nationalities and ethnic groups. Theoretical approach The research project builds heavily on modern urban Methods and data theory. As a context the city is characterized by certain The data which this paper builds upon is based on four spatiality, a particular density and difference. To be- different sources; 1) Quantitative data on migration come an urban Sámi involves not only living in a new and urbanisation of the sami population, 2) qualitative cultural context but also a different space. The city is interviews, both individual and focus groups inter- not only different from the rural context, one city is views conducted in the three cities in 2011 and 2012. also different from another city, and is in a state of con- The principle of the “snowball” method has been used stant flux. The city is a dynamic spatial construction of to find informants. 3) Some form of participatory ob- social practices and materiality in continuous transfor- servation has also been conducted in formal and information (Østerberg 1978, Pløger 1997, Aspen 2005). As mal Sámi arenas both related to labour relations and context the city is characterized by a certain spatiality, leisure activities and cultural events. 4) A number of density and differentially (Massey 1999). City life is dif- secondary data, particularly policy documents and ference and plurality, resistance and conflicts. The city media presentations has also been analysed. has many faces, lifestyles, cultures and practices – for This paper is based on a case study of the three cit- instance as a consequence of being a meeting place be- ies Tromsø, Rovaniemi and Umeå, the northern capital tween the local and the global (Simonsen 2005). Mod- cities in Norway, Finland and Sweden with a popula- ern urban societies are characterized by identity not as tion between 60 – 120.000, including a considerable something stable and fixed, but rather something fluid and growing Sami population. All three cities host and loose that can be characterized by concepts like important institutions, such as state and regional ad- ”nomadism,” ”placepolygami” and ”ethnopolygami” ministrations, universities and other higher education. which focus on individuals in the city constructing a According to a strict definition of Arctic, these cities form of fluid identity that is in conditions of constant belong to the sub-arctic, but still: Tromsø is located at flux without fixed borders (Deleuze and Guattarie 69 degrees north, which is the same latitude as Illulisat, 1983, Beck 2000, 2006). The construction of urban Greenland. And Tromsø is now hosting the secretariat sami communities the last generation in many of the of the Arctic council, and has for a long period of time largest cities in the Nordic Countries represents not defined itself as an arctic city, based on its position in necessarily a contrast to this, but it is a question of to the polar history, in polar research, and no also as the what degree these processes are working in these three capital saami city outside Lappland. All three cities are cities. profiling their multiculturality, and they are recogniz- This is why the city is an interesting arena to study ing the saami as indigenous people with legitimate as a meeting place between cultures, in this context as a rights to services necessary to preserve their language meeting place between different forms of Sámi culture and culture. and Norwegian, swedish, and finish urban culture,

Tromsø Rovaniemi Umeå Population 70 000 60 000 120 000 State and regional administration centers x x x University and higher educational centers x x x Economic and cultural centers x x x Profiling multiculturality x x x Recognizing saami as indigousnes people x x x

Table 1. Main characteristics of the three cities

80 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 The urbanization of the Sámi During the last generation a profound change in the want to define themselves as sami. Parallell to these sami settlement pattern has occurred in the Scandina- events, processes of urbanization has been going on as vian countries. This is due to two parallel processes. a consequence of the restructuring of industries in all The first one has to do with the revitalization of sami parts of the northern Scandinavia (Pedersen and Moil- language and culture. The second is the urbanization anen, 2012). A recent study of the migration pattern of of the sami population. The revitalization is closely the most mobile age groups show that there exist what linked to the legal rights, the establishment of the sami we might call a North-Scandinavian mobility pattern. parliaments, and the construction of regional institu- The consequences have been a decisive regional cen- tions, particularly related to language and cultural tralization of the population to a number of larger fast policy fields and to media communication has result in growing cities such as Tromsø, Alta and Bodø in Nor- a considerable increase in the number of persons who way. Similar development is found in Umeå in Sweden

Figure 1. Residence of people 18-25 year in Northern Scandinavia. 2005

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 81 and in Rovaniemi in Finland. Approximately 20 % of tablishment of sami parliaments in the three countries. the class of young people between 18-25 year who lived Since this register is published at the municipal level in Northern Scandinavia in 2000 were 5 years later set- ever fourth year (in connection with the elections), we tled in larger urban centers in mid – and Southern part are able to study the strength in the sami revitalization of Scandinavia in all three countries. These figures also process and its possible regional variation. Our reason- include the sami population. The sami population can ing is this; If you choose to register for the sami elec- however not be separated in the statistics since public toral register, then you would like to become a full statistics do not register the citizens ethnic background member of the sami community. We interpret this act in Scandinavia. On a more indirect level we still can as a valuable, although strict indicator of the degree of grasp some of the main tendencies through the sami sami revitalization. Those who are ambivalent, and electoral register established in connection with the es- they are many, will be excluded.

Figure 2. Number of sami registered in the electorat register 1989-2009 and the gender balance in 2009

15000 14000 13000 12000 11000 10000 9000 8000 7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 0 1989 1993 1997 2001 2005 *2009 Menn 2009 Kvinner 2009

Source: Archive Sami Parliament.

If we measure the growth in the sami electoral register, A large and growing urban sami the sami revitalization has been strong throughout the period from 1990 and onwards, particularly in Norway. population In Norway the number of registered sami increased To illustrate the processes of urbanization we will look strongly and evenly all this 20-year period. If we more deeply into the Norwegian electorate. By the end compare the first register in 1989 with the last in 2009, of the II world war, the sami population lived basically the increase was from 5505 to 13886, or an increase of in Northern Norway and Trøndelag. Migration from 150 %. The revitalization process has had impact both periphery to central regions over several generations on man and woman to the same degree, even if men changed this picture. The restructuring of the primary still are the majority in the register (53 %). During industries, a more open labor market in central regions those 16 years since Sweden established this register, and mass education from mid 1980ies, also in the sami the increase here has been 45%, from 5390 in 1993 to districts, led to a strong migration towards towns and 7812 in 2009. The growth in Finland is approximately cities. A consequence of this has been a massive change as in Sweden, but has taken place over a longer period in the settlement pattern of the sami population. This of time. can also be measured through the geographic redistri-

82 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 bution of the registered sami. One of the most pro- cies by looking at the 10 rural and urban municipalities found tendencies the last 20-year period is the geo- with the largest population of registered sami. These 20 graphical redistribution of the registered sami from municipalities settled in sum approx. 9000 – or 2/3 of rural to urban districts. We will illustrate these tenden- the sami electoral.

Tabel 2. Number of registered sami i 2009, increase in percent after 1989 and gender

The 10 largest Regi-sterd Increase The ten largest Increase Registerd Urban sami sami in 1989-2009 sami rural munici- 1989-2009 (%) sami in 2009 municipalities 2009 (%) palities Tromsø 994 481 Guovdageaidnu 1557 35 Alta 943 461 Kárásjohka 1276 27 Oslo 623 302 Deatnu 859 48 Hammerfest 295 334 Porsángu 727 285 Vadsø 288 343 Gáivuotna 347 41 Narvik 167 318 Unjárga 377 130 Trondheim 147 444 Sør-Varanger 374 368 Rana 114 322 Tysfjord 262 249 Bodø 113 335 Lyngen 186 417 Harstad 105 556 Skånland 175 147

Source: Elecoral register in 1989 and 2009. Archive: Sami Parliament.

To sum up these tendencies: These questions cannot be answered simply by yes and no. To a certain extend this has to do with degrees.  There has been a strong growth in the urban sami population. In many of the cities, the saami electorat have increased 4 – 5 times. The ten largest urban sami Sámi living in the city municipalities settle approximately ¼ of all the regis- When asked about their own place identity, most of the tered sami. This is a new pattern in the history of the informants referred to other places than the city, basi- sami nation. cally in the sami core areas where they either had been  There has also been a strong growth in the coastal raised, or the birthplace of their parents, even if they sami population in Northern Norway despite of high themselves were born in the city. But some referred to out-migration. This is an effect of the saami revitaliza- the citysami, with a twist, and almost like a joke. The tion, as the process of norwegiansation was at its citysami were those who expressed themselves as sami strongest. in every setting. This distinction was made by themselves, and refer to at least two different forms of urban sami identities: Different discourses on Sámi iden-tity: Case studies in three 1. Sami living in the city: Cities To them, the city is not what mark their identity. It is only a place where you live at the present, your place In this section we will analyse our data focusing on identity is somewhere else: some of the consequences and possible implications of this development: “I do not identify directly with this city, because my sami roots are somewhere else. What`s sami in me, does not  Implications related to the cities themselves: they are come from Rovaniemi” (Rovaniemi). becoming more differentiated, and more important as centres also for profiling and expressions of Sámi issues “I have never hided my sami identity, that is what I am,  Implications for Sámi identity: do we see an urban and people from Karasjok is not concerned with being a Sámi identity emerging? sami, because its so natural, we do not need to promote

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 83 it (Tromsø, but born and raised in a sami core district). with a population of mixed ethnic origin, saami, kven and Norwegian. From 1960ies and onwards these areas “To me, Rovaniemi is just a temporary place to live… I has been considered as completely Norwegian (Ei- see myself as a sami living in a city.(Rovaniemi) dheim 1971). The coastal saami disappeared and be- “ I ceep a distance to the word citysami identity. What is came attached to the past. In some of these areas, for sami to me I do not relate to the city and the activities I instance Hammerfest, being a saami is still a private am involved with here. (Rovanemi) matter. To the young boy who were born and raised in the “I am against the concept citysami; I am a sami, period” interior where the majority is saami, the city represents (Rovaniemi). another form of freedom; a freedom to define his personal saami identity - not the form that was the norm “It is more difficult being a sami here than in the sami where he was born. This is in contrast to a recent study districts. Here you live a ordinary city life” (Rovaniemi) from Alta, a regional center in Finnmark. According to Olsen (2010): ”...this Saaminess in the interior has To the first person, Tromsø does not add anything to a dynamic that is absent in the Norwegian dominat- his sami identity, he is a sami living in the city. Many ed areas. Here it becomes conventionalised and rein- migrants to Rovaniemi express the hostility they feel to forces clear cut boundaries”. This may be true in more the sami in the town. Those who say they have become Norwegian cities further south, but according to our attached to the place then refer to the nature, either the informant, not in Tromsø. According to him, it is in river or the woods which make them feel at home. Easy the interior saaminess is represented in a conventional access to nature is important, for some to the extent way. This is perhaps also an example of the fluidity of that they have moved to the outskirt of the town to get ethnic categories; it can be modeled quite differently easier access to the nature. To them, segregating leisure according to the immediate context in which life un- activities in the nature as a particular activity that you folds (Olsen, 2010). have to organize is strange. “In…..we just find our self in the nature”, not like here, separated from everyday The idea of the City Saami also exists in Rovaniemi: life”. “I know two City Saami. They are very City Saami and they name themselves as City Saami, and organize ac- 2. City Saami. tivities for sami in the city. (Young, Rovaniemi) City Saami are those who live out their sami identity in the city, even if they were born elsewhere. Lets listen to “ what sami is to me I do not relate to the city and the two of them: activities I am involved with here (Young, Rovaniemi).

“In Tromsø I can be what type of sami I like, that I could For many in Rovaniemi, marking their sami identity is not do in Karasjok.” (man from a sami core area where a private business, not a public one. You take on your the sami is expressed all the time, but according to this sami outfit in private parties and in family gatherings, informant in a very conform way) not when you go the work, or to the shop. In Tromsø you see more of sami clothing and people wearing sami “In Tromsø I can live out my sami identity, that I could symbols more often, not the full dress, it could be a not do in Hammerfest.There being a sami was a privat scarf, an earring, and so on. issue, nothing you marked in public, here I espress my- In Rovaniemi, sami organisations have had a fight self as a sami in a quite different way” (woman from a against the way sami has been presented in the tour- coastal area where the sami issue had been oppressed ism industry, and in the museum were sami has been for a very long time and not and therefore people with put on display in very odd ways only in order to attract sami roots hide their sami identity). more visitors. There has also been a fight about dress- ing in graduation ceremonies in high school, where For these two the city represents freedom, for the wom- fake sami dress were used. This fight has been a success an from the coastal district, a freedom to express her- in the sense that such dresses are no more in use on self as a sami, which was not accepted where she was this occasion. born. In Tromsø there exist a sami public space that And then we find those who have even more com- legitimize being a sami in quite a different way than plex identities: where she was born. In the coastal areas in the north was also saami areas, or more precisely heterogeneous, “Yes, I am a citysami, but I am much more than that

84 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 (Tromsø) sami outfit in private parties and in family gatherings, not when you go the work, or to the shop. In Tromsø Everyday life in the city is first of all a Norwegian life if you see more of sami clothing and people wearing sami you do not have children in a saami kindergarden or in symbols more often, not the full costume though, it school, you might not speak saami all day. To be “more could be a scarf, an earring, and so on. than a saami” may also refer to a mixed identity. She These examples represent different understanding of does not define herself as a saami in her profession, what the city represents to their identity. Young people when she meets her Norwegian friends, or when she are to a much larger extent citysami, and to them, be- attends a social gathering that is not saami. She relates ing a sami is something obvious, nothing you question, her saami identity to those spaces which are defined as and therefore nothing that has to be demonstrated all saami. According to Olsen (2010:206): “As long as most the time. spheres of everyday life are considered to belong to a lo- Many of our informants have moved several times, cal Norwegian modern culture, few arenas are left to the not only from their place of birth to the city, but they values of attachment that can be defined as Saami”. And have lived many other places as well. They end up in for further; Additional belongings can be expressed inside instance Tromsø because, as one of them said: “Tromsø certain spaces in standardized forms or in private is the only north-norwegian city that is both urban and spheres that do not hamper the flow of everyday life (Op. at the same time a place where it is possible to live a full cit:204). The citation may also be an indication of the sami life.” fact that flagging a saami identity in a Norwegian majority culture often is regarded as a political statement, a result of an ethno-political struggle were particular Discussion ethnic symbols are promoted. The urban communities seem to have several similari- We also find quite clear differences between genera- ties in the three countries when we look at how the tions related to question about identity. An informant Sámi express their identity. The urban Sámi popula- from Rovaniemi (born 1963) says: tions can be distinguished from the Sámi population in the traditional areas through their density and their “The young does not carry the older generations burden, diversity, as they not only consists of Sámi from one they have not met all the prejudges against the saami, .. area, but the whole variety of Sámi will be present (In they seem to have more confidence. Those who are ten Norway: Nordtsami, Coastal saami, and Markasaami, years younger than me, marking their saami identity in Sweden Lulesami, PiteSaami, South Sami and a large more explicit, they use jewelry and sami clothing, to and diverse group of sami origin from the coastal dis- them this is not associated with shame, and they are tricts, in Finland: “Inarisami”, “Skoltesami”, “Skog- more educated, they speak the language better, and they finn”). The urban Sámi population represents both the make claims for more services, and they take a phd…..” cultural heterogeneity and variety in meanings related to the past, the present and the future about contested For some in this generation their saami identity was issues in the Sámi society (Paine 2002, Pedersen og clearly defined, and not questioned. For others, this Høgmo 2004, Valkonen 1998, Lindgren 2006). was never so obvious, on the contrary, the road to a The urbanization of the Sami population represents saami identity has been a long and jumpy journey: for the sami as for all other migrants who moves to the city, new opportunities related to education and career “ its been a turbulent journey. I was 30 when I under- opportunities. The city also represent another arena for stood that I was of saami descent, but my own process of revitalizing or redefining Sámi identity. In Tromsø we recognition myself as saami, has taken much longer. I for instance will find a number of sami activists, re- have had many doubts if I had that competence. Unfor- searchers, cultural wokers, people with higher educa- tunately it was other saami who questioned my saami tion and who represents the modern sami middle class. identity more than the swedes.” (elder, Umeå) Among those who define themselves as Sámi in “I have never hided my sami identity, that is what I am, Tromsø today, the majority is first generation inhabit- and people from Kautokeino is not concerned with being ants, particularly the age group 40 +. They still main- a sami, because its so natural, we do not need to promote tain their relationships to their origin, where from they it (Tromsø) also have their ethnic signifiers. Their everyday life is however in the city. Here they have their house, their For many in Rovaniemi, marking their sami identity is career and friends, and they have become assimilated a private business, not a public one. You take on your to the Norwegian culture. They define themselves as

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 85 Norwegians as well, and they live out their Sámi iden- Conclusion tity mostly in the private arena or when they visit their City Sámi or urban Sámi has not been adopted as a place of birth. The picture is more complex when we meaningful category by the majority of the informants. look at the second and third generation, particularly Only a few identifies themselves with this. A bit sur- those younger than 40. Some of these identify them- prisingly is that most Sámi city dwellers where more selves as some form of city Sami, which is underde- attached to the districts where they had their Sámi veloped as a category, but still gives meaning as other roots, even if they were born and grew up in the city. Sámi categories does not fit in the urban context. They see themselves both as Sámi and Norwegians/ A number of new Sámi arenas has been established, Finns/Swedes – not only as Sámi. In that sense we could both in the public sector as well as in civil society and say that they are carriers of a hybrid identity. everyday life. In Tromsø for instance we will find a There are an emerging Sámi presence and also pro- Sámi football team, a civic association of parents with motion of Sámi culture in the cities, more in Tromsø children taking Sámi classes in primary school, associ- and Umeå than in Rovaniemi. And there exist a Sámi ations organizing Sámi cultural feasts and celebrations, everyday life, particularly in Tromsø, related to institu- not only during the Sámi week, but also throughout the tions build up the last 30 years such as kinder gardens, year. There are also a Sámi Christian congregation so- primary school, university studies and research. In ad- ciety organizing Sámi services in church. dition cultural events and civic organizations contrib- The Sami nation has as a consequence of urbaniza- utes to an urban Sámi culture as well. tion been extended, more dispersed and also become Some of the questions that were raised by some of the more diverse, more so in Tromsø than in Rovaniemi informants in all three cities were the lack of discussion and Umeå. Saminess can be expressed in new ways, and interest in issues related to urban areas in the Sámi particularly in a city like Tromsø, where the Sámi is parliaments, for instance related to language educa- well integrated in many areas and at several levels. tion, particularly in schools, the building of cultural The urban setting accepts other forms of expression of arenas and meeting places in the cities etc. The political identity that would not have been accepted in for in- agenda in the Sámi parliaments have in all three coun- stance the Sámi core areas, where there are particular tries had its focus on issues related to land rights and and strict norms of what a Sámi is. In the city context fishing rights (mostly in Norway). Sámi rights to land one is mixed with others, not only Norwegians/Swedes/ and water resources are core questions in Scandinavia, Finns, but also new groups in immigrants and people but then as common rights in the rural areas. with another Sámi background than oneself. Tromsø Some processes has however started in Norway, re- is a multi-ethnic city, with more than 130 nationali- lated to the conflicts in Tromsø in 2011 about a deci- ties. The city reflects the whole picture of saminess, a sion to not become a Sami City a member of the Home Sámi pluralism that we cannot observe any other place. Land, the special districts that has adopted a policy We are dealing with a form of heterogeneity that is not to strengthen Sámi culture and language in the mu- present in the Sámi core areas. The urban Sámi com- nicipality. One of the arguments against was that this munity therefore is complex and multifaceted. May be policy was not attuned to an urban context with a Nor- it gives meaning to talk about the emergence of a new wegian majority population. As a consequence, nego- Sámi identity which has the city as main reference? tiations have started between the municipal leadership There are other studies from other countries with a and the Sámi parliament to find solutions that fits bet- much older urban indigenous population than in the ter to an urban municipality. The outcome of this we do Scandinavian countries that supports such a hypoth- not know at the moment. esis, for instance in Canada and in New Zealand (Kish- Through the growing presence of a modern Sámi igami:2002, Gover:2002). network of institutions, the urban Sámi society has be- The same cannot be said about Rovaniemi. Here the come more visible, and they play and important role Sámi situation is radically different. Here the Sámi is when Sámi identity is being marked through tradition- more invisible in the public. Numbers probably could al and new symbols. The urban Sámi culture can be be one explanations; the Sámi are fewer than in Trom- described through freedom, reflection and innovation sø. However, the political struggle for rights is quite dif- (Dankertsen, 2006). The rural Sámi community with ferent in Finland than in Norway. Also the local policy its strict forms of social control, for instance about how seems to illustrate a more hostile environment; Sámi you use your traditional costume, «kofta» is not pre- issues and services are few. Many informants talked sent in the larger cities. The modern city is a meeting about the hostility in the municipal administration to place between different Sámi identities and representa- Sámi claims.

86 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 tion of saminess. In these meetings there is no right or As to the question about a particular Sámi cultural wrong way to be a Sámi, and you are not exposed to form is emerging, the answer is Yes and No. We find at sanctions as in the rural community. The city creates least three different forms of urban Sámi identity. For a situation dominated by cultural diversity that gives some the city becomes an arena where it is possible to room for some form of freedom to construct your own live out ones Sámi identity, it represent a free space for identity. Meeting Sámi with another background than experimenting with identity. And for others, the city is yours might give room for reflection on owns identity only a please to live, not a place you become attached and how this might be accepted. The urban Sámi, par- in the same way as your homeplace. Some urban Sámi, ticularly those attending higher education will have to not many in numbers, but very important are the “am- reflect and legitimize their identity. New and innova- bassadors and entrepreneurs that have made a career tive forms of expression of identity might come out of out of their identity as Sámi, They are researchers, these interactions. In the urban cultural diversity it is public administrators, consultants, teachers, lawers perhaps necessary to experiment with new forms of so- etc who represent to for front in the battle for accept- cial interaction. There are experimentations going on, ance and policy, they have an international indigenous with the language, with dress codes and other forms network, attending international conferences, often in of signs that are unknown to the rural communities a north-scandiavian context. The Sámi urban identity where these young people origins from. are therefore heterogeneous and multiple, it is not one To wrap up this discussion, there are differences identity, identity is something plural, also for the in- between Tromsø, Rovaniemi and Umeå. Not all cities dividual over the lifetime. Sámi urban identity is dy- with a Sámi population have developed specific urban namic, flexible and also linked to ambiguity and some- Sámi communities (Lindgren 2007). Tromsø is the times contested. With Rosaldo we could say that the leading city, 15 years of active profiling the city as Sámi, cities represent “a cultural borderzone that is always in with a number of public services for its indigenous motion, not frozen for inspection. These zones are sites population. Umeå has just started. When it comes to for creative cultural production and areas for creative Rovaniemi, the public policy framework is less gener- identity processes that refuse to fit into neat entities, or ous particularly when it comes to financing Sámi lan- cultures, with clear-cut boundaries and claims of au- guage education in school. The institutions that have thenticity” (Rosaldo 1989:207-208) been established, the schools, the kinder gardens, the language policy in the administration, particularly in Tromsø, demonstrate their importance in the creation References of a living Sámi culture.The urban Sámi society in the larger cities represents a particular concentration of most of the different Sámi sub cultures that exists. This Andersen, S. S (1997): Casestudier og generalisering. Oslo: is a new aspect in Sámi history. Fagbokforlaget. The emergence of a Sámi public sphere through Andersen, S. S (2007): Kausalforklaringer i Case-studier. 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Translated by Ciaran new generation now imprints their urban environ- Cronin. Cambridge UK and Malden MA: Polity. ment. They claim the city as their own, particularly Bourdieu, P. (1986): Distinction. A Social Critique of the Judg- where they have reach a “critical mass” as in Tromsø, ment of Taste. London: Routledge. where they claim fundamental rights related to school, education, cultural and leisure activities. This has made Bjerkli, B. og P.Selle (2003): ”Samisk offentlighet og makt.” Bjerkli, B. og P. Selle (red.) Samer, makt og demokrati. Oslo: possible the establishment of institutions that was not Gyldendal Norsk Forlag A/S. there 20 years ago.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 87 Bjerkli, B. og P.Selle (2003): ”Sametinget – kjerneinstitus- Kishigami, N (2002): Urban inuit in Canada: A case from jonen innenfor den nye samiske offentligheten.” Bjerkli, B. og Montreal. Indigenous Affairs: Indigenous peoples in Urban P. Selle (red.) Samer, makt og demokrati. Oslo: Gyldendal Areas. 3-4/02. Norsk Forlag A/S. Lindgren A., R. (2000a): Helsingin saamelaiset ja oma kieli. Bjerkli, B. og P. Selle (2004): ”Den nye samiske offent- SKST 801. Helsinki: Suomalisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. ligheten.” Norsk statsvitenskapelig tidsskrift nr. 4 2004. Lindgren A., R. (2007) ”Det samiske språket i Helsingfors.” Bjerkli, B. (1997): ”Landskapets makt: Sted,ressursutnyttelse i Bull, T. Kusemenko, J. og M. Riessler (red.): Språk og og tilhørighet i en sjøsamisk bygd.” Antropologisk tidsskrift nr språkforhold i Sàmpi. Berliner Beiträge zur Skandinavistik. 2, Oslo, Universitetsforlaget. Nordeuropa-Institut der Humbolt-Universität. Berlin.

Dankertsen, A. (2006):”Du kan jo snakke Frogner-samisk…” Mannermaa, L. (2004): Saamelaisuus internetissä. Tutkimus Tradisjon og kulturell innovasjon blant samer i Oslo. Master- saamelaisen kulttuurin kommunikoimisesta tietoverkoissa avhandling i sosialantropologi, Universitetet i Oslo. vuonna 2003 [Samíness in the internet. A Study of communicating Samí culture in the internet in 2003]. Kulttuuriantropo- Eidheim, H. (1971): Aspects of Lappish Minoryity Situation. logian pro gradu –työ [Master’s thesis in cultural anthropol- Oslo, Universitetsfrlaget. ogy]. Oulu: Humanistinen tiedekunta,

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Erikson, J. og K. Karppi (2002): “Conclusion: Continuity and Mørkensstam, U. (2002): The power to define: “The saami in cahnge in state-Sami relations.” Erikson, J. og K. Karppi Swedish legislation.” Erikson, J. og K. Karppi (red.) Conflict (red.) Conflict and cooperation in the North. Umeå, Norrlands and cooperation in the North. Umeå: Norrlands Universitets- Universitetsforlag. forlag.

Erikson, J. og K. Karppi (2002): “Conclusion: Continuity and Nyseth, T. (2000): Moderne nærdemokrati. En komparativ cahnge in state-Sami relations.” Erikson, J. og K. Karppi studie av lokalutvalg i Norge og Danmark. Dr. gradsavhan- (red.) Conflict and cooperation in the North. Umeå, Norrlands dling. Universitetet i Tromsø. Universitetsforlag. Olsen, K. (2010): Identities, Ethnicities and Borderzones. Ex- Goffman, E. (1959): The Presentation of Self in Everyday amples from Finnmark, Northern Norway. Stamsund: Orkana Life. New York: Double Anchor Books. Akademisk

Goffman, E. (1963): Behavior in Public Places. Glencoe, Ill: Paine R. (2003) Identitetsfolket: Same-same. Om komplekse Free Press. identifikasjonsprosesser i samiske samfunn.” Bjerkli, B. og P. Selle (red.) Samer, makt og demokrati. Oslo: Gyldendal Gover, K. (2002): Urban Maori in Aotearoa, New Zealand. In- Norsk Forlag A/S. digenous Affairs: Indigenous peoples in Urban Areas. 3-4/02, p 60-60. Pedersen, P. (2005): 25 år med konjunktursvingninger og samfunnsendringer. Konjunkturbarometret for Nord-Norge. Hannerz, U. (1980): Exploring the City. Inquiries towards an Tromsø: Skriftserie utgitt av Sparebank1 Nord-Norge. Urban Anthropology. New York: Columbia University Press. Pedersen, P og A. Høgmo (2004): ”Krise, kamp og forsoning. Hassler, S., Sjølander, P og A.J. Erikson: (2004)”Construction Evaluering av samepolitiske tiltak i Kåfjord. Tromsø: Rapport, of a database on health and living conditions of the Swedish Norut Samfunnsforskning. Sami population.” Lantto P. and P. Sköld (Eds): Befolkning och bosetting i norr – Etnisitst, identitet och gränser i histo- Pedersen, P. og A. Høgmo (2006): ”Modernisering og revi- riens sken. Center for Sami Research, Umeå University. talisering i sjøsamiske områder.” Troms:. Rapport til Norges forskningsråd. Høgmo, A. (1986a):”Det tredje alternativ. Barns læring av identitetsforvaltning i samisk-norske samfunn preget av Pedersen, P and Moilingen, M.: identitetsskifte.” Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning: Oslo. Pløger J. (1997): ”På sporet av en byteori” Pløger, J. Og Høgmo, A. (1998): Fremmed i det norske hus. Oslo: Gylden- Aspen J. (red.) På sporet av byen. Spartacus forlag, Oslo. dal Akademiske. Sillanpää L. (2002):”Government responses to Saami self- Jernsletten, R. (2002): “The development of Saami elite in determination.” Erikson, J. og K. Karppi (red.) Conflict and Norden.” Erikson, J. og K. Karppi (red.) Conflict and oopera- cooperation in the North. Umeå: Norrlands Universitetsforlag. tion in the North. Umeå, Norrlands Universitetsforlag.

88 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Rosaldo, R. (1989): Culture and Truth. The remaking of Uusi-Rauva, Kati (1996)”Mä laitan lapintakin päälle ja ajelen Social analyses. Boston: Beacon Press. ratikassa”. Helsingin seudulla asuvien saamelaisten etnisyys ja saamelaisen perinteen ylläpito 1990-luvulla [”I’m wearing Simonsen, K (2005): Byens mange ansikter – konstruktion af my Samí dress and drive in a tram”. The ethnicity and the byen i praksis og fortælling. Roskilde. Roskilde Universitets- maintenance of Samí tradition among the Samí people living forlag. in Helsinki region.]. Kulttuuriantropologian pro gradu –työ [Master’s thesis in cultural anthropology]. Oulu: Humanistin- Huuhtanen; valikoinut ja esipuheen kirjoittanut Arto Noro. en tiedekunta, Oulun yliopisto [The Faculty of Humanities, Muuttumaton lisäpainos: 2. painos. Helsinki: Gaudeamus. University of Oulu]. Skogerbø, E. (2003): ”Medier og det samiske samfunn: Uusi-Rauva, Kati (2000) Citysaamelaisten etnisyys [The Sterotypier og identitetskonflikter.” Bjerkli, B. og P.Selle (red.) ethnicity of the city Samí people]. Julkaisussa [In]: Seurujärvi- Samer, makt og demokrati. Oslo: Gyldendal Norsk Forlag Kari, Irja (toim) (ed) Beaivvi mánát: saamelaisten juuret ja A/S. nykyaika [Beaivvi mánát: the roots and the present state of Thuen, T. (2002): “In search of space: Challenges in Saami the Samí people]. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura etnopolitics in Norway 1979-2000.” Erikson, J. og K. Karppi [The Society of Finnish Literature]. (red.) Conflict and cooperation in the North. Umeå: Norrlands Valkonen, Sari 1998: ”Että tämmönen saamelainen Universitetsforlag. minä olen. Saamelainen identtiteetti asuntolasukupolven Tuulentie, S. (2002) “National rejection of Saami claims in elämänkertojen valossa.” [I am such type of Sami. The Sami Finland.” Erikson, J. og K. Karppi (red.) Conflict and coopera- identity in the light of biographys form the dormitory generation in the North. Umeå: Norrlands Universitetsforlag. tion]. Master’s thesis. Tampere University.

Urry J. (2003): Global Complexity. Oxford: Polity. Østerberg, O. (1978): ”Georg Simmel. Storby og åndsliv.” I D. Østerberg (red.), Handling og samfunn. Oslo, Pax forlag.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 89 90 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 17. ‘Coming off Country’: The unthinkable process of Indigenous urbanisation from remote Australia

Andrew Taylor

Preface Introduction This paper is a summarised account of a plenary talk Yesterday I was stopped by a group of school students delivered at the First International Conference on Ur- in the Nuuk mall who were surveying people about banisation in the Arctic. The conference and days what is important to the future happiness of the Green- around it were a remarkable and stimulating intellec- landic population. The questions included whether tual experience, particularly given many of my aca- staying on the land is more important than evolving demic ‘idols’ were present. Equally pleasing was the into a modern economy and what urbanisation would presence of ministers of the Greenlandic Government mean for culture, traditional life and overall happiness. and the major of Iqaluit. All were open to discussing The parallels to my country are amazing because today the difficult (‘taboo’ as it became labelled during the I want to explore the tenuous and delicate issue of the course of the conference) issue of population move- changing settlement patterns of Indigenous people in ments towards large towns and away from small vil- the remote Northern Territory of Australia to propose lages where more traditional lives have been, and con- what this means for policy. The proposition behind my tinue to be, played out. talk is that Indigenous people in developed nations The intention of my talk, composed well before I around the globe, and including in the Arctic Circle, landed (after two failed attempts incorporating an un- have been ‘coming off country’ and will increasingly do expected trip 280 km north of the Arctic Circle) on so. Of course the big difference between our nations is Greenlandic soil, was to highlight similarities in the is- that nearly all Greenlanders are Indigenous while in sues and challenges facing Greenland and the Northern our country just 2 % of the population are Indigenous. Territory of Australia as both grapple with tumultuous Nevertheless, in the remote areas, which are the subject transitions in their Indigenous settlement demogra- of today’s talk, up to 90 % of the population at individ- phies and in the structure of their economies. Having ual settlements are Indigenous. now visited Greenland, the similarities are starker than At the same time there is reluctance amongst the I had ever imagined and are by no means limited to general society and policy makers to countenance the Indigenous issues. So strong are the resemblances I can phenomenon of urbanisation, even to the extent that now confidently employ my oft used (tongue-in-cheek there can be found elements of ‘anti-urbanisation’ in but nevertheless pertinent) catchcry that “Greenland the discourse, rhetoric, programs and policies of Indig- is the Northern Territory with snow” or (alternative- enous affairs. In my talk today I want to firstly discuss ly) that “The Northern Territory is Greenland with trends in the settlement dynamics of Indigenous peo- red dust”. My time in Greenland was life changing on ple of the Northern Territory of Australia and then pre- many levels both professionally and personally and I sent you with four key drivers which may already, but wish to thank my hosts Klaus Georg Hansen (and his are more likely to be in the future, driving higher rates wife and children) and Rasmus Ole Rasmussen (the of urbanisation for Indigenous people in the North- font of all knowledge!) who’s giving of time and intel- ern Territory than we see today. Finally, I will discuss lect made my visit so special. what this might mean in a more practical sense - for policy making and for the individuals whose lives are changed through the decision to migrate.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 91 An overview of Australia and the

Northern Territory But first a little bit about where I am from. Yes, it’s the big place with the kangaroos. To give you a sense of the scale of Australia, the UK fits into its land mass 59 times and Greenland fits in 2.5 times. To drive from the East Coast to West Coast can take around 6 days. Less than 0.1 per km2 Where I live in Darwin it takes 1 hour to fly to East Timor but over 4 hours to fly to Sydney. We have population of just 23 million and consequently a low population density of just 2.7 persons per sq. kilometre. Only your nation (Greenland), Norfolk Island, The Falkland Islands, Mongolia and Namibia have lower population densities. Outside of the heavily concentrated (by Australian standards) eastern coastal strip which only stretches inland 150km, density is at less than one person per square kilometre. We have five State’s and two Territories under our Federal system of Figure 1 – Population densities, Australia government, as represented by the border lines (Figure 1). I am from the Northern Territory of Australia which is the most sparsely settled jurisdiction. We have a population of just 230,000, one third of who are Indige- nous. Colloquially we call ourselves ‘Territorians’ and, yes, we are quite territorial. Australian Indigenous people number around 580,000 with a quarter of these living in remote and discrete Indigenous settlements – represented by the black dots in Figure 2. Actually, although this map doesn’t show it, at the national scale most Indigenous people in Australia live in the major cities, and increasingly so. In the Northern Territory things are different with about 30 % of the population identifying as Indig- enous and 70% of these currently living remotely. My talk today is focused on places represented by the black dots and the people that live in them. These are what are known as discrete Indigenous communities and you can see the concentration in remote NT. These are Figure 2 – Indigenous settlements, Australia some of the most distant, smallest and remote settlements in Australia. Demographically their populations are extremely young, at 23 years median age, with life Indigenous representations expectancies of around 62 years for men and 69 years for women, a gap of 14 years and 12 years respectively The original Australians living in remote parts of the in comparison to at-birth life expectancies for non-In- country are often portrayed and represented as the digenous people. ‘real’ indigenous people of the Nation (Figure 3). The perception is that most still maintain strong links with and between their ancestral lands and cultural practices. At Illulissat a few days ago a Danish person living in Nuuk told me “This is the real Greenland.” I asked her why and she said “Because there are sledge dogs, hunting and icebergs.” We are similar. The attachment of remote living Indigenous people in Australia to land is seen as inextricably related to their health and well-

92 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 being, with the notion of healthy communities requir- ries which are the means by which culture and lan- ing of people to living ‘on country’ (on their ancestral guage have been passed down through generations. lands). In addition, Australian Indigenous cultures are These sorts of images adorn almost every marketing portrayed as commodifiable on the basis of art, cultur- campaign by tourism organisations in Australia, and al practices like dances, ‘bush tucker’ and ancestral sto- especially in the Northern Territory.

Figure 3 – Positive representations of Indigenous Australians

But of course there are counter images to the mytholo- the prior map are those into which people were round- gised view portrayed in tourism marketing parapher- ed up and forced to settle by missionaries and others. nalia. Images like those in Figure 4 regularly appear in People were ‘overseen’ and put through a forced pro- the media as being indicative of the more everyday ex- grams of assimilation. Babies were extracted from their perience. I want to emphasise though that there are mothers in order to provide a lifetime of moral and great diversities in living conditions and levels of com- spiritual rectitude. So began the long history of pain munity harmony across communities. Nevertheless, and trauma. most of the communities we saw as the black dots on

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 93 Figure 4 – Other representations of Indigenous Territorians in the media

The ‘anti-urbanisation’ paradigm change people’s desires to stay ‘on country’’. Collectively these paradigms in support of little or We could spend the rest of the conference discussing no change to existing settlement patterns manifest in and debating why these images persist in the face of the construction of policy and government programs. decades of expenditure and policies to rectify things. The language behind these emphasises things like ‘real While the Nation is, on the one hand, disgraced by it, jobs’ and ‘mainstreaming’ with a view to making these on the other hand we find ourselves questioning why, places like any town in Australia. Demographers too when we have spent decades and billions of dollars try- tend to favour the status quo in terms of their projec- ing to fix things, there appears to have been little in the tions about future Indigenous settlement distributions. way of improvements in the majority of measures of Most projections, for example, have a zero net interstate socio-economic status and wellbeing. migration parameter setting in the modelling. In other This long and complicated history, which again var- words, they see migration to and from other States and ies widely between settlements, helps explain current Territories as having a zero net impact on Indigenous policy stances which overwhelmingly focus on bring- settlement patterns in remote areas into the future. ing about change in situ. The precept is that people’s A perfect example is the Northern Territory and lives can be changed by investing heavily into remote Australian Government’s Working Future policy which communities on the expectation that people will con- seeks to establish a hubs and spokes model for service tinue to live at these and that better outcomes can be delivery to Indigenous communities centred around 20 derived at these locations. Such policies and programs or so “growth towns”; some of which aren’t growing at were devised on the basis that remote communities all and the smallest of which has around 200 residents ARE the places where people do and will want to live (Figure 5). The idea is to have their levels of infrastruc- in future, that they ‘belong’ there for health and wellbe- ture and services equal to those of any other town in ing reasons, that economic opportunities exist, AND Australia with a population of similar size. Most agree that feedback loops from any developments in educa- that it is overt economic rationalism (note: while I tional attainments or labour force participation will not was in Greenland a new Northern Territory Govern-

94 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 ment was elected and they subsequently abandoned a tacit acknowledgement that it is just not feasible to the Working Future policy). Controversially the policy build houses, schools and roads at places occupied for ceases funding for new infrastructure at outstations, parts of the year by as little as two people.

Figure 5 – The Working Future policy of the (then) Northern Territory Government

The case for urbanisation term and residential) in changing remote populations is emphasised. Having provided the macro-view of how others might In essence, the 8 D’s of Remote Demography argues see the situation for remote living Indigenous Territo- that remote populations beyond the periphery are very rians I would like to present an alternative perspective, “D like” – dynamic, delicate, different, dependent, and held by myself and my colleagues. We have a different so on as you see in Figure 6. This applies not just to outlook on how populations behave in remote areas, their populations but also to the ways in which popu- including Indigenous populations. It’s based on what lations influence resource, labour and capital flows to we call the 8D’s of remote demography. It is founded on and from, as well as within remote jurisdictions. We the principle that most assumptions embedded in the propose that just small changes to such flows can man- analysis of population behaviours and change are pred- ifest in big demographic change in future years. For icated on demographic models which are difficult to example, the general consensus is that remote Indig- defend in their application to remote places. We argue enous communities are largely similar in their popula- that in remote Australia we find fundamentally differ- tion compositions and diversity is simple a reflection ent types of population systems which need to be un- of the extremes in population characteristics between derstood for effective policy to be forthcoming. Our Indigenous and other Territorians. We also emphasise theory about how remote places work brings together there is great diversity between Indigenous settlements what we have learnt from studies in the NT, as well as themselves. Figure 7 is an attempt at classifying such comparing ourselves with other remote places in your diversity based on census data. We see some are older jurisdictions. We call this theory “Beyond Periphery” and more mobile communities, some have a female and, not surprisingly, the role of migration (both short dominated workforce, and so on.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 95 grams and policies to keep people ‘on country’ there is a crowding-out of the voices of those who have and who will in the future vote with their feet to ‘come off country’. And the 8D’s tell us that it only takes minor redistributions for major changes to eventuate. For the rest of my talk today I want to provide some reasoning behind this proposition. As background it is important at this point to distinguish between mobility, which is a temporary absence from home, and migration; a choice to reside elsewhere on a long-term basis. The two are interrelated on many levels of course. The literature on Indigenous populations in remote areas of Australia focuses heavily on the former (mobility) but very little on the latter (migra- – The 8D’s of remote demography Figure 6 tion and its impacts). Mobility is seen as being driven by the need to visit friends and relatives, participate in cultural activities, access services and ‘do bad things’ like drinking alcohol (consequently, because alcohol is banned at most communities they are described as ‘dry’ communities). I find the lack of willingness to consider the role of migration in the future of Indig- enous settlements in the Northern Territory disturbing given ongoing investments into these. Demographers find it very hard to parametise and model population movements into and around remote settlements, and this makes our job of advising policy makers and others about the future very difficult. -In deed the residential migration of Indigenous people to and from remote areas of the Northern Territory is very much absent from the extant literature and research. Instead, the focus has been firmly on tempo- Figure 7 – Diversity across remote Indigenous communities rary mobility. Temporary mobility creates a constantly churning population and is posited as being centred on discrete communities and regional centres. It may For too long, indigenous peoples have been depicted occur across officious borders and may be unknown as static and unchanging communities. This mistake and unplanned in its spatial realms. Movements are has arisen from studies that treat indigenous people denoted as occurring regularly and featuring a return separately and as distinct from questions of the to these ‘home’ communities. Research on Indigenous “modern” world. migration invariably focuses on this sub-set of population movements and is depicted in similar ways to the It is time that this blind spot be corrected. diagram here.

(International Organisation for Migration, 2008)

What I am suggesting is that the 8Ds are good lenses through which we should re-consider established paradigms around Indigenous demographic futures, and in particular around the role that migration will play in changing these. I wasn’t clever enough to devise a suc- cinct statement to summarise what I mean by this so instead I stole this one you see here by the Internation- al Organisation for Migration which encapsulates my argument well. That is, in all our expenditure on pro-

96 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6

Source: AHURI (2004) The mobility of Aboriginal in remote and rural

I want to propose there are four key areas for re- You will notice that the search for jobs is not amongst conceptualising the role of residential migration in the themes. At the moment participation rates in bringing about the further urbanisation of remote the labour force for Indigenous people in the NT are Indigenous populations of the NT. These are: extremely low in both urban and remote areas. There is no evidence of employment helping to drive migration 1. Humans are human; to towns and cities and perhaps this is one area where we differ from the Arctic experience. 2. The influence of women;

3. The urbanisation enablers (especially education); and 1. Humans are human Figure 8 really does sum up and emphasise that things 4. Technology uptake. are not static in the remote parts of the Northern Terri- tory. We are fortunate that our most recent Census data has just become available a couple of weeks ago (we have one only every 5 years) and the latest data shows

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 97 that the long term trends observed for the past 30 years their share slightly. But the biggest story is the signifi- are continuing. Quite simply, a diminishing propor- cant reduction over time in people choosing to live in tion of remote living Indigenous Territorians are settlements of less than 200 residents. These include the choosing to live in remote settlements, in spite of con- outstations or homelands which are seen as archetypal tinued expenditure to encourage them to do so. in the relationship to land and country because these So looking first at the discrete communities them- were and are located on traditional lands, unlike most selves, I have put around 80 of these into clusters: small of the discrete communities which were established by (population between 200 and 500), medium (popula- colonial powers established. Likewise, the long term tion 500-999) and large (population 1,000 and over) set- trend is migration towards the urban centres of Dar- tlements. Large communities are continuing to trend win and Alice Springs, as well as towns, which are 6 upwards in terms of their overall share, medium are largely non-Indigenous service centres. fluctuating somewhat and small are actually increasing

45%

40%

35% Less than 200 Urban 30%

25%

Medium 20%

Large 15% Small 10% Towns 5%

0% 1981 1991 2001 2006 2011

Figure 8 – Long term trends in Indigenous settlement patterns in the NT (share of total Indigenous population by clusters of settlements)

In reality this chart could represent any population in mythologised views about remote living Indigenous any developed nation as they transition from an agrarian people which are entrenched in our national psyche to industrialised or globalised economy. The history of and indeed embedded in most research on Indigenous human settlement systems is reflective of these sorts of migration and mobility in the Australia context. trends and I argue that we should not expect Indigenous people to behave any differently over the long-term. It is human behaviour to progressively gather in larger sized 2. The influence of women settlements. Consequently, this chart does not support the proposition that attachments to land are and will Now we have examined the recent history of urbanisa- act as barriers to Indigenous Territorians behaving, in tion in the NT I want to talk about three other factors a migration sense, as other populations have behaved. which I believe will speed up its rates. The first is the The fundamental behaviour is a long standing history role of women in changing societies. Literature from of urbanisation. This distinction is itself delicate and amongst you here today speaks of the demographic ef- difficult because of the entrenched, romanticised and fects of women either being motivated by or driven to seek a life outside of their traditional communities.

98 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 This is particularly the case when there is emerging success in improving rates and levels of educational achievements, while another body of research documents the push factors including violence, disharmony and living conditions. During the 1990’s a bunch of researchers began to explore the causes and consequences of the substantial out migration of Indigenous women from small villages, Alaska, northern Europe and the Aboriginal nations in Canada. They first focused on regions where they could see the demographic ‘foot- print’ of these migration flows – a female deficit in the form of increased and relatively high sex ratios (or diminished or low proportions of women). Lawrence Hamilton and Carole Seyfrit labelled the phenomenon Figure 9 – Sex ratios, Indigenous communities (1981 to 2006). as “female flight”. Studies in the field point to these sorts of reasons for women choosing to migrate out of small remote Indig- 10% enous communities:

0%  Girls plan for an education future…“It’s [education] 0-4 5-9 75+ a girl thing” (Hamilton and Seyfrit – Alaska) 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74  Escaping violence at home communities (Petrov – -10% Canada)  Higher educational achievement > school (Alaska, Canada) -20%  Securing skilled jobs - men take intermittent blue collar work (Rasmussen, Greenland) -30%  Non-traditional activities are male focused (for example, in mining or skidoo riding) Figure 10 – Remote age cohorts minus In the NT urban (% difference). In essence, these are combination of pull factors, like the desire to obtain education or a career, and push factors such as escaping social dysfunction. It’s not hard to And if we examine the composition of the migrating imagine the downstream impacts of just a few women cohort who used to live in remote communities leaving small and remote communities. Young women, but now live in urban centres (Figure 11) we see if they do not return, take future births with them and overwhelmingly there is a female biased sex ratio in the therefore diminish opportunities for fertility to con- urbanising population. From age 45 years and up the tribute to population change and renewal at the source sex ratio for urbanising migrants is consistently below community. 80 (males per 100 females) and falls as low as 38 at ages Given this, I wanted to examine whether there is any 60-64. While I have found no conclusive evidence of evidence of female flight from remote Indigenous com- female flight taking hold in the NT to the extent it did munities in the NT. First let’s look at the left chart (Fig- in Alaska, sex ratios in large communities are clearly ure 9). Looking at sex ratios and age structures during falling. A continuation of this trend will bring about the past 25 years we see a rather dramatic decline in the the sorts of demographic footprints which were found proportion of females in the population in larger com- in other nations. munities, but, in contradiction to female flight in other nations, an increase in small communities of less than 500. The evidence here then is rather mixed. However, comparing the proportion of women in each age group between remote and urban NT we do see there is a deficit of women in remote compared to urban NT across all ages from 15 onwards. This is most pronounced from age 50 onwards (Figure 10).

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 99

Figure 11 – Sex ratios, remote to urban Indigenous migrants, 1981 to 2006

3. The urbanisation enablers (es- pleted the final two years of high school (Years 11 and 12) were female, while 70 % of those who had a post- pecially education) school qualification were female and, similarly, 70 % Moving now to the role of education in the urbanisa- of those who had graduated at post-school levels with tion process in the NT. Education is recognised glob- an advanced diploma level or above were female. On ally as a migration enabler. Quite simply the higher the the one hand these data might suggest that women will level of education you posses the more opportunities contribute to their remote communities through their are opened up. If you are living in a remote community educational achievements, but on the other hand, the such opportunities to obtain and apply education are female dominance in the attainment data might also limited. suggest we will see many of these migrate to urban ar- Figure 12 shows the ratio of Indigenous women to eas to apply their education in a career or to further it. men for those who have achieved certain levels of edu- These may or may not be pre-cursors to a more wide- cation in remote areas. For example, we see that 60% of spread phenomenon but are certainly ‘female flight all people living in remote NT in 2006 who had com- like’.

100 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 100% uptake in changing individual’s perceptions about Female 90% space and their desires in relation to where to live. Prior 80% Male to the last 5 years only satellite technology was availa- 70%

60% ble to access the Internet. This was slow and costly, and 50% consequently out of reach for most residents. All of the 40% literature on technology uptake (or the lack of it) by re- 30% mote Indigenous people was very pessimistic, citing a 20%

10% lack of literacy and numeracy as wells as the cost of ac- 0% cess as key reasons for continuing low rates of uptake Post-school Completed final two Graduated at into the future. But during the past five years the Aus- qualification holders years of high school advanced diploma or above tralian Government has rolled out broadband towers to even the most remote communities. This network, called Next G, provides very good coverage and data Figure 12 – Female bias in Indigenous educational achieve- transfer speeds in comparison to pre-existing technol- ments, 2006 ogies. Figure 13 shows the coverage of the Next G broadband network in and around several very remote 4. Technology adoption communities in a region called East Arnhem Land. The coverage is not only good in the communities but The fourth theme in relation to Indigenous urbanisa- also outside of them over a relatively large distance. tion in the NT is the role of technology

Figure 13 – Next G coverage in and around remote East Arnhem Communities.

Source: Modified by author from Telstra, 2010.

Note: Darker shading indicates Voice, Picture, TV, Video & mobile broadband coverage. Lighter shading indicates an antenna is required to access mobile broadband. The remainder are areas where only satellite phone or Internet is available.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 101 Early research by Dyson and Brady on impacts from 90% for young people. Even in communities where no the rollout of the network was situated in North Next G coverage is available the vast majority of people Queensland. They found that, despite warnings from still have mobile phones for travel away and for music the doomsayers about low levels of literacy and numer- and other functions. I found that young people were acy and the costs of mobile phones impeding progress, accessing Internet chat rooms daily from their phones almost 60% of people owned and regularly used a mo- but didn’t realise they were using the Internet per se. bile phone within three months of the switching on the They also help each other to compose SMS messages to Next G network. Rates were found to be much higher ensure the grammar and sentence structure is suitable for young people at around 80% to 90%. These equate when they compose a message in English. to the highest rates of uptake in the world. And right now all children are getting a wireless in- The Next G network has been now rolled out to ternet enabled laptop which is sturdy and dust proof many communities in the NT. From a situation of al- (Figure 14). All schools now have relatively reliable most no access to a reliable and affordable means of Internet access and this is being used by some teach- communicating with the outside world things have ers to reward students who attend and work hard. Re- rapidly changed. A year or so ago I was lucky enough cently the NT Government announced it would fund to escape the office and talk to people in a number of free SMS and music downloads for children who attend remote communities about what technologies they use school. There are now even dating web sites specifically in everyday life and how. It’s clear that mobile phones for Indigenous people – the one we see here is called are used by the vast majority on a daily basis from the ‘Black Match’. age of 8 or 9 up. Rates of everyday use are as high at

Figure 14 – Examples of technology use in remote Indigenous communities

102 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 cal pump-priming has demonstrated this. “ I don't believe there's a more momentous day In summary, it is my belief that the reluctance in than coming into East Arnhem Land and looking at policy circles to consider that settlement patterns could kids in a school that are punished because of their change is damaging to the prospects of those who do isolation being given an opportunity to get an eye transition from remote to urban areas. This is because on the world that certainly some of their forebears there are no policies or programs to help facilitate in- didn't, it is truly momentous.” dividuals transitioning. Consequently we see home-

Source: John Hartigan, CEO of the Fairfax company lessness and public angst about what is reported as the ‘drift’ of people to Darwin and Alice Springs. In fact, as our research with homeless people in Darwin last year

The point about this leapfrogging in technology adoption is that the currently young generation is now seeing and interacting with the global world. We must expect this to influence their behaviours in relation to a range of areas including where they desire to live in the future. Technology adoption shows that people can act to change the direction of their own life without intervention from outside, if the right baseline conditions are established. There were, for example, no courses on ‘how to use a mobile phone’ run at communities. Technology adoption also emphasises to individuals that certain things are only available found, up to a third of the primary homeless can be in other places: jobs, nightclubs, shops, a bigger considered as residents of Darwin. partnering pool, universities, holiday experiences and so the list goes on. The more people experience and I don’t have all the answers but I see the following learn about these things, the more they will want to as critical to addressing the paradox which the experience them. continuation of policies wedded to development in situ has created:

Summary 1. Developing information systems to inform and assist And so, can we really expect future generations to want people about how to successfully transition from a to remain ‘on country’ when the global world with all remote to urban lifestyle: Obviously housing is a its opportunities calls them? I discussed these things crucial issue but also things like work experience with the boss of the Canadian Department of Indian trials and the use of technology to deliver and Northern Affairs a couple of years ago. She found information on making the transition could be great parallels between the Northern Territory and explored. Canada’s experience in Indigenous Affairs, with the main difference being the earlier timing there. Canada 2. To cease to view ‘coming off country’ as an too was previously wedded to policy and programs abandonment of culture and lands and instead aimed at addressing disadvantage in situ by ‘closing the promote it as a means of cultural-renewal and re- gaps’. They have now abandoned that language all to- development: As an example, in one community I gether in recognition that it may do more harm than have visited there is only one person left alive who good by proposing that we (the industry of politicians, knows a special set of ceremonial dances and she is bureaucrats, academics and service providers), who very old so cannot teach them to young people. To work altruistically to improve things, simply condemn save that aspect of local culture the dances have been people to existing within an artificial non-economy, or recorded on digital media under her instructions as one commentator labelled them “outback ghettos”. for future generations to access and learn. Other than isolated pockets of activity there are no functioning economies ‘out there’, nor are there the means to generate them. Three decades of targeted fis- 3. Do not assume people want to or will always want to

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 103 live at communities: Programs such as the ‘Return 5. Research and monitor changing patterns of to Country’ scheme which financially assists urbanisation but also changing aspirations through people to go back to their home communities are the voices of youth: Represented in any statistic on embedded with this notion. In fact, our research migration are the lives of individuals. Too often this with homeless people in Darwin, for example, is forgotten. Individuals make complex decisions found that many people did not want to go back. based on a range of factors. Aspirational factors are Instead they considered themselves as residents of important and so is research which tracks changing Darwin, even though they were homeless. attitudes and aspirations in the face of modernity and rapid technology adoption. The current young 4. Place the issue in a broader context and learn from generation and the ones to follow will give the others: At the end of the day it will require a shift in clearest signals about what might happen and how policy paradigms to help enable people to transition society can organise around new aspirations. This from lives at communities to lives in larger centres is because they are technology savvy. If our efforts and interstate. There is much to be learnt from remain focused on the long-held assumptions that the sorts of cross-fertilisations of ideas which are people belong and want to be ‘out there’ we not only occurring through research collaborations and face the threat of misaligned policy settings but these should be encouraged at the policy maker also the danger of continuing to impose damaging level as well. Ultimately, a revisionist view of ‘where expectations on individuals. We deny their capacity Indigenous people belong’ which is encompassing and ability to seek out and obtain something new, of the trend to urbanisation will save governments to innovate and to progress, even though this is money and is more likely to deliver positive life what ‘we’ are demanding through policies which courses for migrants and their families, as well as focus on in situ progress. for those who choose to stay at communities.

Thank you for listening.

104 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 18. Your region – your choice

Maliina Abelsen

I would like to start by thanking the organisers for giv- sustainability in public finances. ing me the opportunity to make this speech at ”The First International Conference on Urbanisation in the Naalakkersuisut does not want to undermine the Arctic”. The Government of Greenland, Naalakkersu- welfare state by maintaining the status quo. This also isut, is particularly concerned with the problems re- goes for the settlement pattern. Some outlying districts sulting from the continued development in the urbani- may, for example, experience an overweight of elderly sation and the settlement pattern here in Greenland. In people. This will give rise to great challenges when it nearly all contexts of society, a discussion of the urban- comes to providing care of the elderly if the required isation process is relevant. professional labour force is not available in the outlying In the current parliamentary term, we have had district. In order to defend the basic elements of our a large number of aspects clarified that have a direct welfare, including not least the social safety net for the impact on how the urbanisation and the settlement weak groups in society and for the elderly, we must pattern will develop over the coming years. A couple constantly make sure by means of push and pull factors of commission surveys, official reports and analyses that the population has access to housing, health conducted by researchers have provided us with a good services, institutions and schools. basis for trying to be at the forefront of developments in terms of how the urbanisation and the constantly changing settlement pattern will affect the various sectors of our society and in terms of our possibilities of State of affairs today further developing our welfare state under these condi- The settlement pattern is changing rapidly. Like in the tions. rest of the world and not least in the rest of the Arctic, Urbanisation is an issue that has always been of great there is a significant migration from the outlying dis- interest to me personally. Among other things, I have tricts the towns year by year. With the rest of the world had the opportunity on behalf of the Self-Government we share the fact that people migrate to find a job and authorities to contribute to a report prepared by the because they want a better life with more opportuni- “UN’s Housing Rights Programme”. My contribution ties. Globally, everybody is challenged by urbanisation. consisted in a case study on Greenland in the report In fact the urbanisation has been going on for many “Urban Indigenous Peoples and Migration”. One of the decades here in Greenland. In the old days, people results of this work was precisely a recommendation to moved to the places with the best catch, and we have conduct intensive research on the subject “indigenous always had a great ability to adjust to new challenges in peoples and urbanisation”. Therefore I am pleased to order to survive. Otherwise we would not be here to- see so many competent researchers attending this con- day. ference on urbanisation here in my hometown today. In recent times – and by that I mean the period since the implementation of Home Rule – we have also seen massive urbanisation. Despite the fact that politically Push and pull factors and through business investments, politicians have demonstrated great willingness to support the villages. Naalakkersuisut is highly aware that both push and It is still unclear how large-scale projects within pull principles underlie our policy. The demographic energy-intensive industries and the oil and minerals development shows that in the coming decades, the sector will affect the settlement pattern. Existing set- number of elderly people will double whereas the tlements that are declining today will be able to regain group of people who are of working age will decrease. vitality and achieve growth if large-scale projects are This causes large challenges when it comes to creating implemented in the immediate vicinity of the settlement in question.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 105 The overall picture, however, clearly seems to be con- the small towns and the villages more frequently than tinuous urbanisation of one or several towns; such ur- the elderly and men constitute a special challenge. This banisation is expected to continue over the next dec- means that these settlements must not only struggle ades. with economic imbalance. Attracting families will also The urbanisation takes place mainly in Nuuk, but constitute a challenge. has also taken place in the largest towns in the other municipalities. All four towns are experiencing a population growth that exceeds the population growth in Consequences of urbanisation the rest of Greenland. The consequences of the urbanisation are of many dif- Urbanisation does not cover migration to the ma- ferent kinds. The development of infrastructure and jor towns only, but also locally from the small villages housing should take place where business and training to the larger town in the local area. A good example opportunities and consequently increased employment of this is the population growth in the largest town and higher income are available. At the same time, the in East Greenland, Tasiilaq. Following the migration increased strain on public finances, like in other coun- from the other settlements on the east coast to Tasiilaq, tries, also creates a need for increased centralisation of the population growth in this town, expressed as a per- institutions etc. in order to improve efficiency and thus centage, has been just as big as in the capital Nuuk in make sure that the level of costs can constantly be held recent years. in check. We need to acknowledge that the service level On the other hand, the growth rate in the major- is not – or cannot be – the same all across Greenland. ity of the other settlements is low and even negative. This is neither practically nor financially possible. This This also goes for the villages. Like in other countries, calls for a conscious, political discussion of the service the fact that young people and especially women leave level in medium-sized and small settlements.

106 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 One of the most important objectives of our policy is to for economic growth is typically most fertile. Both the generate increased economic growth. Without eco- average income and the educational level are higher in nomic growth, we will in the future not be able to fi- these towns than in the rest of the settlements. At the nance the welfare services which we want our society same time, the threshold for what types of commer- to be able to offer. cial activities are financially viable is higher where the However, we all know that economic growth in itself number of inhabitants is bigger. does not automatically and exclusively give us a good This does not mean that the solution simply is to un- life. Therefore it is important that we create the frame- critically try to make as many people as possible move works for inclusion of everybody in the educational to the biggest towns. The big towns in Greenland are system and on the labour market. At the same time we also facing large social problems and unemployment, will continue to focus on creating proper frameworks and we are spending a lot of resources on addressing for enhancing and developing cohesion with the fam- such problems. ily, neighbours and society in general. Moreover, the rapid change in the settlement pattern puts a large strain on the traditional occupations Solutions to the challenges and ways of living, on family conditions and on the Unfortunately, the discussion of the settlement pat- cultural values that constitute significant cohesion in tern easily ends up in one-sided and polarised points the Greenland society. Over the next years, many small of view rather than constructive and holistic consid- settlements are in danger of reaching a sustainability erations. Naalakkersuisut is therefore open to inspira- threshold where the population is reduced to an even tion and new input as to how we can solve our regional lower level where upholding even the most basic ser- problems. We realise that we do not have all the an- vices in the settlement becomes extremely expensive swers to the challenges facing us. We are therefore very per citizen. pleased that at this conference we will now be able to On the other hand, it is in the towns – and especially obtain new inspiration and knowledge of how these the towns experiencing growth today – that the ground challenges are addressed in other regions in the Arctic.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 107 We have only limited possibility of controlling the citizen engage actively in a dialogue on what Green- demographic development. Naalakkersuisut has basi- land and what the local areas should rely on for a liv- cally chosen to stick to the solidarity principle for so- ing in the future. In our coalition agreement, Naalak- ciety as a whole. The solidarity principle implies that kersuisut has therefore laid down the principles for the everybody is responsible for safeguarding a population regional development under the heading ”Your region group, for example a settlement, when a need arises. – your choice”. The solidarity principle manifests itself in the form We have far from finished this dialogue. It will be of services being widely financed by the public funds strengthened in continuation of the upcoming plan for via tax payments or through financing subsidies for a sustainable development towards 2025 which Naal- utilities etc. via the Budget. The solidarity principle akkersuisut will present in September. This plan is to also manifests itself in inter-municipal financial equal- result in a discussion of extensive and coherent reforms isation and via cross-subsidisation etc. through the in order to ensure both welfare and prosperity for the publicly owned utility companies. However, Naalak- future generations. kersuisut has instituted analyses to establish whether In the upcoming plan, Naalakkersuisut contem- this kind of equalisation and subsidisation is sufficient- plates, for example, increased investments in training ly effective. We have many examples showing that this and education, inclusive of creating the appropriate kind of solutions does not create a sufficiently dynamic framework that can ensure children and young people society and does not precisely enough target the social equal access to training and education qualifying them groups with the biggest need. for a job, no matter where they grew up. This calls for, But the solidarity principle also takes as its starting among other things, better exploitation of our human point that the individual citizen has rights and obliga- resources and increased use of ICT in the classroom in tions. Therefore it is not just a unilateral process where order to create good opportunities in even small places. society exercises solidarity without the population in On the other hand, we cannot rule out that a higher question contributing actively to the development at level of training and education will contribute further the same time. to accelerating the urbanisation process here in Green- It is very important for Naalakkersuisut that the land. Some will see this as a problem, some will see it individual citizen is involved in the decision-making as a solution. process concerning the most important issues in society and not least in the issues relating to the individual I would like to hear your comments on this. citizen himself or herself. We know that challenges are best addressed as close as possible to those facing the Qujanaq / Thank you / Tak. challenges. Therefore we need to make each individual

108 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 19. Remoteness, Transportation In- frastructure, and Urban-Rural Popu- lation Movements in the Arctic

Matthew Berman and Lance Howe

Introduction -- settlement of arctic peoples -- occurred largely as a consequence -- intentional and inadvertent -- of colo- The historical geographer, Lewis Mumford, described nial policies of the states that governed these regions urbanization as a global phenomenon that has pro- from distant capitals. Arctic towns and cities built gressed in three stages over the course of human civili- around exploitation of nearby resources such as gold zation. In the first stage, settlements appeared in an- mines tended to be highly seasonal and ephemeral. cient times as nomadic hunters and herders took up Exceptions were communities developed as centers of agriculture. In this first stage, the scale of urbanization public administration of the territories, and those fol- was limited by the amount and productivity of the lowing direct government intervention for national de- nearby farm land. Development of transportation tech- fense or industrial policy such as the Russian cities of nologies and infrastructure led to expansion of markets Murmansk and Norilsk, and Anchorage, Alaska (Arm- and long-distance trade, fueling growth of much larger strong et al., 1978; Sugden 1982). communities in the second stage. The third stage of ur- Given the different drivers of arctic and global urbanization, which continues to this day, began in the banization processes, should we anticipate the rural 19th Century as global economies shifted from a pri- Arctic to depopulate as have rural areas elsewhere in marily agricultural to an industrial economic base the developed world? Some evidence suggests that arc- (Mumford 1956). Modernization of agriculture and tic depopulation may be occurring (Hamilton and Ras- global trade in the third stage has led to a decline in mussen 2010; Heleniak et al. 2011, Rasmussen 2011). rural populations in wealthier nations, not only relative However, we suggest that if arctic rural depopulation to urban populations, but in absolute numbers. In some does takes place, it too, like the creation of arctic ur- regions rural areas have become depopulated (Lowden ban centers, will be a consequence of public policies. 1927; Marini and Mooney 2006; Pinilla et al. 2008). Barring forced removal of rural residents, population Throughout the Arctic, urban centers are growing movements result from voluntary choices of individu- relative to rural settlements, with some small com- als and households. In the next sections of the paper, munities showing an absolute decline (Hamilton et al. we describe results of an empirical investigation of de- 2010). Urbanization of the Circumpolar Arctic in some terminants of mobility decisions among rural arctic ways reflects the three stages characterizing global residents: specifically, Inuit people in Alaska, Canada, trends. The processes driving arctic urbanization, how- and Greenland. We examine how a number of policy- ever, differ in many respects from the global processes driven factors influence place-specific migration intent described by Mumford (1956)., In contrast to much of and actual intercommunity population movements, the rest of the world, the Arctic has never developed a focusing on effects of remoteness. We find that remote- significant agricultural base to drive the first stage of ness, along with other policy-driven factors, strongly urbanization. The lack of agriculture also meant that influences mobility patterns. The results suggest that the Arctic did not develop the internal transportation remoteness-driven migration in arctic rural communi- infrastructure to move agricultural products to mar- ties is not simply a matter of geography; it is heavily kets during the second stage. Instead, the first stage influenced by government policy.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 109 Arctic Remoteness and other infrastructure. National and sub-national boundaries, international treaties, and rights of citi- What is remoteness? In the language of economists, re- zenship create or mitigate political remoteness. Lan- moteness may be seen as a transaction cost for spatially guage and religious differences, and diverse livelihood separated markets. That is, remoteness poses a spatial ways create social and cultural remoteness. Perhaps barrier to market equilibrium. A simple way of think- most salient among features of constructed remoteness ing about remoteness is that it is what determines the is the state of the transportation system linking rural cost of moving goods, services, information, or people settlements, towns and regions. Transportation sys- from one place to another. The moving cost could in- tems include both the physical infrastructure -- roads, clude the cost of time and indirect effects as well as the railroads, ports, airports -- and the predictable net- direct financial cost. With implicit reference to the work of routes and connections. In the Arctic, where Arctic, Huskey and Morehouse (1992) described re- roads and rail lines are scarce, transportation was mote regions as those that are “physically, economi- originally based primarily on water. Water transporta- cally, and politically distant from centers of wealth and tion was only reliable along the coasts and major rivers, power.” To this list we might add social and cultural and only available seasonally in many places. Once air distance as well. transportation became a reliable mode in the Arctic, What creates remoteness? Clearly, geography plays a it assumed dominance for moving people and most part. But one could argue that remoteness is construct- goods other than fuel and other bulk commodities. ed or torn down by human agency, just like housing

Maritimes Quebec Ontario Manitoba- Alberta-BC Sask.

Yellowknife/ Whitehorse Chisasibi Happy Valley/ Goose Bay

Kuujjuaq Rankin Inlet Inuvik E. Hudson Bay villages Nunatsiavut Iqaluit Cambridge villages Bay W. Hudson Nunavik Inuvialuit Bay villages villages villages

Baffin villages Cambridge Bay villages

Figure 1. Colonial Legacy: Air Transportation Network for Arctic Canada

Since major arctic resource extraction projects typi- cept from villages to local hubs. The result is that arctic cally have their own single-purpose infrastructure for communities in the same geographic region may be transporting their products directly to world markets, more remote from each other, in terms of both flight air transport networks often developed to meet the time and costs, than they are from the southern Cana- needs of colonial administration. The network of direct dian city which serves each community’s local hub, if flights in arctic Canada (Figure 1) illustrates this prin- different administrative hubs were selected to serve the ciple. The colonial origin of the Canadian arctic air two communities. Arctic Alaska shows the same gen- network reveals itself in the north-south axis of major eral pattern of north-south connections (Figure 2), but routes, with minimal connections across the North ex- with an important difference. Anchorage serves as the

110 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 gateway for direct flights in and out of arctic Alaska; relatively costly itineraries, causing the network to rep- flying from an arctic community to another U.S. state licate itself over time. Modern media and the internet generally requires changing planes in Anchorage. An- can mitigate the absolute degree of physical remoteness chorage serves as an air transportation hub for all com- to some extent, but still have little ability to reduce the munities in Alaska, and is much less remote to arctic relative remoteness of communities embedded in the Inuit communities than any southern Canadian city is transportation system. to Inuit communities in Canada. Consequently, it is of- Greenland provides perhaps an even more interest- ten much less costly and takes much less time for a ing case of constructed remoteness related to the air resident of an Alaska arctic community to fly to An- transport system. The runways at Kangerlussuaq and chorage, or through Anchorage to another Alaska arc- Narsarsuaq, originally built for military use during tic community, than it is to fly from one Canadian arc- World War II, remain the only ones in Greenland large tic community to another. enough to serve intercontinental jet aircraft. Travel- Historical patterns of remoteness built by air ser- ers from Copenhagen, the colonial capital, must land vice networks in arctic Canada and Alaska became in one of these two airports and change to a smaller entrenched as colonial governments built regional plane to reach the regional capital, Nuuk, or any oth- education, health care, and social service institutions, er Greenland community. This peculiar arrangement and private enterprise built supply networks around separates internal connections among Greenland com- the logistics of air travel. Social, family and business munities from international connections, reinforcing ties followed connections opened up by administration Greenland’s remoteness from Europe. One wonders and commerce. This ensured that travel patterns inten- whether this might be a factor abetting the push for in- sified along the links of the air route network, and did dependence among the younger generation of Green- not develop between places that required lengthy and landers (Dahl 2010).

Other U.S.

Anchorage Other Other rural urban

Barrow Nome Kotzebue

Nome NW Arctic North Slope villages villages villages

Figure 2. Colonial Legacy: Air Transportation Network for Northern Alaska

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 111 Empirical Investigation of Factors well-being attainable from residing in a place. Infor- Determining Migration Decisions mation about opportunities and amenities available in other places enables people to project well-being poten- of Arctic Inuit People tially attainable there and the cost of moving. The effects of the differing regional transportation -net For many, livelihood opportunities rank at the works and relative remoteness they construct on popu- top among all potential determinants of well-being lation movements and urbanization can be demon- in different places (Greenwood 1997). In the Arctic, strated empirically by examining the determinants of livelihoods include traditional activities -- subsist- migration decisions of arctic residents. In this section, ence hunting, fishing, and herding -- as well as mod- we explore statistically factors potentially affecting de- ern livelihoods generating cash incomes (Poppel and cisions to move among Inuit people of Alaska, Canada, Kruse 2009). Well-being is also enhanced by amenities and Greenland. We discuss results of two related anal- provided by the built and natural environments, influ- yses: determinants of desired mobility -- place-specific enced by local social and cultural beliefs and practices. migration intent -- and determinants of actual place- State policy strongly affects many of the determi- to-place migration. Both analyses rely on the same nants of place-based well-being illustrated in Figure model of the mobility choice. 3. National and regional governments either directly finance community infrastructure, education and other local public services such as health care and public Modeling determinants of mobility safety, or award grants to local governments and non- (Huskey et al. 2004) outlined a formal economic model governmental organizations to carry out these func- of voluntary individual and household mobility. In the tions. Provision of infrastructure and public services model, households decide whether or not to move and supports local jobs as well as improvements to the com- where to move by comparing well-being potentially munity quality of life. Government spending therefore available in different places and the cost of moving to creates a large fraction of income in most arctic com- attain that place-based well-being. Well-being attaina- munities, especially counting transfer payments as ble from living in a particular community derives from well as earnings from work (Goldsmith 2007; Berman potential livelihood opportunities and factors related et al. 2004; Knapp and Huskey 1988). Additional gov- to the quality of life in a community, including public ernment support for the cash economy comes through services and infrastructure, local family and social ties, subsidies and cross-subsidized (“postage-stamp”) rates and attachment to homes and landscapes. Figure 3 il- for transportation, energy, telecommunications, and lustrates how individual and household characteristics other privately provided services. Government subsi- such as age, education, and family and social ties, as dies for transportation and related infrastructure such well as place characteristics such as job opportunities, as airports, roads, and ports also affect moving costs. public safety, and environmental amenities influence

112 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Figure 3. Migration as an indicator of relative well-being at the community level

Place B Place A Household characteristics characteristics characteristics

Well-being Projected well-being if in place A Moving HH resided in place B cost

Migration from A to B

Characteristics of places such as livelihood opportunities and amenities determine well-being, along with household and individual characteristics. Well-being potentially available from residing in one place compared to another is typically not observed directly, but may be inferred from information about moving costs and migration choices (Huskey et al., 2004).

Migration intent for arctic Inuit relevant to traditional and modern livelihoods. SLiCA household data contain some information on Data for the analysis of remoteness on desired migra- attributes and activities of all household members, and tion came from the Survey of Living Conditions in the include several questions about traditional activities, Arctic (SLiCA), a large international household survey wage work, and mobility. We used the percentage of of living conditions among indigenous arctic residents household meet and fish provided from the household’s (Kruse et al. 2009; Poppel and Kruse 2009; Usher 2003). own harvest, and total household earnings divided by Interviews were collected in all nations with arctic in- the number of households adults to represent success digenous populations, including samples obtained be- in traditional and modern livelihood activities, respec- tween 2001 and 2004 from Alaska (663 households), tively.11) The large sample contains significant internal Canada (4,735 households), Greenland (1,062 house- geographic variation -- at least 20 communities in each holds), and Chukotka (520 households). The Alaska country -- as well as international differences for iden- survey was conducted in the three predominantly Inu- tifying place determinants of livelihood and mobility piaq census areas (North Slope Borough, Northwest choices. In Alaska, Canada, and Greenland, nearly all Arctic Borough, Nome Census Area). Except in Cana- respondents were of Inuit or Yupik ethnicity. The com- da, SLiCA was conducted privately, financed by re- mon Inuit cultural heritage of the population reduces search grants. In Canada, Statistics Canada fielded likelihood that differences among nations reflect eth- SLiCA as an addendum to the 2001 Aboriginal Peoples nic differences rather than differences in regional con- Survey in Inuit majority areas of the country. Direct ditions and policies. government support in Canada provided the opportu- We hypothesized that we would need to control for nity to obtain a large sample of households in return household characteristics to isolate place-specific con- for a somewhat reduced suite of survey questions. While the SLiCA survey instrument varied somewhat among nations, a core questionnaire asked similar 11) Alaska SLiCA respondents were asked the proportion of household questions about livelihoods and mobility in all coun- meat and fish consumption that was provided by their own household’s tries. In addition to individual and household data harvests, as well as the proportion consumed from local harvests. In Can- from SLiCA, the 2000 U.S. Census, 2001 Canada Cen- ada, the question about household pro duction was not asked, so we used the reported proportion of consumption for households in which at least sus, 2003 Russia Census, Statistics Greenland, and oth- one household member reported harvesting activities. If no one reported er published sources provided characteristics of places harvesting, we set that household’s harvests to be zero, regardless of the reported consumption of local foods.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 113 tributions to traditional and modern livelihood op- Figure 4. Differences in Migration Intent Among Arctic Inuit portunities. Household characteristics available from and Indigenous Residents of Chukotka SLiCA included the number of adults by gender, number of teens, elders, children under 16 and children Percent of respondents who under 5 in the household, whether an indigenous lan- considered moving away during the past 5 years guage was used at home, and whether the household 50% 44% included a non-indigenous member. Households with 38% more adults may more have more flexibility to allocate 40% 35% 28% time to subsistence, wage work, and child care. House- 30% holds speaking the indigenous language at home and households with children may have more interest in 20% maintaining harvesting traditions. Subsistence skills 10% learned as a child might increase household subsistence harvests. Disability might adversely affect both 0% subsistence and earnings, while the social support of- Arctic Arctic Greenland Chukotka Alaska Canada fered by strong family ties – which were the subject of a series of SLiCA questions – may positively affect them Source: Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic (Poppel et both. Households with more children and elders may al. 2007: 149) be less mobile, while younger respondents may be more mobile, other things equal. In the second stage, we estimated probit equations for SLiCA did not include a question about recent the probability that a person would have recently con- changes in permanent residence. Instead, respondents sidered moving from the community as a linear combi- were asked whether they had “considered moving away nation of expected subsistence harvest and cash in- within past 5 years?” Specific thoughts about leaving come, individual and household attributes, place one’s community -- often called migration intent, do amenities such as housing quality and public safety, not indicate a specific plan or decision to move, or and measures of remoteness. The details of the sample identify individuals who have recently moved. How- characteristics, estimation procedures, and results are ever, De Jong (2000) found it a strong determinant of provided elsewhere (Berman, in press). Here we sum- future mobility, while Manski (1990) found consisten- marize the results for the predominantly Inuit re- cy of intentions to move and actual moves. More than spondents in Alaska, Canada and Greenland, focusing one-fourth of SLiCA respondents in each of the four on those relevant to the effects of remoteness. regions had considered moving away from their com- As expected, individual characteristics representing munity within the past five years (Figure 4). Migration human capital were strongly associated with household intent was highest in Alaska (44 percent) and lowest in success in both traditional and modern livelihoods. Canada (28 percent), with Chukotka and Greenland in Educational attainment was a prime determinant of between. Regional disparities between Alaska, Canada, earnings, along with gender and age. Inuit language and Greenland reflect statistically significant differ- use at home, an indicator of traditional knowledge, ences. Women were somewhat more likely than men to was strongly associated with higher levels of subsist- express an interest in moving, with the gender dispar- ence harvest. Households with favorable characteris- ity ranging from two to ten percent (Poppel et al. 2007, tics for expected earnings – typically households with p. 110). better-educated respondents – were more mobile in all To test whether regional differences in transporta- regions, although the effect was statistically significant tion systems were associated with migration intent, we only in Alaska and Canada. More favorable place-based applied a two-stage process to control for the effect of earnings opportunities reduced the probability that the differing traditional and modern livelihood opportu- respondent had considered moving for all regions ex- nities available in different places. In the first stage, we cept in arctic Canada, where better community job op- estimated censored regression equations that explained portunities were associated with a small but significant household subsistence harvests and household earn- increase in migration intent. Households with favora- ings as functions of individual, household, and place ble characteristics for success in traditional livelihoods characteristics. The predicted values of the harvest were less likely to want to move in Alaska and Canada and earnings equations modeled expected livelihood but more mobile in Greenland. Places with favorable success for a person living in a given community with opportunities for subsistence attracted people to stay in specific individual and household attributes.

114 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Alaska and arctic Canada communities, but apparently percent in settlements, and 4.4 percent in towns (Fig- pushed people to consider leaving in Greenland. ure 5). Having an airport increased migration intent by After controlling for earnings potential and other 53 percent (effect divided by 10 in Figure 5 for scale). household characteristics, female respondents were Residents of the Greenland capital Nuuk, were also 26 significantly less likely to have expressed interest in percent more likely to express interest in moving, other leaving their home communities in arctic Canada. The things equal. absence of significant gender differences in migration Communities with inadequate public safety and in- intent in Alaska and Greenland and the lower rate for ferior infrastructure could also be said to be remote in a women in Canada, measured after controlling for live- policy sense from the levers of political power. Political lihood effects, suggest that greater mobility aspirations remoteness could reduce the quality of life in a commu- among women observed in raw SLiCA data for these nity and could thereby increase migration intent. SLi- regions may be associated with differences in earnings CA respondents reporting that they had recently been potential, principally derived from disparities in edu- victimized by crime were significantly more likely to cational attainment. Older people were generally less express interest in moving in Alaska (6.9 percent) and inclined to have considered moving, but the effect in Greenland (5.5 percent), other things equal. The effect Canada was much smaller than in any other region. of criminal victimization could not be tested in Can- Poor health status increased the likelihood of migra- ada, as the question was not asked there. Inadequate tion intent in Greenland. housing was significantly associated with migration intent in Alaska and Canada. One more person per room

Figure 5. Effect of remoteness on migration in Alaska was associated with a 5.2 percent increase in intent (error bars represent std. dev. of effect) migration intent, while each additional adult household 8% member beyond two increased migration intent by 7.7 5.3% 6% percent in Canada (Figure 6), regardless of whether or 4% not the household included more than one generation 1.6% 2% of adults. Twice the average percentage of old housing

0% in the community increased migration intent by just moving Arctic Greenland under 4 percent in Canada and Greenland, although -2% Canada only the effect in Canada was statistically significant -4% (Figure 6).12) In general, the results demonstrated that -3.2%-4.4% -6%

Change in probability considered remoteness was associated with reduced mobility if the 10% higher food cost relative to Ottawa Port iced in one more month, settlement effect was to increase moving cost, and associated with Port iced in one more month, town Community has airport (effect/10) increased mobility if the principal effect was to worsen living conditions in the community. Source: Estimated from probit equations evaluated at sample means (data from Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic). Place-specific mobility of Canada and Alaska Inuit Remoteness could affect mobility by changing living conditions as well as by increasing moving costs. One Shifting the analysis from moving from intentions to indicator of remoteness in arctic communities is the leave a community of origin to actual moves to specific cost of living relative to a national benchmark level. places, we now consider explicitly the fact that all po- Higher relative cost of living was strongly associated tential destinations are not alike to potential migrants. with moving intent in Canada (the only region where In particular, moving costs could play a role not only in sufficient data were available to test for this effect). For whether or not a person moves, but also in the com- every 10 percent rise in the cost of living relative to Ot- munity to which a migrant moves once the decision to tawa, migration intent increased by 1.6 percent (Figure leave has been finalized. As early as the late 19th Cen- 5). In Greenland, sea ice isolates some communities by tury, Ravenstein (1985, 1989) noted a negative rela- making them inaccessible by boat for most of the year. tionship between the distance from the origin com- Only larger communities typically have airports. Both munity and destination of migrants. This pattern has these community attributes were associated with significantly lower rates of migration intent, after control- 12) Education opportunities could also be a factor influencing mobility ling for other relevant factors. One month additional of families with children. Unfortunately, there was insufficient variation port closure due to ice reduced migration intent by 3.2 in availability of schooling within each region to test whether education infrastructure or policy had an effect on desired mobility.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 115 been called variously in the literature as a hypothesis plicit monetary costs. For rural migrants to urban are- of step-wise, hierarchical, stage, or chain migration as, the psychic remoteness might be predicted to in- (Conway 1980). Costs of moving, or remoteness of a crease with the degree of urbanization of the place, but destination community could include non-monetary could be diminished through connections with family costs of moving there, such as culture shock and loss of or through social networks with previous migrants frequent contact with family and friends, as well as ex- from the same community Sjaastad (1967).

Figure 6. Effect of public safety and inadequate housing on migration intent (error bars represent std. dev. of effect) 12% 10% 7.7% 6.9% 5.5% 8% 5.2% 6% 3.8% 3.9% 4% Crowded housing represented in Alaska by one more person 2% per room than the average, and in Canada and Greenland moving 0% by one more adult in the household than the average. Old -2% Arctic Alaska Arctic Greenland housing represents housing built before 1970 (Mean = 14 -4% Canada -2.3% percent). -6% Change in probability considered Recent crime victim Source: Estimated from probit equations evaluated at sample Crowded housing Twice average rate of old housing means (data from Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic).

City

Regional center Regional center

Rural region Rural region

Figure 7. Moving Cost Hypothesis: Stepping Stones Model of Hierarchical Internal Migration

Empirical studies have found evidence consistent with small villages from urban areas, and thereby hypothet- a hierarchical migration pattern in both developed and ically facilitates moves both up and down the mobility developing countries (Flinn and Converse 1970; Rid- hierarchy. dell and Harvey 1972; Plane et al. 2005). Figure 7 illus- We analyzed place-specific migration of Inuit in trates a generic form of the stepping stones model of arctic Canada and Alaska using the same model of hierarchical migration for arctic Inuit people, based on livelihood-centered mobility, informed by the stepping the colonial transportation networks described for arc- stones migration hypothesis. We estimated two-stage tic Canada and Alaska in Figures 1 and 2. In Figure 7, nested multinomial logit equations for the migration the arctic regional center plays a pivotal role as an in- choice. The first stage equation predicted whether or termediate destination that mitigates the remoteness of not a person moved from the home community. If the

116 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 decision was to move, the second stage equation pre- assumed to be zero in both the U.S. and Canada. A dicted the destination community. The “dissimilarity separate set of equations for earnings for the Alaska index” or inclusive value (McFadden 1981) formed from population was estimated from individual earnings the coefficients estimated for the second stage equation reported in the Census survey. Details of the earnings passes information about potential destinations and equations are reported in Howe et al. (2012). the cost of moving there to the first stage equation for Place characteristics assumed relevant to moving whether or not to move. The significance of the coef- decisions but not to livelihoods included measures ficient on the inclusive value tests the hypothesis that of census-derived housing quality, public safety, and individuals with a more favorable set of relatively low moving costs. Since many remove communities have cost destination communities are more likely to move spotty crime reports, we used injury death rates and than individuals facing high moving costs to favorable whether the community banned alcohol (dry com- destinations, other things equal. munity) to measure public safety. Moving costs for The data for estimating the migration equations also Canadian communities included whether the commu- relied on SLiCA, but included additional geographic nity had jet service, whether it was linked to the origin information on actual moves. For arctic Canada, mo- community by a winter ice road (three communities bility information came from the Aboriginal Peoples in the Inuvialuit region), and the number of air seg- Survey (APS) for the period 1996 to 2001. APS is an ments required to travel from the origin to the destina- individual survey, but SLiCA provided household data tion community. For Alaska, the centralization of air for APS arctic respondents. Selected 2001 census data service from Anchorage to regional centers to villages matched to the APS respondents by Statistics Canada meant that whether the community was an arctic vil- provided additional household and individual data. lage, regional center, or urban center in practice deter- For Alaska, the main data source was the U.S. Cen- mined jet service and air segments. sus 2000 Long Form Survey, which included questions The precise specification of the estimated equations, on mobility from 1995 to 2000. The study population estimation procedure, and complete estimation results included all individuals identifying as Inuit or Inu- are described in Berman and Howe (2012). Here we piaq, regardless of place of residence. Migration intent summarize the equations and interpret the results in figures reported in SLiCA appear three to four times the context of remoteness. Figure 8 illustrates the sta- higher than actual five-year mobility rates in Census tistically significant associations and direction of the data for Inuit people in Canada and Alaska, perhaps effects. The top rows show the significant variables reflecting the reality of high moving costs from remote explaining the choice of whether to move, while the communities. Access to microdata from the U.S. Cen- bottom rows show the significant variables explaining sus Long Form and the Canada APS is highly restricted the destination choice for the subset of the population to protect the confidential nature of the individual re- who actually moved. Alaska results were estimated for sponses. All work with these data sources took place at Alaska Natives who in 1995 resided in an arctic vil- official Research Data Centers in cooperation with the lage: a community located in one of the three predomi- U.S. Census Center for Economic Studies and Statistics nantly Inupiaq Census Areas with population less than Canada. 1,000. Because of a relatively small sample size (708 Since SLiCA was an addendum to APS, we were able cases), the destination choice was modeled as a selec- to link household work, demographics, and harvest tion among six regions: (1) another arctic village, (2) information from SLiCA to mobility directly to indi- one of the three arctic regional centers (Nome, Kot- vidual mobility for Canada Inuit living in arctic com- zebue, Barrow) with population from 1,000-5,000, (3) munities. The same equations estimated in the analysis rural Alaska outside the arctic region, (4) Anchorage, of migration projected a given household’s subsistence (5) other urban Alaska communities such as Fairbanks harvests and cash earnings to other potential destina- or Juneau, and (6) another U.S. state. The Canada re- tion communities, based on that individual’s charac- sults included Inuit respondents to APS who reported teristics and the other communities’ place character- the place of residence in 1996. With the much larger istics. The U.S. Census contains no information on sample in Canada (4802 cases), the destination choice subsistence harvesting, so we used the equation for was modeled as a selection from a choice set of 59 desti- subsistence harvests estimated from the Alaska SLi- nations: 53 arctic Inuit communities,13) the non-Inuit CA microdata to project harvests for the Census sur- arctic region (Yukon Territory and the Northwest Ter- vey population in arctic communities, projected with the Census individual and household characteristics. 13) The 53 places include all communities in the Inuit regions of Canada Subsistence harvests for Inuit who left the Arctic were except Hopedale, Labrador, for which no 2001 APS data were collected.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 117 ritory excluding the Inuvialuit settlement area), and nadian provinces (Maritimes, Quebec, Ontario, Man- five southern regions representing aggregations of Ca- itoba-Saskatchewan, and British-Columbia-Alberta).

Figure 8. Statistically Significant Associations in Mobility Patterns of Canada and Alaska Inuit

Arctic Canada Arctic Alaska Equation for likelihood of moving Older adult - - Female respondent + Children at home - Inuit language used at home - Pct old housing in community + Pct new housing in community - “Inclusive value” of destinations + +

Equation for predicted destination Predicted earnings + + Predicted harvest + + Poor housing - Cost of living - Number of air segments - Jet service connection + Winter iceroad connection + Move up one level + + Move down one level + +

+ (red background) -- Indicates statistically significant positive association with decision to move or with predicted destination if a move took place.

- (blue background) -- Indicates statistically significant negative association with decision to move or with predicted destination if a move took place.

Mobility for Canada Inuit is over the period 1996-2001; mobility for Alaska is from 1995-2000. Source: estimated with individual interview data from Canada Aboriginal Peoples Survey (2001), 2001 Canada Census, 2000 U.S. Census, and Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic.

118 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Figure 8 shows that livelihood opportunities -- both In Canada, an increase by one percent in housing con- predicted subsistence harvests and predicted earnings sidered “dilapidated” in the community was associ- -- were significantly associated with the choice of desti- ated with a 6.3 percent greater odds ratio of leaving. nation. A community with $1,000 higher predicted The coefficient on the inclusive value, or dissimilarity earnings had a 7 percent higher odds ratio of being se- index, was positive and significant for residents of both lected as a destination, in both regions. An increase by countries, suggesting that a more favorable set of des- 10 percent in predicted household harvests in a com- tination choices available to an individual encouraged munity was associated with an increased destination migration. Remoteness, whether measured indirectly odds ratio of 33 percent in Alaska and 10 percent in by the cost of fuel (Alaska), or directly by geography Canada. Higher living costs were a strong deterrent to and characteristics of the transportation system (Cana- migrants in Alaska, where a 10 percent rise in the fuel da) is the main feature that distinguishes communities cost index was associated with a 15 percent lower odds from each other, since they share the same set of po- ratio of selection. In Canada, the cost of living, repre- tential destinations. The results strongly suggest, there- sented by the food cost index, did not have a significant fore, that remoteness affects the likelihood that people effect. However, food costs were highly correlated with move as well as the places to which migrants move. the combined effects of other remoteness variables While the equations for Canada and Alaska showed with significant effects: arctic region and jet service. many similarities with respect to the effect of livelihood When the equation was estimated without these two opportunities and place characteristics on mobility, variables, the coefficient for the food cost index became there appeared to be no general pattern for the effects a significant deterrent. of individual and household characteristics. The excep- In Canada, indicators of lower moving costs -- jet tion was that older persons were less mobile in both service, and a winter iceroad connection -- showed regions: the odds ratio of moving was 52 % lower for strong positive effects on the choice of destinations, each elder in an Alaska household, while in Canada an while the number of air segments between the origin individual elder had a 65 % lower odds ratio of moving and destination had a strong negative effect. A commu- compared to a young adult. Women without children nity with jet service from the origin had a 90 percent or elders at home had a 51 percent higher odds ratio of higher odds ratio of being selected, while the iceroad moving in Alaska, but not in Canada. The higher odds connection was associated with a three-fold increase ratio for women was nullified if children lived in the in the odds ratio for the three Inuvialuit communities household. Inuit language speakers had a 60 percent served by the winter road. Each air segment required to lower odds ratio of moving in Alaska, but this variable reach a community reduced its odds ratio of selection had no significant effect in Canada. by 48 percent. The variables for one step up or down the hierarchy refer to the transportation tree (Figure 1), in which regional hubs lie between southern urban Discussion destinations and more remote communities. Residents Before air travel became common, people moved in of remote communities can move one step up the hi- and out of Alaska by boat, with many coastal commu- erarchy to a hub, while non-arctic residents can move nities, including Nome, Seward, Valdez, Kodiak, and one step down to an arctic hub. Residents of hub com- several towns in Southeast Alaska competing as gate- munities such as Iqaluit, Rankin Inlet, and Inuvik, can way communities. When long-distance air travel be- move both up and down the hierarchy. Quantitatively, came feasible after World War II, Anchorage quickly the effects on the probability of choosing a particular became the primary gateway for travel between Alaska destination of moving one step up or one step down and other states of the U.S., presumably because the lo- were roughly equivalent and large enough to offset the cation was much more favorable for flying than the negative effects of several additional air segments, pro- older coastal port communities, and because it was viding strong statistical support for the stepping stones much closer to Seattle than Fairbanks. Status as the air migration hypothesis. gateway to the south quickly positioned Anchorage to The results illustrated in the top rows of Figure 8 become the air transport hub for the entire state, in- show that the quality of the housing stock in the com- cluding the arctic areas, and the regional administra- munity of residence significantly influenced the deci- tive centers -- Nome, Barrow, Kotzebue, and Bethel -- sion to leave the community, consistent with the find- became linked to Anchorage in the air transportation ings for migration intent. For Alaska communities, an network rather than to each other. Consequently, Alas- increase by one percent in housing less than 5 years ka Natives from around Alaska meet and assemble in old reduced the odds ratio of moving by 6.6 percent.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 119 the Anchorage hub, creating a rapidly growing subarc- factors are provided directly or heavily subsidized by tic urban population. governments: adverse conditions prevalent in certain In contrast, the independent north-south links cre- communities could be considered evidence of political ated by the government of Canada for colonial ad- remoteness from the levers of power. The empirical ministration of the territories persisted into the era of evidence suggests that if arctic rural depopulation does long-distance air travel. Lack of a subarctic hub (not- takes place, it too, like the creation of arctic urban cent- withstanding the status of Yellowknife as a hub for a ers, will be a consequence of public policies. small portion of the western arctic) resulted in a much longer and more expensive journey between small villages and the nearest urban area, as well as from one References region of the Canadian Arctic to another. The constructed remoteness of Canadian arctic communities inhibits Inuit mobility across the Arctic and has likely Armstrong, Terence E., Rogers, George, and Graham Row- substantially impeded urbanization of Canadian arctic ley. 1978. The Circumpolar North. Methuen, London. people. The evolution of air transportation networks in Berman, M. in press. Household Harvesting, State Policy, Greenland follows a different pattern from that of arc- and Migration: Evidence from the Survey of Living Condi- tic Canada, but with a similar effect to increase remote- tions in the Arctic, in Timothy Heleniak and Peter Schweitzer ness of communities from each other. Kangerlussuaq, (eds.), Moved by the State. the main gateway to and from Greenland and one of Berman, M. and E. Lance Howe. 2012. Comparing migration only two runways large enough to accommodate inter- decisions of Inuit People in Arctic Canada and Alaska. paper continental jets, was built to suit military needs where presented to the Western Regional Science Association an- the terrain and weather were favorable, far from any nual meeting, Poipu, Hawaii, February. established community. The remoteness of Kanger- lussuaq has prevented it from becoming more than a Berman, Matthew, Craig Nicolson, Gary Kofinas, Joe Tetlichi, and Stephanie Martin. 2004. Adaptation and Sustainability in transfer station for internal and international flights. a Small Arctic Community: Results of an Agent-Based Simu- The cost of travel between most communities in Green- lation Model., Arctic, 57(4): 401-414. land remains very high, likely diverting migrants to the towns serving as local administrative centers. Conway, D. 1980. Step-Wise Migration: Toward a Clarifica- tion of the Mechanism. International Migration/ Review, 14 (1), 3-14.

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Marini, M. B., and Mooney, P. H. 2006. Rural economies. In Usher, Peter. 2003. The Household as an Economic Unit P. Cloke, T. Marsden, and P. H. Mooney (Eds.), Handbook of in Arctic Aboriginal Communities, and Its Measurement by Rural Studies, London: Sage, 91-103. Means of a Comprehensive Survey. Social Indicators Re- search 61(2): 175-202. Mumford, Lewis. 1956. The Natural History of Urbanization. In William L. Thomas, jr (Ed.), Man’s Role in the Chang- ing the Face of the Earth. Chicago & London: University of Chicago Press: 382-398.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 121 122 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 20. Long-distance commuting (LDC) in the Russian North: understanding socio-economic impacts on host communities

Elena Vladimirovna Nuikina

Abstract tion. Being established as a mining outpost supplying coking coal for metal industry, it currently experiences Today well-being of the Russian state and its popula- new phenomena related to the inflow of mobile labour tion heavily depend on the export of mineral products, force coming to the place from all over Russia and the including metals, industrial minerals, and mineral fu- CIS countries for constructing gas export pipeline “Bo- els accounted for 70 percent of export values in 2005 vanenkovo-Ukhta”. Appearance of the new economic (Levine and Wallace 2007). Overwhelmingly these re- players, involved in this massive infrastructural project sources come from the places often located at the in the Vorkuta region, as well as influx of long-distance sparsely populated northern periphery. The national commuters to the area in various ways affects its so- interest in the income-generating Arctic resources in- cio-economic well-being as well as community life in creased considerably (substantially) over the last dec- general. On the one hand, it stimulates development ades, which has resulted in the numerous projects such of small and medium businesses in the city, especially as, for example, industrial development of the Yamal in the hospitality sector and service economy. It also gas fields. Success of these development projects funda- influences the real estate sector, creates greater diver- mentally depends on the interregional workers travel- sification of labour market and provides an additional ling to the Arctic on a “fly-in fly-out” principle and the income for the municipal budget. On the other hand, northern cities, which provide necessary conditions for LDC is perceived as a treat to existing order in the com- the far-field operations in the region. These settlements munity and to the employment opportunities for the use existing infrastructure and facilities for hosting local specialists. It also changes the identity of the city long-distance commuters on the way to duty and sup- from solely mono industrial mining settlement into a ply industrial sites with food, construction materials, transit station. machinery and equipment, medical services, etc. The article particularly emphasizes how residents of Meanwhile, the impact of the LDC on socio-economic host communities, such as Vorkuta, perceive LDC and well-being and community life of the northern cities in the changes it brings to the city. It also intends to cap- Russia is very little researched. ture the perspective of companies as well as of munici- In order to fill the gap in research, this article par- pal policy planners towards LDC. By bringing these ticularly aims to analyze the social and economic ef- two perspectives into the light, this paper contributes fects of LDC in the Russian far northern settlements. to a broader discussion on the perspectives and the Empirical background for the paper is presented by the challenges on cities’ development in the Russian Arctic case study of the city of Vorkuta located in the Repub- with the new perspective. lic of Komi in North-West partof the Russian Federa-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 123 124 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 21. Oil and Gas towns in Western Siberia: past, present and future challenges

Yvette Vaguet

Introduction er, what lies in the future could also be a flourishing economy with the prospect of oil-and-gas development Western Siberia, lying mainly in a permafrost area, has northwards to the Arctic Ocean. Awaiting a response, been urbanised for two decades or thereabouts. Russia the region still presents a positive migration balance has had the most notable experience of urbanisation and nowadays Western Siberian towns are trying to di- within the circumpolar zone and the landscape bears versify their economic profile. Municipalities are also the most consummate signs of this experience in the trying to improve the quality of life in order to retain, region. if not attract, inhabitants, especially the more highly Oil extraction constitutes the major determinant of skilled. Moreover, here and there in these towns, there this urbanisation. The Ob’ region is one of the biggest are evident signs of gentrification, with the spread of oil and gas basins in the world, and contributes up to the detached house model, as in many parts of the 68 % of the national production of oil and 91 % of gas. world. Thanks to Western Siberia, Russia is the first gas pro- To sum up, upcoming challenges question the resil- ducer in the world, and the second for oil. This exploi- ience of this urban geographical system. The answer is tation started in 1964. During the Soviet era, the de- not as easy as it might appear. This article introduces velopment of the oil/gas industry came with the spread the complexity of the subject. Because of its unique of modern society northwards within the almost un- 50-year experience, Western Siberia is a key area when inhabited taiga first, and the tundra later, as far as the considering urban development in the Arctic. Yamal peninsula along the coast of the Arctic Ocean. When the USSR collapsed less than 30 years later, 23 out of 28 towns had been created ex-nihilo and were as- 1. Past challenges: Building an sociated with considerable in-migration. Building hu- urban system on the edge man residential and industrial infrastructure on this The study area in this article covers three constituent scale and at this pace within such a harsh natural envi- entities of the Russian Federation. It includes two pro- ronment, almost without any permanent human settle- ducing territories, namely the Autonomous Okrug of ment nearby, was a challenge in itself. Town and coun- Khanty-Mansi (mostly oil producing), and towards the try planning currently have new challenges to face. north, the Autonomous Okrug of Yamalo-Nenets One can wonder if these urban centres were actual along the Arctic Ocean coastline (mostly gas produc- towns rather than just short-term settlements. The cur- ing). It also includes the southern Oblast of Tyumen, rent debate concerns the future of these towns: whether which is not hydrocarbon producing itself but has ad- they can survive beyond the peak oil or even earlier by ministrative functions (fig. 1). The whole study region flooding of the marshy Ob’ basin due to global warm- is 70 % the size of Greenland. ing and its associated melting permafrost. Howev-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 125

Figure 1: Western Siberia, its oil and gas towns

The development of industry started in 1964 at the Sa- sistence came from hunting, fishing, gathering and matlor oil field near the future town of Surgut (61°15’N). reindeer herding, as it still does today. Their territory This was the beginning of a fantastic human adventure, was structured by rivers. There was neither major road which was also, one should note, an environmental dis- nor airport, and their administrative centres (Khanty- aster. From the start, modern society, both urban and Mansiysk (61°00’N) and Salekhard (66°32’N)) resem- industrial, was to be found in the south, mostly along bled fishing villages. the Trans-Siberian Railway. Meanwhile, the two huge This economic transition brought not only indus- northern Okrugs were the territory of indigenous peo- trialisation and urbanisation but also a rotation of the ples (the Khanty, Mansi and Nenets). Their main sub- main regional strategic axis: from the east-west Trans-

126 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Siberian, it developed northwards towards the Arctic. in many ways. First, numerically speaking, the pic- New hydrocarbon fields progressively opened up in ture of an empty Okrug was no longer a reality. If 83 these environments, which were increasingly difficult % of Western Siberia’s population were to be found in for humans and human activities. In the mid-1960s, the southern Oblast of Tyumen in 1959, the northern the first oil pipelines were laid in the middle of the Ob two Okrugs had 57 % of the regional population by River in marshy areas, in the discontinuous permafrost 1989. Secondly, in qualitative terms, the image of an and an active 80 cm thick layer. In the late 1980s, the urban and industrial Russian society in the southern Urengoi gas basin opened up in an area where perma- part alongside a nomadic and rural indigenous soci- frost is up to 400 m thick and contains up to 50 % of ety in the northern part is no longer true either (Za- ice. It produces more gas than all the European coun- itseva A.N., 2002; Vaguet-Marchand Yv., 2004; Vaguet tries put together. Its associated town, Novy-Urengoi Y., 2007). Out of the 28 towns, 23 are new, created for (66°05’N), is one of thebiggest cities within the polar the needs of the economic transition. Among those, 21 region (pop.≈100 000). Northwards, more recent gas were created within the northern two Okrugs that reg- fields extend across the continuous permafrost area, up istered the biggest urban increases within the country to 500 m thick and containing up to 90 % of ice. Since for half a century (fig. 2). Their population became -ur 2000, a gas pipeline has connected the Yamal peninsula ban (>77 %). Moreover, the new population came from to Western Europe. all over the USSR and was unrelated to indigenous peo- In-migration was high and directed towards the two ples, their lifestyle and arctic environment. Meanwhile, northern Okrugs. The regional population increased a complex transport network emerged with a major from 1.1 million in 1959 to 5.2 million in 2002. In- north-south railway, a main north-south road and air- migration reduced the gap between North and South ports in every town.

Figure 2: The urban transition (database: SiberCities ©Yv. Vaguet)

Apart from towns, there are other kinds of settlements month or so, before going back home. Workers arrive that were introduced by the economic transition. In or- mainly by air in the nearest town and the company der to get an official town status, an urban centre needs picks them up at the airport by bus and drives them to apply for this status from the government when its straight to the base. Thus, the town of Noyabrsk population is greater than 12,000 inhabitants. While (63°12’N) for instance, had up to 10 % of its population there are 28 urban centres with town status, there are employed as shift-workers, which is to say about 10,000 also about 40 urban settlements without this official in 1991. status. They have all arisen since the mid-1960s for the In this process of industrialisation and urbanisation needs of the economic transition; they are gas plant or of Western Siberia, the creation of a settlement follows road maintenance facility centres, etc. Besides these, a model. First, prospectors arrive and if hydrocarbons long distance commuter settlements should also be are found, human settlement starts. Newcomers are mentioned. They are small outposts in the taiga or tun- mostly young men (20-30 years old) and possessing few dra where oil and gas shift-workers come to work for a skills. They build all the required human infrastruc-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 127 ture (roads, pipelines, industrial plants, houses, etc.). Russia, which registered dramatic out-migration dur- Shortly afterwards, women arrive and the settlement ing the 1990s. registers a baby boom. Meanwhile the building stage is The city of Noyabrsk is a good example of this pro- still ongoing. Finally, skilled and white collar workers cess. In 1973, oil flows and the first pioneers arrived. arrive to run the industry. During this process, priority To start off with, people and material arrived by heli- is given to the industrial production. Social infrastruc- copter. The population suddenly soared when, a year ture is always under-developed and the need for hous- later, the first train arrived at Noyabrsk from Surgut ing prevalent. Thus, there is never an end to the hous- in the south. The latter city was the base town during ing construction process. Finally, the increase in the the emergence of the new Noyabrsk settlement. Surgut population slows down owing to the natural growth was already an established settlement and provided the rate rather than the migration balance. logistics for the new northward settlement. Every year, The population of Western Siberia is consequently more than 15,000 people arrived in Noyabrsk. The rate young (median: 32.3 years). Newcomers are mostly of population increase culminated in 1977-78 with a single, from 20 to 30 years old, and childless. There is mighty +224 %. The baby boom appeared in the 1980s mostly an absence of elderly people except in the case with a maximum in 1987. Noyabrsk obtained the sta- of family reunifications. Men are over-represented (up tus of a city in 1982. Nowadays, the town maintains a to 113 men to 100 women). This fact is common in all population of about 100,000 residents, and the annual frontier areas around the world, but this particularity increase is due mostly to the natural growth rate. The occurs here in a country that has the lowest sex ratio town’s population presents an average age of 26 years in the world (88 men to 100 women). Nowadays, this and elderly people are almost absent. On the 1999 age demographic increase is still high (+10 % between 1989 pyramid, the limited number of inhabitants aged 15-20 and 2002). This results from a natural increase, among years marks the time of the first arrivals without chil- the highest in the country, as well as from a migration dren. The wide base of this pyramid marks the baby balance which is still positive. It is unique in Northern boom period (fig. 3).

Figure 3: Age pyramid of Noyabrsk (database: SiberCities ©Yv. Vaguet)

Noyabrsk became a supporting city in its own right for documented (Engel B., 2007; Gavrilova N.O., 1997; Muravlenko and other new settlements. Western Sibe- Radvanyi J., 2000). ria illustrates the Soviet policy of industrialisation and A new identity of Western Siberia emerged in this urbanisation during the period from 1955-1975. The transition period. Economically, the region was far process directed entirely by Moscow developed to- behind central Russia, like the whole of Asian Russia. wards the north. The concept of supporting city is well Nowadays, the region resembles a “Siberian emirate”

128 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 ranking in the top ten richest provinces of the Rus- supports territorial equity and goes rather for support- sian Federation, often just below the central regions ing the development of regional metropolitan centres. (Moscow and St Petersburg) according to economic The decade of the 1990s presented a multi-faceted crisis indicators (Direct Foreign Investment, Regional Gross (political, economic, demographic and social) that had Product). Although the high cost of living greatly out- a greater impact in the northern part of the country. weighs high salaries, and the lack of housing leads to People were more exposed to the crisis when they lived further disillusionment, the region is still attractive. It in a single industry town in the remote north. Many has gained an image of a rich, dynamic territory with settlements emptied as people went back to the central real economic forces and young people showing en- parts of Russia. Thanks partially to huge oil and gas trepreneurship. However, the Soviet policy of regional consumption in the world, Western Siberia is well planning has now been over for decades and all these known as an exception within circumpolar Russia. Its towns face new challenges for the future. 2002 census shows a healthy demographic situation, increasing its population both by natural growth and a migration balance. However, one of the main challeng- 2. Present and future challenges: es for the future facing these new towns is sustaining Becoming a sustainable town themselves beyond the peak oil. Filling up the tank of your car at a petrol station would The price of a barrel of oil has to remain high in cost far more than it would had the USSR not conduct- order to cover the costs of extraction in such a harsh ed this incredible challenge of populating the Arctic environment ($14/barrel compared to $4 in Kuwait and Subarctic Western Siberia. The urban system of and The United States). Every year, depending on the Western Siberia might therefore not have been in a production, reserves and the price of oil, these towns market economy. Some settlements were still sustain- are threatened with closure. Looking at both hydrocar- ing rapid growth when the USSR collapsed and the bon production and population over time illustrates growth process stopped at this point. The Soviet gov- how much town and industry are linked together (fig. ernment encouraged the development of small cities all 4). Noyabrsk is associated with an oil field estimated to over the national territory and hundreds of cities were last 50 years and it has been exploited for 40 years now. created. Nowadays, the Russian government no longer Nevertheless, oil and gas will continue to support

Figure 4: Population and Oil/Gas Production in Noyabrsk & Muravlenko (1985-2001) (database: SiberCities ©Yv. Vaguet) the development of Western Siberia for some time and ern Siberia will look like in 2050 (Smith L.C., 2011). one can be optimistic when thinking about what West- Reserves are vast especially over the continental shelf

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 129 (more than 18,000 billion m3 of gas for the Siberian living off and being employed by the first Russian com- part). Nowadays, the oil and gas sector contributes pany. The company is more or less in charge of many up to 23 % GDP in the circumpolar zone. As produc- key sectors such as health, education, sport, transport, ers, the combined two Okrugs of Western Siberia and and the municipality authority is hardly independent. Alaska are among the top four strongest circumpolar The economic market tends to push the company into economies. Together with the Republic of Sakha (Rus- reducing its support for the social aspects of the city’s sia), these four regions provide 60 % GDP in the cir- life and to concentrate its activity on extraction. How- cumpolar zone (AMAP, 2007). ever, the municipality has neither the budget nor the Towns in Western Siberia would benefit from ongo- knowledge to tackle transport issues, for instance, such ing developments of the industry, moving northwards as road maintenance, the tremendous increase in cars, into offshore extraction and transportation. Already, or the strange new forest of electric cables connecting there is a very large-scale project in view for the Yamal indoor power sockets in flats to car batteries at the base peninsula. It includes building a gas processing plant, of buildings. a seaport and an international airport. The new port Southwards, Surgut, on mid-river Ob, is a good ex- is planned for 2018. Russia’s Minister of Transport, ample of the first generation of these towns. Created Maxim Sokolov, says: “For Russia, this project will […] for the oil industry in the 1960s, the town still depends change the very position of Russia in the world’s econ- mainly on this sector. Out of its 320,000 inhabitants, omy. This project will make Russia one of the leaders 100,000 are employed in this sector and Surgutneftegaz in developing the natural riches of the Arctic region.” employs 80,000 of them. The company largely supports (The Voice of Russia, 2012). Global warming could help local infrastructure such as the stadium as well as in this way especially with increasing shipping in the health and cultural centres. Considering its geographi- Arctic. cal position, at the southern part of the permafrost In a less optimistic point of view, global warming and along the Ob River, river flooding and permafrost could lead to higher frequency of icebergs, a danger for melting threaten Surgut. As one of the oldest oil cen- extraction and shipping activities. Also, it could be re- tres, the aging of industrial installations is also a matter sponsible for sea and river flooding. It could also lead to of concern. the melting of permafrost, especially the newest, thin- Between Novy-Urengoi and Surgut, Noyabrsk is nest and most discontinuous parts that coincide with a third example showing a typical intermediate case the oldest human installations. Therefore, oil and gas among these towns. Noyabrsk is two decades younger fields and towns of the low, marshy Ob’ basin could end than Surgut and boasts 100,000 inhabitants. The town up under sea level or river water or otherwise could dis- produces both oil and gas. The industrial installations appear due to subsidence from the effect of permafrost are getting old here too where the climate is harsher. melting. Some authors have already registered several Moreover, the municipality is facing the aging and the indicators of climate change in this region (Grebenuk depressed state of its population. People rarely settle G. N. & Rjansky F. N., 2006). Human activity has to for long. Out-migration has always been high. A survey cope with a fast changing environment. conducted during Soviet times showed that residents The diversification of the local economy is another of Yamalo-Nenets Okrug where Noyabrsk lies, tended challenge. Indeed, Western Siberian towns, like many to stay fewer than 5 years in the same place (Logunov Soviet cities, are mainly mono-industrial and linked E.V.,1999). In the survey conducted in 2003, the wish to the military sector (Lyubovnyi V.Y. & Pchelintsev to leave was ever present among adults and town of- O.S., 2006). Worse, some towns are mainly company- ficials note that the highly educated classes leave (sur- owned, therefore raising the question of the definition vey Vaguet Yv. 2003; Noyabrsk official web site). The of a town. All 23 new towns were created ex-nihilo in urban population is not indigenous. Therefore it is not response to the needs of the industry. Very few of them well adapted to the local Arctic environment and has are not directly oil or gas producing centres. All of them no affective links with it. People are always ready to struggle with economic diversification and see hardly move on, looking for a better salary and living condi- any positive results especially for the most recent towns tions. The regular announcements of the forthcoming close to the Arctic Circle. For instance, Novy-Urengoi closure of the urban centre by the municipality itself was created 35 years ago and has a population nowa- contribute to maintaining local pessimism. days of approximately 100,000 inhabitants. Gazprom, However, across Western Siberia, as in Russia, if a the biggest gas company in the world, employs up to 70 municipality finds it difficult to conduct an urban plan, % of its population. Thus Novy-Urengoi is often called the urban landscape changes as the result of the inhab- a Gazprom-town. Its residents have the advantage of itants’ response to the new world order. The retail sec-

130 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 tor is booming all over Russia, as well as in the Arctic been renovated, with private access and a guard at the region which goes to show that residents have become entrance. Looking at both satellite images and on the producers of their own urban space and are taking part ground, urbanisation is visibly spreading. At the town’s in the economic diversification process. Concerning periphery, the detached house model is spreading as it the residential function, the social mix of Soviet times is in many parts of the world. The boom in cottages is less and less the rule. Here and there, signs of gen- shows the upper class is ready to invest here. trification can be noted. Some Soviet buildings have

Figure 5: The changing urban space (photographs: Y. Vaguet & A. Gaye)

In addition to the points mentioned above, it is impor- industry during Soviet times at a rapid pace in an extant to bear in mind that young people feel at home and tremely harsh environment for humans and human do not want to leave. They were born in these towns, installations. This urban network would probably not which are now as old as them. If their parents play with have been created in Western Siberia if it had not been the idea of going back south one day, the teenagers a communist country. However, these towns still at- questioned do not share this desire (survey Vaguet Yv., tract workers and nobody can be sure that they will 2003). close one day. Global warming could be a positive fac- All the above challenges are of equal importance tor locally though it could also announce natural and when questioning the ability of these towns to remain human disasters. alive. It is now a question of inventing a sustainable Because of its fifty-year experience, Western Siberia town in an extreme environment. From this study, it is is a key area when considering urban development in obvious that a young, talented, adaptable and entrepre- the Arctic. The single-industry-, and sometimes the neurial population is present in this region. single-company-, economy is an often-shared characteristic of the (sub) Arctic urban centres. In addition, this trait is often an industry based on a non-renew- Conclusion able resource. The cost of extraction is always higher Western Siberia is exceptional, being one of the most than at lower latitudes. The question of profitability is important regions for oil and the biggest for gas pro- therefore more acute here. The diversification of the lo- duction in the world system. There are about 30 towns cal economy can be difficult considering that it would and 2/3 of them were created in connection with the imply fewer links between the major employer and the

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 131 municipality. What is important is to invent now and Lyubovnyi V.Y., Pchelintsev O.S., 2006. Macro- tomorrow a long-term town in an extreme environ- economic Factors of Grouwth of Russian Cities and Town ment. Once again, humans have to face a challenge in Planning Policy Objectives. Studies on Russian Economic Development, 17, 5, 465-480. Western Siberia. The right demographic blend is an as- set for these towns. Residents are tackling the debate: McGee R.W., Breobragenskaya G.G., 2005. Recent they are inventing new functions, transforming Soviet Developments in corporate governance. In Accounting and urban landscapes and creating new urban spaces on financial system reform in a transition economy –A case the periphery. study of Russia, Springer, chap. 4, 53-77. NORDREGIO, 2011. Megatrends. Nordic Council of Minis- ters. TemaNord 2011:527, 207 p. References Noyabrsk, Official Web Site: http://www.noyabrskadm.ru/

Piterski D., 1997. The cities of Russia: some recent trends AMAP, 2007. Arctic Oil and Gas 2007. Arctic Monitoring and and experience of regional and urban planning. Geojournal, Assessment Program (AMAP), Arctic Council, http://www. 43, 4, 385-388. amap.no/oga/. SMITH L.C., 2011. New North: The World in 2050. Profile ENGEL B., 2007. «Public space in the ‘bule cities’ of Rus- Books, 320 p. sia», 285-300, in STANILOV K. The post-socialst city. The GeoJournal Library, vol 92, 490 p. VAGUET-MARCHAND Y., 2004. la conquête des hydrocarbures en Sibérie occidentale, le modèle centre-périphérie GAVRILOVA N.O., 1997, Le complexe des villes pétrolières revisité. Espace Géographique. et gazières de Sibérie occidentale et sa mise en œuvre (1960-1980). Actes de la conférence Espace social, 73-84 VAGUET Y., 2007. Les Hydrocarbures, les villes et les (en russe). hommes dans le Nord-Ouest Sibérien. Actes du Festival International de Géographie, St-Dié des Vosges, http://xxi. Grebenuk G. N., Rjansky F. N., 2006. New Challenge of ac-reims.fr/fig-st-die/actes/actes_2007/ vaguet/hydrocarbu- the Modern Civilization and Gobal Economy in the North of res_siberiens.pdf the Western Siberia. in Vogtmann H. & Dobretsov N. (eds), Environmental Security and Sustainable Land Use, Springer, Voice of Russia (The), 2012. http://english.ruvr. 353-363. ru/2012_07_24/Yamal-gas-project-a-breakthrough-for-Rus- sia/ , July 24th. Locatelli C., 1998. Energie et transition en Russie: les nouveaux acteurs industriels. L’Harmattan, coll «Pays de Zaitseva A.N. (2002), Population of Tyumen region in XXs. l’Est», 280 p. Social Space, Tyumen, 20, 5-6, 65-70 (in Russian).

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132 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 22. Urban Greenland: A spatial analysis of Nuuk’s evolving labour market

Michael J. Dangerfield

Abstract origin of birth, gender, home ownership, educational attainment, and income. (Hamilton and Rasmussen, Greenland’s rise as a global indicator for climate change 2010; Hill and Wolman, 1997; University of Copenha- continues to attract recognition from the international gen, 2009). The results will then be mapped using GIS community. Such attention has, in turn, highlighted software and satellite imagery so as to highlight spatial the need for further research into the island’s changing trends and correlations across Nuuk. spatial, political and socio-economic trends. Further- A series of interviews will then be conducted with more, it has been argued that Greenland’s urban spaces representatives from the Greenlandic government, em- represent a potential focal point for the island’s politi- ployers and employees from Nuuk’s private sector and cal and economic evolution, as well as its future capac- the Greenlandic Workers Union or SIK (Salzman & ity to become a resource frontier and shipping hub Knapp, 2007). It is the intention that the thesis will help (Ackrén et al., 2011). identify and contextualise key socio-economic trends Greenland, and specifically the population of Nuuk, in Nuuk’s labour market, and in doing so, further con- present an unique and important case both in terms tribute to a deeper understanding of indigenous and of analysing an increasingly urbanised, indigenous arctic urbanisation, income structures and social mo- population but also in the evolution of indigenous self- bility (UN, 2008). determination within a first world context (Abelsen, 2007). It is within the context of arctic urbanisation that Bibliography the role of the labour market, both international and domestic is highlighted as focus for this doctoral thesis (Fossland, 2012). The impact of the labour market Abelsen, M (2007) Case Study: Greenland, Urban Indig- on population diversity, distribution and structure as enous Peoples and Migration: A review of policies, pro- well as trade and foreign relations will continue to help grammes and practices, United Nations Housing Rights shape the economic and political environment into Programme, Report No. 8, United Nations HABITAT. which Greenlandic identity evolves (Dahl, 2010). In or- Ackrén, M; Nielsen, S; Harms, M (2011) Greenland’s der to gain a better understanding into these processes, Economy: In Perspective for Future Endeavours, Institute of the doctoral thesis will examine the factors and trends International Affairs Centre for Small State Studies (Stof- exhibited by Nuuk’s labour market and its interaction nanir), University of Iceland, Accessed: 11/11/11. with the Greenlandic population. The research will Dahl, J (2010) Identity, Urbanization and Political Demogra- place under scrutiny the challenges posed by balancing phy in Greenland, Acta Borealia, 27:2, pp. 125-140. economic progress and service provision with urban social cohesion and mobility (Hansen, 2011). Fossland, T, M (2012) Highly skilled migration in the ur- The methods used will be interdisciplinary and ban Arctic: a Norwegian case study on skilled migrant consist of a combination of quantitative and qualita- labour market integration, Polar Record 48 (246): 254–258 tive approaches. Labour market data for each of the key (2012) Cambridge University Press 2012. doi: 10.1017/ S0032247412000071 districts of Nuuk will be correlated via a tailored regression model to differing dependent variables including; Hamilton, L, C; Rasmussen RO (2010) Population, Sex Ratios and Development in Greenland, Arctic, Vol. 63, No. 1,

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 133 pp. 43-52. UN (2008) Urban Indigenous Peoples and Migration: Chal- lenges and Opportunities, Indigenous Peoples, Indigenous Hansen, K, G (2011) Greenland´s changing housing market, Voices, ‘backgrounder’ prepared for the Seventh Session of Journal of Nordregio, No.2, 2011, Accessed: 01/01/12, URL: the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, United Na- http://www.nordregio.se/en/Metameny/About-Nordregio/ tion Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Social Policy Journal-of-Nordregio/Journal-of-Nordregio-no-2-2011/Green- and Development Division, United Nations Headquarters, lands-changing-housing-market/ New York, NY, USA.

Hill, E, W and Wolman, H, L (1997) City-Suburban Income University of Copenhagen (2009) Urban Greenland: move- Disparities and Metropolitan Area Employment: Can Tighten- ments, narratives and creativity 2006-2009, Department of ing Labor Markets Reduce the Gaps? Urban Affairs Review, Cross-Cultural and Regional Studies - Language, Religion Vol. 32, No.4, 1997, 32: 558 and Society, Faculty of Humanities, University of Copenha- gen, Denmark. Salzman, H and Knapp, D (2007) Employment and Sustain- ability in a Time of Transition: Human capital development, firm strategy, and community in the Arctic, The Urban Insti- tute, Washington, DC

134 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 23. New industry and changing demography in East Iceland

Hjalti Johannesson

Abstract to the aluminium plant the gender ratio has been a concern and high staff turnover and resulting migra- Inhabitants of East Iceland witnessed great changes tion to and from the region. Planning issues have been during the first years of the new millenium. A large al- challenging as well as the transportation network of uminium plant was built by Alcoa in the fjord Reyðar- the region and this relates also to the development of fjörður which has had much impact on the demogra- the Icelandic economy in recent years. In the presenta- phy of the region and caused much challenge for the tion the current demographic conditions and the main inhabitants and the local communities. There has been challenges for the region of East Iceland will be re- much population increase in the communities closest viewed and discussed.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 135 136 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 24. New industry and changing demography in Newfoundland and Labrador

Keith Storey

Introduction Th e Canadian province of Newfoundland and Labrador (Figure 1) is south of 60 north and as such is not in Th is paper was originally presented at the “Urbaniza- the Arctic – the focus of the conference. However, its tion in the Arctic” conference organized by Nordregio peripherality to the rest of Canada, its climate and the and held in Nuuk, Greenland in August 2012. Its focus economic and social parallels suggest that there are is on the relationships between the changing demogra- urbanization-related experiences here, which may be phy and the changing economic structure of New- relevant to some parts of the Arctic. foundland and Labrador, Canada. Th e purpose is to draw attention to some of the main challenges that these changes have presented, and indeed continue to present, to government, the private sector and rural Demographic Change communities in the Province. Th e approximate time In 1992 the total population of the province was esti- frame considered here is the past and next 20 years mated at 580,000, by 2011 it had declined to an esti- (1992-2032). mated 514,600, a decrease of more than 11%. Th is has been the result of a steady decline in the annual number of births, a slow increase in the number of deaths Figure 1 – Newfoundland and Labrador and the Arctic (Figure 2) and high levels of out-migration (Figure 3).

Figure 2 – Natural population change, Newfoundland and Labrador 1951-2006

Source: Government of Newfoundland and Labrador, Dept. of Finance. http://www.economics.gov.nl.ca/pdf2007/ regionaldemographicprofi les.pdf

Source: Based on The Newfoundland-centred World Map, Department of Geography, Memorial University

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 137 Figure 3 – Net Migration, Newfoundland and Labrador 1971-2011

Source: http://www. stats.gov.nl.ca/Statistics/ Population/ PDF/ Components.pdf

In 2006 the number of deaths began to exceed that of components have had a dramatic eff ect on the age births. Th e high fertility rates experienced in the im- structure of the population (Figure 4). Th e Province mediate post-War period ended in the early 1960s and now has an increasingly aged population – a charac- the annual number of births declined steadily until teristic that, notwithstanding the recent increase in the 2008, since when there have been small increases in number of births and some in-migration, will likely be birth numbers. Whether these increases are directly exacerbated through the remainder of the time frame attributable to the “progressive family growth benefi t” under consideration. program introduced by the Province in 200814) (New- foundland and Labrador 2008), and whether this pat- Figure 4 – Age Structure, Newfoundland and Labrador, 1951- tern will continue, is not clear. 2021 Th e main driver of population change has, however, been out-migration. Since the early 1990s there have only been two years (2009 and 2010) when net migration has been positive. Out-migration increased signifi cantly following the federal government’s decision to impose a moratorium on the cod fi shery in 1992 and subsequently on a number of other groundfi sh fi sher- ies. While fi nancial support and retraining opportunities were made available to displaced fi shers and plant workers (Storey and Smith 1996), many people were forced to leave the Province in search of work elsewhere. More recently, in the middle years of the last decade, employment opportunities, particularly in Western Canada, saw another surge in out-migration. However, the recession of 2008 and a strengthening provincial economy have helped to reverse this pattern over the past four years. Source: Statistics Canada and Department of Finance, Th ese changes in birth, death and out-migration Economics and Statistics Branch, 2006, Medium Scenario

14) Th is program designed to stimulate natural population growth in the Regionally the population is becoming increasingly Province provided $1,000 for every child born or adopted, plus a parental support benefi t of $100 a month to parents for the fi rst 12 months for concentrated. At present 95% of the population is on each child. the Island of Newfoundland, with 37% of the total pop-

138 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 ulation in the St. John’s Census Metropolitan Area ince. Many of these “highway” communities have been (Figure 5). Few communities showed any growth be- the recipients of migrants moving in from rural coastal tween 2001 and 2006. Th ose that did were mainly those communities and further evidence of this trend is ex- surrounding the St. John’s CMA and along the Trans- pected to be seen in the 2011 census data. Canada Highway, the main routeway across the prov-

Figure 5 – Change in Population by Community, Newfoundland, 2001-2006

Source: http://www. communityaccounts.ca/ SESA/nl_mapcentre/ PopulationChange/ Nﬂ d0106.pdf

While the St. John’s region is the largest urban agglom- shows mainly decreases in community populations in eration and the fastest growing area. Th e City itself has the 2001-2006 period (Figure 7). However, the recent not grown much in the last 25 years and if the ‘medium’ mining boom in Labrador West (Labrador City and projection for growth holds true will not grow much in Wabush) has resulted in at least temporary signifi cant the next 20 (Figure 6). population growth in this area in the past three to fi ve Labrador with 5 % of the provincial population years.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 139 Figure 6 – Population Projections, City of St. John’s, Innu and Inuit aboriginal populations in Labrador Newfoundland and Labrador to 2031 have been settled in permanent locations since the late 1950s. Innu are concentrated in two communities, Sheshatshiu in central Labrador and Natuashish in the north. Inuit are mainly found in the coastal communities from Nain to Rigolet on the north coast in Nunat- siavut and in Happy Valley- Goose Bay (see Figure 7). Th ere are also approximately 6,000 NanataKavut (Me- tis) members who live mostly in central and southeast coast communities of Labrador. While urban areas provide better access to employment opportunities and services for aboriginal people, at the same time separation from family, the community and the land can be diffi cult for many. Alcohol, drugs, family violence are all serious long-term issues in Labrador’s aboriginal communities, but these are not exclusive to the larger urban areas. Source: http://www.stjohns.ca/sites/default/fi les/fi les/ publication/CSJ%20Population%20Projections.pdf

C h a n g e i n P o p u l a t i o n b y C o m m u n i t y , 2 0 0 1 t o 2 0 0 6 A m o u n t o f C h a n g e 1 0 - 1 0 0 1 0 1 - 2 5 0 D e c r e a s e 2 5 1 - 5 0 0 I n c r e a s e 5 0 1 - 1 , 0 0 0 L i t t l e o r N o C h a n g e 1 , 0 0 1 - 2 , 0 0 0

2 , 0 0 0 +

N a i n

N a t u a s h i s h

H o p e d a l e

M a k k o v i k

P o s t v i l l e

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C a r t w r i g h t C h u r c h i l l F a l l s B l a c k T i c k l e - N o r t h W e s t R i v e r / D o m i n o S h e s h a t s h i u L a b r a d o r C i t y H a p p y V a l l e y - G o o s e B a y W a b u s h

C h a r l o t t e t o w n

P o r t H o p e S i m p s o n S t . L e w i s M a r y ' s H a r b o u r Figure 7 – Change in Population by Community, Labrador, 2001-200 R e d B a y

F o r t e a u W e s t S t . M o d e s t e L ' A n s e a u L o u p L ' A n s e a u C l a i r Source: http://www. communityaccounts.ca/SESA/ D e p a r t m e n t o f F i n a n c e N e w f o u n d l a n d & L a b r a d o r S t a t i s t i c s A g e n c y nl_mapcentre/PopulationChange/ R W 1 0 _ 2 2 6 v 1 C o m m u n i t y A c c o u n t s J u l y 2 0 , 2 0 1 0 Lab0106.pdf

140 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Industrial Change Growth has been primarily driven by the petroleum and mining sectors and construction associated with Once Canada’s poorest province, the Newfoundland the development of these resources (Figure 9). and Labrador economy has grown signifi cantly in In 2010 total GDP for Newfoundland and Labrador terms of GDP since the mid-1990s (Figure 8). Once a was $26.3 billion, of this oil extraction accounted for recipient of federal funds through the national regional over 30 % (Figure 10). In the goods producing sector equalization program and designated as a ‘have-not’ mining is a distant second, at just under 9 % while the province, Newfoundland and Labrador is now consid- traditional resource sectors, harvesting and produc- ered, at least for the time being, as a ‘have’ province and tion in the fi shery and forestry, account for only about no longer entitled to federal fund redistribution 5% of provincial GDP.

Figure 8 – GDP at Current Prices, Newfoundland and Labrador 1981-2010

Source: http://www.stats.gov.nl.ca/ Statistics/GDP/ PDF/GDP_Current_ Prices.pdf

Figure 9 – GDP, Goods Producing Sector, Newfoundland and Labrador, 2000, 2011

Source: Based on http://www.stats. gov.nl.ca/Statistics/ GDP/PDF/GDP_ Industry.pdf

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 141 Figure 10 – Percentage of GDP, Goods Producing Sector, Newfoundland and Labrador 2011

Source: NL, Dept. of Finance. The Economy 2012. http://www.economics.gov.nl.ca/TheEconomy2012.asp

At the same time oil and mining extraction, which are ing, of which fi sh processing is the most important, ac- capital rather than labour intensive, account for less counts for just as large a share of employment. than 5 % of total employment (Figure 11). Manufactur-

Figure 11 – Percentage of Total Employment, Goods Producing Sector, Newfoundland and Labrador 2010

Source: NL, Dept. of Finance. The Economy 2012. http://www.economics.gov.nl.ca/TheEconomy2012.asp

142 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Anticipated future growth is dominated by new re- projects will be carried out in St. John’s, construction source projects. Of the total projected capital projects and production activity associated with each of these in 2012 ($28 billion) three resource-related projects projects will be in rural areas. Given the small labour Hebron, Muskrat Falls, and the Long Harbour Nickel forces in these areas, the implication is that the re- processing facility are expected to contribute $18.1 bil- quired number of workers will not be available locally lion (64 %) to the total (Figure 12). While much of the and potentially not available provincially. design phase and production administration of these

Figure 12 – Major Capital Projects, Newfoundland and Labrador, 2012

Source: NL, Dept. of Finance. The Economy 2012. http://www.economics.gov.nl.ca/TheEconomy2012.asp

Implications oil, mining and other major companies operating in the province, most of the province’s industry service and Th e Newfoundland and Labrador economy is currently support activity, and offi ces of both the provincial and thriving like never before, albeit driven primarily by federal governments. one activity, oil extraction. Dependency on a single re- In the rural areas depopulation and aging mean that source raises issues of long-term economic stability there are skilled labour shortages even to meet local given that there are few alternative sectors to fall back needs and per capita costs of providing infrastructure on that individually or in combination could generate and services for those that remain are higher than in comparable levels of GDP should oil revenues change. areas with greater populations. For those in the labour Diversifi cation of the economy has long been a goal of force in rural areas, occupational opportunities in Newfoundland and Labrador provincial governments, traditional sectors such as the fi shery and forestry are but beyond some encouraging developments in oil-re- declining, and many older workers oft en do not have lated marine engineering activities, new sector devel- the education, skills or formal qualifi cations to fi nd opments have been limited and success with diversifi - employment in other occupations. Overall unemploy- cation can at best be described as fragile. Even though ment rates, though they have decreased signifi cantly in Newfoundland has a number of important oil projects, recent years, remain high relative to Canada as a whole development of an oil industry in the Province is still in (10.6 % [Newfoundland and Labrador 2012a]), while at its infancy. the same time there is a shortage of skilled workers. While the economy as a whole is thriving, most of Most rural communities were originally established the benefi ts have been concentrated in the St. John’s to take advantage of the inshore fi shery. Th ere are typi- metropolitan region. Here is the area with the single cally few other local economic opportunities that can largest labour pool in the province, the offi ces of the substitute for the fi shery. Economic diversifi cation in

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 143 rural areas, while recognized as necessary, has thus western Canada, particularly Fort McMurray, Alberta, been extremely difficult to achieve given the physical to take up employment in the oil sands sector. Once and human resource bases. Tourism is often seen as these migrants are established it is not unusual to see the panacea. However, while tourism is an important parents relocating to be near their children and grand- element of the economy15), employment opportuni- children. ties in this sector are limited, the skills required not  Continue to reside in the community, but work year- necessarily transferable from other sectors where there round on a roster system or seasonally outside of the is surplus labour, and much of the work is low paying Province. and seasonal. Where there are opportunities for rural develop- Offshore and onshore oil workers, construction ment entrepreneurs, as elsewhere, find it difficult to workers, marine crews and long-term care nurses are raise venture capital for projects, and governments, some examples of sectors involving mobile workers both federal and provincial, while publically advocat- who live in the province but work outside of it. A 2010 ing support for rural industry and rural communities, survey of the Newfoundland and Labrador labour force seem in actuality to have only a limited commitment to determined that between 19,500 and 23,500 persons rural development policy and rural investment. were or had been mobile workers in the period Janu- In the absence of economic opportunities rural resi- ary 2009 to March 2010 (Newfoundland and Labrador dents have several options: 2011). This represents 7-8% of the provincial labour force and the ‘repatriated’ incomes allow workers and  Stay in the community their families to remain in communities where they Many may not have the formal education and skills to would otherwise be unable to find work. That said, for find work elsewhere. Fishing or forest work requires some mobile work also provides the opportunity to very particular skills that may not be easily transferable move away from rural areas to urban areas, their in- to other sectors and in many cases may have been comes now making homes in St. John’s and other larger learned informally. Lack of formal education and qual- communities affordable. ifications can make it difficult to find jobs that pay well While mobile work is important in helping to main- enough to justify a move from a community where tain rural life in some communities, the dominant pat- many people own their own homes and where living tern is one of movement out of the smaller, relatively costs may be comparatively low. more isolated communities – effectively a pattern of  Move to larger centres within the province voluntary resettlement. The St. John’s metropolitan area has been the main re- Resettlement is by no means a new process in New- cipient of intra-provincial migrants. Employment op- foundland and Labrador, but the rate at which it is now portunities for those in the labour force are potentially occurring does not bode well for the future of many greater here than elsewhere in the province, and for smaller communities without good access to larger ur- those who are retired there is the benefit of being closer ban centres. Resettlement first occurred in 1954 and to health care and other services relevant to seniors. at that time it too was a voluntary process. However, Many may also move to larger centres to be closer to between 1954 and 1975 some 143 communities and their children and grandchildren who have already 20,000 people were resettled under a series of govern- moved. ment programs that ‘encouraged’ people to relocate.  Move to centres outside of the Province While the majority of those that moved saw resettle- Out-migration from the Province in search of work has ment as an opportunity to gain better access to schools, always been a characteristic of Newfoundland and health services and employment (Robb and Robb 1969), Labrador labour, from those involved in construction others saw it as a loss of identity and traditional ways of skyscrapers in Boston and New York in the 19th cen- of life (Iverson and Matthews 1973). Some communi- tury, to those involved in manufacturing activity in ties resisted relocation and others who chose reloca- what is now Cambridge, Ontario in the 1960s and tion became disillusioned by the lack of growth in the 1970s, and more recently to those that have moved to “growth centres” to which they moved. By 1975 when the official program ended, “resettlement” had become such a politically charged notion such that subsequent 15) Tourism is not identified as a separate sector in estimates of provin- governments have since avoided both use of the term cial GDP in Newfoundland and Labrador. In 2010 GDP generated by the and any explicit promotion of the process. Accommodation and Food Services and Information, Culture and Rec- reation sectors combined represented 3.8% of the provincial total (New- That said, provincial government support for com- foundland and Labrador 2012). munities that wish to resettle is still available. Three

144 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 communities have voluntarily been abandoned since vate sector, the aging population and limited opportu- 2000. More are bound to follow as the number of resi- nities for economic growth and development in rural dents continues to decline and those remaining are un- areas present significant challenges. For government able to access the services that they need, or in cases those challenges are primarily associated with the cost where the economic base for the community (typically of providing and the ability to staff services to an in- a fish plant) disappears and there are no alternative em- creasingly elderly population. For the private sector, ployment opportunities.16) markets are shrinking and shifting to a less consumer- Demographically and industrially Newfoundland oriented demographic, thereby increasing the likeli- and Labrador presents some stark contrasts. The tradi- hood of the withdrawal of those services in the future. tional rural economic sectors, the fishery and forestry, For companies operating in the resource sectors it may offer few employment opportunities for new entrants well be that Newfoundland and Labrador will, in the to the labour force and as a consequence outmigration future, become a host region for mobile workers rather of the young and better educated has left rural areas than a source region as at present as workers in the with an aging population and few with the education, trades age and retire. skills and experience to take advantage of opportuni- Economic growth within the Province also seems ties when they do arise. The St. John’s metropolitan likely to be concentrated in a few areas. The St. John’s region is one of the few areas that offer opportunities metropolitan region will remain the hub for offshore for the young and educated in the ‘new’ economy – pe- petroleum activity, other larger urban places will con- troleum, mining companies all have their offices here, tinue as regional retail, service and administrative cen- and the growing population provides spin-off opportu- tres (e.g. Corner Brook, Gander, Happy Valley-Goose nities in the retail, construction and personal services Bay), while mining and mineral and petroleum pro- sectors. cessing will provide opportunities in a small number At the same time growth in the resource and re- of other areas (e.g. Labrador West and the Isthmus of source-related construction sectors has helped both to Avalon). maintain some rural communities and added to eco- The net effect is that the future does not look bright nomic growth in the St. John’s and other urban areas for much of rural Newfoundland and Labrador. The through income earned from mobile work. long history of small, rural communities with their The key elements that seem likely to perpetuate these distinctive histories and cultures, populated by large regional patterns in the province, at least over the next families and extensive kinship relationships, appears decade, can be summarized as follows: to becoming a thing of the past. Government appears Demographic change to have accepted this future, perhaps even subtly encouraging it through service and infrastructure invest-  Low birth rates, rising death rates and limited per- ment decisions, though not actively encouraging it, as manent in-migration; has been the case in the past.  Continued urban growth generally and in the St. John’s metropolitan area in particular;  Continued rural depopulation. References

Industrial change Iverson, N and D. Ralph Matthews (1973). “The Fate of the  Low birth rates, rising death rates and limited Outport Newfoundlander”, in Peter Neary (ed.), The Political  Continued dependence on the resource-based econ- Economy of Newfoundland and Labrador, 1929-1972, Copp Clark: Toronto, ON. omy, particularly oil;  Limited opportunities for industrial diversification. Newfoundland and Labrador (2008). “Province unveils new benefits to support families.” News release, Departments of For decision makers, in both government and the pri- Health and Community Services, and Finance. St. John’s, NL., May 2, 2008. http://www.releases.gov.nl.ca/releases/ 2008/health/0502n07.htm

16) Black Tickle, Labrador (population 201 [2006 Census of Canada]) Newfoundland and Labrador (2011). Newfoundland and Lab- has been dependent on a fish plant, which has closed several times in the rador Labour Market Outlook 2020. Government Newfound- past. The most recent closure in May 2012 may mean closure for good. land and Labrador, Department of Human Resources, Labour The provincial government has provided “make-work” funding for a year and Employment, St. John’s, NL. while diversification development options are explored. After this no further aid will be available to the community.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 145 Newfoundland and Labrador (2012). The Economy 2012. Storey, K. and B. Smith (1996). “No Fish Everywhere: The GDP and Employment. http://www.economics.gov.nl.ca/ Atlantic Groundfish Moratoria and Community Viability in E2012/GdpAndEmployment.pdf Newfoundland.” In Clare Mitchell and Fred Dahms (eds.) The Challenge and Opportunity: Managing Change in Canadian Newfoundland and Labrador (2012a). “QuickFacts”. Depart- Towns and Villages. Canadian Association of Geographers ment of Finance, Newfoundland and Labrador Statistics Geography and Public Issues Committee No. 4, Department Agency, St. John’s, NL. http://www.stats.gov.nl.ca/ of Geography, University of Waterloo, Publication Series Number 48, Waterloo, ON. pp.85-126. Robb, A. L. and R. E. Robb (1969). A Cost-Benefit Analysis of the Newfoundland Resettlement Program. Institute for Social Vale (2011). Newfoundland and Labrador Corporate Social and Economic Research, Memorial University, St. John’s, NL. Responsibility Annual Report 2011. St. John’s, NL. http:// www.vbnc.com/Reports/ VALE109_CSR%202011.pdf

146 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 25. Climate and Demographic Change in Arctic Alaska

Lawrence C. Hamilton

Introduction sults are not meant to be definitive. Rather, they test the practicality of a general approach that can be refined in The impacts of future climate change present an im- future research. The results include a statistically sig- portant frontier of research, currently under study nificant effect from the climate indicator (“threatened” through a wide range of methods (Parry et al. 2007). In status) on net outmigration, across 43 towns and vil- the Arctic, where climate changes already have been lages over a period of 22 years (1990–2011). The finding visible and rapid, residents are experiencing challenges encourages future research that will test more sophis- to ecosystems, infrastructure, transportation, territo- ticated climate indicators and models, applied to more rial claims, and both economic and subsistence activi- extensive data. ties. Pressures from environmental change are expect- The following sections discuss general Arctic cli- ed to have social effects up to the scale of community mate and demographic trends, including increased viability and people’s commitment to stay. Net migra- urbanization that has made communities more vul- tion, a volatile flow shaping Arctic community demo- nerable to erosion problems. The place/year database graphics (Hamilton and Mitiguy 2009; Hamilton framework, use of net migration as a key indicator, and 2010), provides one sensitive but general indicator that mixed-effects modeling are introduced as extensions to could be monitored for possible impacts from climate previous research. These elements come together in a or other changes (Hamilton, Bjerregaard and Poppel formal model, followed by graphical interpretation and 2010). diagnostic tests. The most imminent climate-related threats facing several Alaska communities involve erosion, which might be accelerated by increased runoff, thawing per- Arctic climate trends mafrost, and/or reduced sea ice giving less protection While global average temperature rose over the past from waves and storms. This paper focuses on some of century, Arctic warming has been more pronounced. those threatened communities, comparing them with The “Arctic amplification” predicted by global climate similar places that are not imminently threatened. The models (Solomon et al. 2007; Richardson et al. 2009) is association between erosion-threatened status and net clearly visible in Figure 1, a graph of global and Arctic migration is examined by a statistical method, mixed- mean annual temperature anomalies from 1880 to 2011 effects modeling, that could have broad applications in (data from NASA 2012). The year 1975 marks a take-off assessing climate impacts. In general terms the method point for many indexes of global warming. Since 1975, involves community-level time series of social indica- Arctic surface temperatures warmed at an average rate tors, integrated with relevant climate indicators and of 0.53 °C per decade, three times faster than the global dynamically modeled. The demonstration model in average (0.17 °C per decade). this paper employs a crude climate indicator, and re-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 147 Arctic and global temperature 1880–2011

Since 1975 +2 Arctic +.53°C/decade

Global +.17°C/decade

Temperature anomaly, °C anomaly, Temperature -1

-2 Figure 1: Arctic and 1880 1900 1920 1940 1960 1980 2000 global annual temperature

data: NASA GISS anomalies from 1880 through 2011.

Surface and deeper ocean temperatures have warmed 1979 to 2012 come from NSIDC (2012); I calculated in many parts of the Arctic as well, influenced not only values for earlier years by linear rescaling of data from by air temperatures and albedo feedback (less ice al- Cavalieri et al. (2003). Lowess regression, a smoothing lows more solar warming) but by the intrusion of technique that makes no assumptions about shape of warmer Atlantic waters (Spielhagen et al. 2011). Arctic the curve (Hamilton 2013:217), depicts a steepening sea ice cover has declined in all seasons, but most dra- downward trend in Figure 2. If this trend continues, matically in late summer. Figure 2 graphs mean Sep- virtually ice-free summer conditions could occur with- tember sea ice extent from 1972 through 2012, when it in a few decades or less. reached a new historical low point. Sea ice data from

September mean Arctic sea ice extent 1972–2012

6 5

Observed 4

lowess trend

Ice extent, million km² million extent, Ice

2 1

0 Figure 2: September 1972 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 mean Arctic sea ice extent data: NSIDC 1979-2012; rescaled based on Cavalieri (2003) 1972-1978 1972–2012, with lowess regression trend.

148 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Less ice cover has consequences for global to local- as Kivalina and Shishmaref) are threatened by such scale climate, for Arctic ecosystems, and for people erosion. Erosion and infrastructure problems also who travel or live near the sea. One consequence are exacerbated by warming temperatures that thaw felt by some Alaska communities has been increased permafrost. Figure 3 graphs annual temperature trends shoreline erosion as sea ice forms later in the fall, in records from Barrow and Kotzebue 1950–2011, leaving the shore exposed to waves from fall storms. showing uneven but unmistakable warming (station Infrastructure and some entire communities (such data from NASA 2012).

Arctic Alaska mean annual temperature 1950–2011

Kotzebue Barrow

-9 -3

-4

-10

-5

-11

-6

-12

Temperature, °C Temperature,

-7

-13

-8 -14

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 Figure 3: Mean annual temperature in Kotzebue and Barrow 1950–2011, data: GISS surface temperature analysis Alaska, with lowess regression trends.

Figures 1–3 depict some physical changes affecting the about the Iñupiaq of Northwest Alaska, gives a Arctic, including communities of Arctic Alaska. The population estimate of about 7,300 people in 1800 at the following section turns to demographic changes that start of the contact era (Burch 2006). This aboriginal also are affecting those communities. population, loosely organized into 13 social groups or nations, spread over a Northwest Alaska landscape of Arctic Alaska population trends some 107,000 square kilometers. Individual nations Historical anthropologist Ernest Burch Jr., writing ranged from about 300 to 1300 people, as graphed at left in Figure 4.

Northwest Alaska population in 1800 and 2011

3,000

2,500

2,000 2,000

Northwest Alaska 1,500 Northwest Arctic region in 1800: 1,500 Borough in 2011: population 7,315 2 population 7,651 area 107,406 km 2

area 105,573 km

1,000

Population

1,000

500

0 0

Wales

Kivalina

Kotzebue Shismaref Goodhope Figure 4: The population of Northwest Point Hope Kiana city Kobuk Delta Kobuk city Ambler city Noorvik city Lower Noatak Upper Noatak Deering city Kivalina city Selawik city Central Kobuk Lower Selawik Upper Selawik Noatak CDP Buckland River Buckland city Kotzebue city Shungnak city Alaska today is similar to that two centuries earlier, but much more data: Burch (2006); Alaska Dept Labor and Workforce Development urbanized or concentrated today.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 149 Burch’s Northwest Alaska region roughly corresponds the old hunting-gathering way of life. The concentra- to the modern Northwest Arctic Borough, an adminis- tion and infrastructure investments, however, make trative area of 106,000 km2 with 7,700 people in 2011. modern communities vulnerable to environmental The right-hand chart in Figure 4 depicts the population changes like erosion. Relocating houses, schools, wa- of the Northwest Arctic Borough in 2011. Although the ter systems and other infrastructure as a shoreline modern borough is not identical to Burch’s Northwest erodes incurs economic costs far beyond the resources Alaska region, they substantially overlap and have sim- of small communities, and daunting even to the much ilar size: the borough covers 106,000 square kilometers, larger state government. compared with 107,000 for Burch’s region. The bor- The geographical scope of this paper encompass- ough’s 2011 population (7,700) likewise resembles that es the 11 contemporary towns and villages of the of the region in 1800 (7,300). Comparing the left and Northwest Arctic Borough, along with 8 in the North right panels of Figure 4, however, one great difference Slope Borough, 16 in the Nome Census Area, 5 in the stands out: the 2011 population is far more concentrat- Dillingham Census Area, and s3 in the Bethel Census ed, with about half living in the hub town of Kotzebue. Area. This set of 43 predominantly Native communi- This trend toward urbanization is even more pro- ties has been the focus of previous analysis in Ham- nounced than it appears because the 11 modern towns ilton and Mitiguy (2009) and Hamilton et al. (2011). and villages each are spatially compact, unlike the 13 Figure 5 maps the town and village locations, and also nations of 1800. Contemporary housing and the need of the larger regions (Northwest Arctic Borough, etc.) for electricity and water, as well as education and jobs, to which they belong. pull people closely together — a pattern unsuited for

Figure 5: Forty-three selected Arctic Alaska towns and villages (larger map), and 27 county-equivalent entities (boroughs, census areas or municipalities) comprising all Alaska (inset). From Hamilton and Mitiguy (2009).

150 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Although Northwest Alaska Native populations in current level. Natural increase, with periods of positive 1800 and 2011 have similar size, this coincidence does net migration, drove the overall growth seen in Figure not imply demographic stability. Like other indigenous 6. Internal migration within regions drove the local ur- peoples of the Americas, Alaska Natives experienced banization seen earlier in Figure 5. The next section terrible mortality with exposure to European disease. looks more closely at how the balance between net mi- Recovery from that disaster, the Northwest Arctic pop- gration and natural increase affects variation in popu- ulation as recently as 1971 was little more than half its lation of individual Arctic communities.

Northwest Arctic Borough 1971–2011

8,000

7,000

6,000

Population 5,000

Figure 6: Although modern populations may resemble pre-contact levels, contact

4,000 was followed by high mortality from 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010

data: Alaska Dept Labor and Workforce Development disease. Modern populations have rebuilt from historically low levels.

Net migration and Arctic populations from the Alaska Bureau of Vital Statistics. We show Population change reflects the sum of four flows: births, births from July 1 2010 through June 30 2011 as “2011” deaths, in-migration and outmigration. Figure 7 em- and so forth, for consistency with the state’s midsum- ploys a graphical style developed by Hamilton and Mi- mer population estimates. The number of deaths per tiguy (2009) to visualize population change and its year ranged from 0 to 8, and there were 5 to 18 children components. This example describes recent changes in born to Kivalina residents each year. (The seemingly Kivalina, a coastal village in the Northwest Arctic Bor- exact counts of births, deaths and population indicated ough. Bars along the lower part of the graph indicate by such graphs are of course subject to some errors.) the number of deaths (dark bars) and births (lighter On average, about 9.5 more births than deaths oc- bars) for each year from 1990 to 2011. These data are curred each year.

Kivalina, Northwest Arctic Borough, Alaska

400 380

360 Vertical lines show estimated net

migration effects

340

320

Population

300

0 Births and deaths deaths and Births

-20 Figure 7: Population dynamics (total, 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010 births, deaths and net migration) of data: Hamilton and Mitiguy (2009) Kivalina, Alaska, 1990–2011.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 151 Without migration, the population of this village Consequently, the line segment extends down from would have continually increased. Due to outmigra- 370 to the main population curve at 265. A line seg- tion, it has not actually done so. The scale for births and ment extending up to the main curve would indicate deaths appears at lower right in this graph. At upper net in-migration, or population growth exceeding that left is a comparable vertical scale for population. The expected from natural increase. Although a few years, graph’s main curve tracks total population, as estimat- such as 1992, experienced net in-migration, in most of ed for most years by the Alaska Department of Labor these years, more people left than arrived. The average and Workforce Development. For non-Census years was a loss of about 6 people per year, largely offsetting (all but 1990, 2000 and 2010), the state provides esti- natural increase. mates based on administrative data, notably Perma- Figure 8 displays similar graphs for four other Arc- nent Fund Dividend applications — a unique data re- tic Alaska communities. Net migration can be seen source that permits relatively accurate yearly estimates. to have strong effects on the total population of each. Short line segments that extend above the main The Health and Population chapter of the Arctic Social curve in Figure 7 indicate net outmigration, inferred Indicators report (Hamilton, Bjerregaard and Poppel from a population estimate that is lower than would 2010) identifies net migration as an important indica- be expected due to natural increase alone. For exam- tor that integrates push and pull forces acting on Arctic ple, Kivalina’s estimated population for July 1, 2005 communities. Net migration can change rapidly in re- was 363. By June 30 the following year there had been sponse to a changing balance of forces including bet- 15 births and 8 deaths, resulting in a 2006 projection ter or worse conditions in the community, and more of 363 + 15 – 8 = 370 people. The actual population or less attractive options elsewhere. Especially in small estimate for 2006 is 365, leading to an estimated net places, net migration can rapidly alter not both the size migration of 365 – 370 = –5, or five people leaving. and composition of a population.

Barrow, North Slope Borough Deering, Northwest Arctic Borough

4900

160

4600 150

Vertical lines show

140 4300 estimated net migration effects

Vertical lines show 130

4000 estimated net

migration effects

120

Population Population

3700

110

Births and deaths deaths and Births Births and deaths deaths and Births

100

3400

-5 -100 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010

Dillingham, Dillingham Census Area Shishmaref, Nome Census Area

Vertical lines show 2500 600 estimated net

Vertical lines show migration effects

estimated net 580

migration effects

2400

560

540

2300

520

500

2200

480

Population Population

2100

460

2000

Births and deaths deaths and Births Births and deaths deaths and Births

-50 -20

1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010

data: Hamilton and Mitiguy (2009)

Figure 8: Population dynamics of four Arctic Alaska communities, 1990–2011.

152 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Many Arctic Alaska communities today find them- munity (Rabe-Hesketh and Skrondal 2012; Hamilton selves on the front lines of global change. Kivalina and 2013). Hamilton et al. (2012) adapt this approach to Shishmaref, for example, are built along shorelines modeling annual electricity use by Arctic Alaska com- where the later formation of sea ice has reduced their munities as a function of population, price, trend and protection from erosion by fall storms. Since 2003, 31 weather. Alaska Native towns and villages — including those in The following example employs a crude indicator Figures 7 and 8 — have been identified as facing “im- of environmental stress: whether a particular commu- minent threats” from flooding and erosion (GAO nity has been classed as “imminently threatened” due 2009). At least 12 are considering full or partial reloca- to flooding or erosion, as described in the GAO (2009) tion. The problems often are climate-related, whether report. Although crude, this indicator permits a practi- from changes in sea ice, permafrost, or intensification cal trial of the modeling approach for detecting effects of Arctic hydrological cycles. Such changes are hap- of environmental stress on net migration from small pening now, with potentially severe consequences for places. The analysis employs data on 43 Arctic Alaska the communities affected. towns and villages over the years 1990 through 2011, or The impacts of resource and economic changes are more than 900 place-years. often reflected in net migration to or from northern Table 1 shows results from a mixed-effects model for places, as well documented in the case of fisheries-de- net migration to or from the ith community in year t pendent communities (Hamilton et al. 2004a, 2004b, (netmigit), predicted from a nonlinear time trend, pop- 2004c). Might climate change likewise have measur- ulation and an indicator coded as 1 for “imminently able effects on net migration? The next section takes an threatened” places after 2003, and 0 otherwise. Tests of exploratory look at this question. alternative specifications support a simple model with the form Modeling environmental effects on migration

Recent advances in mixed-effects modeling provide The $ parameters in equation [1] represent fixed effects, statistical tools for analyzing relationships among mul- common across all communities. The :i parameter rep- tiple time series, such as the Arctic community demo- resents random variations in the time trends exhibited graphics in Figures 7 and 8. Mixed-effect models are by different communities. D in equation [2] is a first- regression models containing both fixed and random order autoregression parameter, describing the correla- effects. Fixed effects resemble coefficients in an -ordi tion between error terms for successive years within nary multiple regression: they characterize relation- communities. The uit in equation [2] are assumed (and ships for the data as a whole. Random effects can vary later confirmed by testing) to be white noise. across clusters or subsets of the data. The inclusion of random effects offers advantages for representing clus- tered or panel data such as multiple years for each com-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 153 Fixed effects Coef. SE p(z) t (calendar year minus 2003) –.075 .248 .763 t 2 (t squared) .093 .035 .008 pop (community population) –.007 .001 .000 threat (1 since 2003 if “threatened”) –8.586 4.110 .037 intercept –5.113 1.937 .008 AR(1) D .135 .036 .000

Community-level random effect Std. dev. SE t 2 .032 .074

Residual standard deviation = 30.99 LR test vs. linear regression, p = .0002 Portmanteau Q tests of residuals (lag 5): 40 of 43 p > .05 (and 31 of 43 p > .20)

Table 1: Net migration to or from 43 Arctic Alaska communities over 1990–2011, as a function of “imminently threatened” status, population, and a quadratic time trend, with first-order autoregressive errors. Trends vary from place to place. Mixed-effects model estimated from 903 place-years of data, showing coefficients, standard errors and p-values.

Tests of alternative specifications including higher-or- model and data. Yearly migration from these small der autoregressive or moving-average processes, and places is erratic and difficult to predict. The model additional random effects, complicated the model achieves only limited success, explaining about 10 % without significantly improving the overall fit. of the variance in net migration. Nonlinear time trend, The maximum restricted likelihood (REML) esti- population and threat status all have statistically sig- mates in Table 1 are based on 43 parallel time series: nificant coefficients, however. Moreover, the effect of the years 1990 through 2011 in each of 43 communi- threat status is negative as expected. Controlling for ties. Substituting the estimated coefficients from Table population and community-specific time trend, threat 1 into equations [1] and [2] yields equation [3]: status increases predicted net outmigration by 8 or 9

Figure 9 shows some examples of the fit between people per year ($4 = –8.586).

154 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6

Barrow Kotzebue Nome

0 0 0

1990 2000 2010 1990 2000 2010 1990 2000 2010

Bethel Atqasuk Kivalina

0 0

1990 2000 2010 1990 2000 2010 1990 2000 2010

Shishmaref Togiak Dillingham (squares) migration Net

Net mig predicted (dashed curves) (dashed predicted mig Net

0 0

1990 2000 2010 1990 2000 2010 1990 2000 2010

Figure 9: Observed yearly net migration from 9 example communities, shown with values predicted from the model in Table 1.

In their paper on electricity use, Hamilton et al. (2012) be developed. employ more detailed climatic data: monthly tempera- Mixed modeling holds promise for studying impacts ture and precipitation estimates from the University of from non-climate forces too, such as changes in subsi- Delaware Center for Climatic Research (Matsuura & dies, resource development or the price of fuel. In prin- Willmott 2009a, 2009b), projected to 25 km H 25 km ciple, this method could help to untangle the influence grid cells within which each community is located. of multiple factors that all affect migration (or are re- Similarly detailed climate variables, and better general flected in other social indicators) from Arctic commu- indicators, are worth developing in future research. nities. Statistical analysis cannot match the nuanced Despite the limitations of the Table 1analysis, its find- detail of ethnographic or community case-study work, ing of significant and plausible effects in the hypothe- but it complements such work with a broader step-back sized direction provides encouragement for taking the view that takes in several decades of change across next steps. dozens of different places. The regional to global scale of environmental changes being felt now in the Arc- tic, and also of the scientific research on such change, Conclusion makes a broad perspective on social change important This paper presented the general research context and as well. tried out a new statistical modeling approach that could prove broadly useful in testing for impacts from climate or any other change. For the first time, availa- Acknowledgement ble data are becoming extensive enough to support The research described here continues work begun un- such multivariate modeling, as the time series grow der two projects (H3L and AON – SI) supported by longer each year. As a next step, more sophisticated cli- grants from the Arctic Social Sciences and Arctic Sys- mate indicators, based on observational, reanalysis or tem Science programs at the U.S. National Science modeled climate and hydrological information should Foundation (OPP-0638413 and OPP-0531354).

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 155 Hamilton, L.C., D.M. White, R.B. Lammers and G. Myerchin. References 2012. “Population, climate and electricity use in the Arctic: Integrated analysis of Alaska community data.” Population and Environment 33(4):269–283. Burch, E.S. 2006. Social life in Northwest Alaska: The structure of Iñupiaq Eskimo nations. Fairbanks: University of Hamilton, L.C. 2013. Statistics with Stata, updated for version Alaska Press. 12. Belmont, CA: Cengage

Cavalieri, D.J., C.L. Parkinson and K.Y. Vinnikov. 2003. “30- Matsuura, K. and C.J. Willmott. 2009a. “Terrestrial tempera- year satellite record reveals contrasting Arctic and Antarctic ture: 1900–2008 gridded monthly time series, Version 2.01.” decadal sea ice variability.” Geophysical Research Letters Center for Climatic Research, Department of Geography, doi:10.1029/2003GL018031 University of Delaware.

GAO. 2009. Alaska Native Villages: Limited Progress Has Matsuura, K. and C.J. Willmott. 2009b. “Terrestrial precipita- Been Made on Relocating Villages Threatened by Flooding tion: 1900–2008 gridded monthly time series, Version 2.01.” and Erosion. Government Accountability Office Report to Center for Climatic Research, Department of Geography, Congressional Requesters. University of Delaware.

Hamilton, L.C. and C.L. Seyfrit. 1993. “Town–village con- NASA. 2012. GISS Surface Temperature Analysis (GIS- trasts in Alaskan youth aspirations.” Arctic 46(3):255–263. TEMP). http://data.giss.nasa.gov/gistemp/

Hamilton, L.C. and C.L. Seyfrit. 1994. “Female flight? Gender NSIDC. 2012. Sea Ice Index. http://nsidc.org/data/seaice_in- balance and outmigration by Native Alaskan villagers.” Arctic dex/ Medical Research 53(2):189–193. Parry, M.L., O.F. Canziani, J.P. Palutikof, P.J. van der Linden Hamilton, L.C., S. Jónsson, H. Ögmundardóttir and I.M. Bel- and C.E. Hanson (eds). 2007. Impacts, Adaptation, and Vul- kin. 2004a. “Sea changes ashore: The ocean and Iceland’s nerability. Contribution of Working Group II to the Fourth As- herring capital.” Arctic 57(4):325–335. sessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Hamilton, L.C., C.R. Colocousis and S.T.F. Johansen. 2004b. “Migration from resource depletion: The case of the Faroe Rabe-Hesketh, S. and A. Skrondal. 2012. Multilevel and Lon- Islands.” Society and Natural Resources 17(5):443–453. gitudinal Modeling Using Stata, 3rd edition. College Station, TX: Stata Press. Hamilton, L.C., R.L. Haedrich and C.M. Duncan. 2004c. “Above and below the water: Social/ecological transformation Richardson, K, W. Steffen, H.J. Schnellnhuber, and 9 others. in northwest Newfoundland.” Population and Environment 2009. Synthesis Report from Climate Change: Global Risks, 25(3):195–215. Challenges & Decisions. Denmark: University of Copenha- gen. http://www.pik-potsdam.de/news/press-releases/files/ Hamilton, L.C. and A.M. Mitiguy. 2009. “Visualizing popu- synthesis-report-web.pdf lation dynamics of Alaska’s Arctic communities.” Arctic 62(4):393–398. Solomon, S., D. Qin, M. Manning, Z. Chen, M. Marquis, K.B. Averyt, M. Tignor and H.L. Miller (eds.). 2007. The Physical Hamilton, L.C. 2010. “Footprints: Demographic effects of Science Basis. Contribution of Working Group II to the Fourth outmigration.” Pp. 1–14 in L. Huskey and C. Southcott (eds.), Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Cli- Migration in the Circumpolar North: Issues and Contexts. mate Change. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Circumpolar Institute. Spielhagen, R.F., K. Werner, S.A.Sørensen, K. Zamelczyk,E. Hamilton, L.C., P. Bjerregaard and B. Poppel. 2010. “Health Kandiano, G. Budeus, K. Husum, T.M. Marchitto, and M. and population.” In J.N. Larsen, P. Schweitzer & G. Fondahl Morten Hald. 2011. “Enhanced modern heat transfer to (eds.) Arctic Social Indicators. Copenhagen: Nordic Council the arctic by warm atlantic water.” Science 331(Jan 28), of Ministers. 450–453.

Hamilton, L.C. and R.B. Lammers. 2011. “Linking pan-Arctic human and physical data.” Polar Geography 34(1–2):107– 123.

156 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 26. New Economic Activities and Urbanisation: Individual reasons for moving and for staying – Case Greenland

Klaus Georg Hansen and Ramus Ole Rasmussen

1.0 Introduction a reduction in the biomass of target species and other species taken as by-catch. This again will affect the ben- It is generally recognized that the Arctic is a region of thic habitat and may lead towards a downward shift in economic contrasts. While the international economy the size distributions of caught fish as well as shift in supports modern large scale activities involving capital the mean trophic level closer to primary production intensive production at one end of the scale, the infor- (Hamilton, Brown, and Rasmussen, 2003). mal and traditional economy occurs through small in- The consequences of the above described changes dividual or family groups at the other end, and in be- would probably benefit different groups with different tween there are mixes of modern and traditional capitalization, licenses and location, generating a link methods of production. In this context the empirical between ecosystem and social system change, while evidence clearly shows the effects of changing local and another link – competition from other global sourc- global markets but also shows the importance of bring- es generating seafood produces and cheaper protein ing forward the political norms on vulnerability that sources – will be adding to the complexity (Rasmussen this may generate (Young 2002; Keskitalo 2008). 2010). The Arctic economy basically contains three distinct Since Home Rule was established in Greenland in but related parts: the international resource economy, 1979 a focus for economic development in Greenland the transfer economy, and the traditional economy. has led to reduced dependence on Denmark. Suggested The international resource economy serves worldwide means and measures have been different through time. markets utilizing resources such as diamonds, gold, Industrialisation of fisheries and exploitation of valu- zinc, oil, natural gas, and fish. The traditional economy able resources such as shrimp fisheries was in focus is also centred on resource utilization, but here the uti- during the first decades. Realizing, however, how the lization, through fishing, hunting, herding and gath- world market has been dropping due to intensive devel- ering, is primarily for local consumption. Finally, the opment of aquaculture and with most of the renewable transfer economy brings funds into the region from resources used close to its maximum – for some species other levels of government. The transfer economy sup- even beyond this point – the need of alternatives in ports services, generate benefits and also contributes to order just to maintain the living conditions has become income for many (Rasmussen 2010; Huskey and South- obvious (Winther 2000). With ambitions of increased cott 2010). level of autonomy based on a reduced dependence of When drawn into the globalisation process, the Arc- transfers the need of alternatives becomes still more tic economies – including the economy of Greenland urgent, with mineral and energy resources among the – are having important impacts. Fisheries, especially most obvious means of promoting this process. The modern ones, generate systematic changes in the ex- success so far, however, seem to be limited. In spite of ploited marine ecosystems. There are expectations in many known resources which eventually would serve relation to further expansion of potential exploitable as an economic base the interest among the multina- fish stocks moving northward due to climate change. tional companies which are able to undertake the ex- In this connection there will be impact and eventually ploration has for many years been limited.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 157 There has, however, been an important shift in the pany Alcoa approached the Government of Greenland level of interest during the last decade and now not in the beginning of 2006 that the idea of developing only in relation to minerals and energy resources, but large scale industrial activities was initiated again. Al- also exploitation of the rich sources of hydro power coa wished to initiate preliminary surveys whose ob- available in Greenland. Hydro power has in Greenland ject was to assess the potential for establishing an alu- been recognized as a substantial potential for decades. minium smelter in the central West Greenland in the In 1983 an overview report on earlier reports on hydro area between Sisimiut to the North and Nuuk to the power potentials in Greenland was published (Råstof- South. The Government of Greenland was basically not forvaltningen 1983). In spite of that the hydro power prepared for such an inquiry but the administration potential in Greenland has only recently begun to be responded positively, and a protracted – and still on- recognized by the global industries. This has now hap- going – process was started. pened, however, and the take-off for a proposal for a A short list of the most significant project milestones new economic initiative took off around 2006 in the includes the following: shape of an inquiry from the company Alcoa. Spring 2006 First enquiry by Alcoa; July 2006 Joint Action Plan (JAP) with Alcoa; 2.0 Why, where, and how an alu- April 2007 First open political decision minium smelter? regarding the plans (Go on); The idea of initiating an aluminium industry in Green- May 2007 Memorandum of Understanding land is not new. In May 1979 – when the Greenland (MoU) with Alcoa; Home Rule was born – a report titled “Aluminiumsin- May 2008 Open political decision on placement dustri ved Godthåb og Sisimiut” [Aluminium Industry (Maniitsoq); at Godthåb and Holsteinsborg] (Hoff & Overgaard 2013? Open political decision on ownership 1979) was published. The report describes socio-eco- (partner/concession); nomic aspects of a potential, large industry in central 2013? Final political discussion on project West Greenland. Part of the inspiration to look into the (start/not start); possibilities of starting an aluminium industry in 2018? Earliest possible commencement of Greenland came from Iceland. In 1969 the Icelandic production – if the project is Aluminium Co. Ltd (Ísal), a sole subsidiary of the Swit- approved. zerland-based Alusuisse, had started production at Ice- land’s first aluminium smelter, the Straumsvík smelter, The Government of Greenland has undertaken a num- close to Reykjavik (Jonsson and Wiestner 2013). ber of significant administrative initiatives during the In the late 20th century none of the identified po- different project phases. One of the most important of tentials for an aluminium smelter in Greenland was these initiatives was the creation of Greenland Devel- realised. Caused by the economic downturn in the opment. Greenland Development was formally incor- beginning of 1990’s partly due to the disappearance of porated on 1st November 2006 as a wholly owned sub- the cod from the waters west of Greenland, planning sidiary of Greenland Tourism and Business Council. In for large scale industries was set on hold. Among other June 2007, the Government of Greenland decided to activities the continuous monitoring of hydro power convert Greenland Development to a public limited resources stopped. company under the auspices of the Government of With the creation of the Home Rule and the joint Greenland. Greenland Development A/S’s tasks in- ownership of mineral and hydrocarbon resources and cluded undertaking contact to Alcoa on behalf of the the construction of the shared Danish-Greenlandic Government of Greenland. Greenland Development resource management (in Danish called “Råstoffor- A/S also produced a number of surveys and reviews vltningen for Grønland” and from 1998 “Bureau of primarily in the financial and socio-economic area. In Minerals and Petroleum”) focus was on the extraction spring 2012 Greenland Development A/S was discon- industry. Large scale production industries such as alu- tinued. minium smelters were a Home Rule responsibility, but Since 2011 another and competing large scale pro- large scale production industries were not classified as ject has developed quickly. It was the Chinese owned a high priority in the economic development for the company London Mining’s interest in starting a huge Home Rule. iron ore mine north of Nuuk close to the hydro power It was not until the USA based aluminium com- station B (see the map). It has not officially been fully recognised politically

158 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 but these two large scale projects obviously are com- Analysing the potential consequences of the planned peting for the same hydro power potentials and for the smelter an important issue has been the assumption same – limited – potential Greenlandic work force just that a positive consequence of the new activity would to mention a few of the potential conflict areas between be bringing persons depending on transfer payments the two projects. The slowing down of the process in or on low income jobs into the group of middle and the aluminium smelter project and the speeding up of high income jobs at the smelter or at jobs associated the process of the iron mine project during especially with the smelter activities (NIRAS 2010). It would of 2012 indicates the probability of the iron mine project course generate better economic conditions for the being completed first. workers and their families, and it would also generate When it comes to the needs for basic elements like tax revenues for the involved communities and nation- hydro power access and man power access the two pro- ally reduce transfer payment costs. jects are comparable. Here some of the considerations Consequently, it has been a vital argument for the regarding the aluminium smelter will be discussed in project that it will create a significant number of jobs greater detail. for the Greenlandic workforce. In addition that num- Prior to the political decision in spring 2008 regard- ber of jobs should be fairly stable during the operation- ing the location of the potential aluminium smelter sev- al phase as the production is expected to be kept going eral parameters were analysed and based on an evalu- at a high, stable level for many years. At some point ation these parameters the Government of Greenland in the early phase of the discussions in Greenland, it pointed to Maniitsoq as the most favourable place for a was predicted that the involved people from Greenland smelter (Government of Greenland 2008). would be dominated by people who otherwise would Analyses of the potential harbours recommended be depending on social support or low incomes from Maniitsoq because the other possible locations were for instance small scale fisheries. expected to be more exposed to harsh weather condi- Based on the assumption that a total of 1100-1200 tions. Regarding the access to the hydro power poten- workers would be employed, and they would be per- tials, focus was primarily on the lake Tasersiaq, located sons who otherwise would receive public assistance. between the Hydro power station A and the Ice Cap Calculations show that the impact on the public fi- (see the map). Tasersiaq represents the largest single nances on jobs would be around 300 million DKK per hydro power potential in West Greenland. Here the year, due only to improved job conditions. In a worst report from the Government of Greenland concluded case scenario, i.e. a situation where all 1100-1200 po- that Maniitsoq would be the best place to locate the sitions are held by persons who would otherwise be smelter. If the smelter would be placed near Sisimiut or middle-income recipients or even would come from near Nuuk it would generate additional challenges in outside of Greenland, the net revenue of the activity relation to the power transmission lines (Government on the public finances would be zero or even negative of Greenland 2008). (NIRAS 2010,14). The analysis was based on a traditional approach Critical for the option of generating positive results when analysing the access to manpower. The main part for the community is therefore a labour market policy of the workforce was expected to live close to the smelt- preventing foreigners from getting involved, prevent- er. If the smelter were to be placed near Nuuk the re- ing skilled labour from other sectors to take the jobs, port pointed out that it would lead to enforcement of an and ensure an upgrading of qualifications among peo- even stronger mono centric societal development than ple outside the labour market or in low income groups. already experienced with Nuuk as the single metropo- All three criteria are debatable, based on the present lis in Greenland. At the political level the majority did job and educational situation in Greenland combined not want to strengthen that development (Government with the interests of Alcoa. of Greenland 2008).

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 159 Map 1: The map shows Central West Greenland from Nuuk in the south to Sisimiut in the north. The green and yellow parts are the ice free areas of the coastal land.

160 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Map 2: The town of Maniitsoq is situated to the south on an island. The island is approximately 10 km in diameter. If Alcoa builds an aluminium smelter near Maniitsoq the site for the smelter will be at “Proposal C”. Today no infrastructure exists on the island outside the existing town of Maniitsoq. The “new urban area”, the roads outside of the existing town, and so forth, will have to be constructed, if the aluminium smelter project becomes a reality.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 161 3.0 The labour force requirements activity is less dependent on where the raw materials are produced as long as there are proper harbour fa- Mining and energy extraction projects are normally cilities and access to plenty of cheap power and labour progressing in five phases in which business and em- force (Rasmussen et al. 2011). In the case of Greenland, ployment requirements have specific characteristic cheap power means hydro power. (Jensen and Rasmussen 1998; Jensen 1998). In the traditional approach – for instance in Norway In the first phase – feasibility studies – the main ob- and Canada – attempts have been made to establish jective is to ascertain the extent, availability and size of new smelters in connection with places where all three commercial interest in the findings and the degree of components (harbour, power, labour) would be avail- present and future competition about the local energy able, and typically therefore places with an existing la- resources. While some jobs may be established in con- bour market of a proper size, able of ensure the needed junction with the analyses, the activities require spe- labour force during the production phase. cial skills and are usually taking place primarily at the Sør-Norge Aluminium A/S (SØRAL) being one of company headquarters. Norway’s seven aluminium smelters was established The second phase – financing and establishment of in the 1960’s in the town of Husnes with proper har- economic conditions – will in practice often take place bour facilities, access to hydro power and a population at the same time as the first phase, and with similarly of 5.500 inhabitants. Similar conditions were present limited impact on the local labour market. It also typi- when the aluminium smelter was established during cally includes political discussions. and after WWII. In this case the town had a popula- Third phase – building infrastructure and con- tion of 5.600 inhabitants. In both cases, the need for struction phase – includes planning and construction labour during the construction phase was beyond the of physical facilities to perform directly or indirectly capacity of the towns, and attracted temporary work- related activities such as construction of drilling rigs, ers from neighbouring towns and cities, and even from transportation facilities at sea, port facilities, supply fa- Denmark. (See Rasmussen 2009 for further discussion cilities, training and new education initiatives as well of the examples) as the establishment of new residential areas, child care Since the first environmental policy objectives on centres, etc. Since this phase will be labour intensive, Sustainable Development was established in Iceland in the duration will usually be 2-5 years, and therefore 1993 (Ministry of the Environment 2002,10) the focus needs to go beyond the local labour market to find the has been on the use of renewable energy, and especially skills and hands needed. the exploitation of hydro power resources. This policy Fourth phase – the short-term development perspec- has encountered both positive and negative reactions tive and production phase – includes the period with in Iceland. Positive, not least in relation to the decen- start-up of the activity and generates major change tralisation of certain activities as hydro power and to existing business structure, resulting in large local geothermal energy are decentralized energy resources. population and employment effects on the new busi- For many municipalities it is seen as an opportunity ness activities. Depending on the size and lifetime of for local business, but the development of hydro power the resource and the technology, the duration of this has met some resistance because of the potential ad- phase may be from 30-50 years or more. verse effect on the continued development of tourism Then there is the fifth stage – the long development potential and recreational fisheries exploiting the same perspective – which may be analysed from two angles. rivers which would be used for hydro power (Univer- It may either be through a laissez-faire attitude, which sity of Iceland, Institute of Social Sciences, & Gallup means not carrying out a thorough management of the 2003). Such questions were not important when the development, and therefore with no or limited invest- first smelter was established in Staumsvík at Hafnar- ment in new growth areas, or alternatively with focus fjörður just south of Reykjavik in 1969 and with energy on political control and on the basis of assessments supply from the in 1969 commissioned Búrfell 210 MW of the size and lifetime of the mineral and energy re- hydro power plant (Landsvirkjun 2007). Even situated sources aim at planning a stepwise downsizing and with some distance from Reykjavik the localization abandoning of the initial activity and instead move the could take advantage of accessible labour force within gravity of activities toward other productions. commuting distance to nearby populations’ potential. Large scale activities in the Arctic will be sought lo- The workers were transported to and from the smelter cated close to the resources of raw materials or energy in company operated busses. The busses even brought in order to reduce the energy and costs related to trans- the workers home for lunch. port. The beauty of aluminium smelting is that this The decision on the establishment of Fjarðál in East

162 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Iceland situated in Reyðarfjorður which took place in sports, internet café and the like. However, there is no 2002 was, however, in many ways deviating from the systematic registration of conflicts and problems which previous patterns. Neither a sufficiently large labour should point to the shanty town’s size and position as a market, nor the needed energy resources and harbour real problem, and the general impression today seems facilities were available. Only blessed with a deep wa- to be that the process has developed rather flawlessly. ter fiord the Government of Iceland, Landsvirkjun and Alcoa Fjarðál had early on set the target of equal dis- Alcoa signed a MoU between them, and together with tribution of employment between women and men. In the Fjarðarbyggd municipality in 2003 they signed a 2011, there were about 450 employees of which 28 % definitive agreement which included the building of were women, approx. 50 % came from the local com- the Kárahnjúkar hydropower station, the Fljotsðalur munity or the region, 50 % came from the rest of the transmission line to the future smelter, the smelter it- country, and of this group more than 75 % were from self, and the construction of a harbour. Reykjavik. Between 3-6 % were Icelanders who had re- The construction of the hydroelectric power plant turned to Iceland in search of jobs in the aluminium initially comprised in the order of 120 people, of which industry. There were in 2011 only a few foreigners, 85 came from Iceland while 35 were foreign workers, mostly Canadians and a few technicians who helped but during the drilling of supply and drain channels the at the start of production, and whose expertise is still work involved about 700 workers and the total labour considered necessary. One of the factors that have been force was estimated to include over 3,300 man-years. In important in recruitment is the requirement that you addition there were also the administrative staffs. It has speak Icelandic in the company. Among other things been estimated that about 25 % of the construction was related to the security of the company, it is a require- carried out by residents of eastern Iceland which meant ment that there is on official language because the mix- about 100 to 200 jobs for residents of the region. ing of different languages when delivering commands In the design and construction phase the involved can pose a security risk. At the same time there is also local workforce was relatively limited. Three-quarters a desire that employees are reasonably familiar with of the workforce came from elsewhere. The approxi- English at a basic level, because employees may be ex- mately 2,200 workers who remained in the workforce posed to different instructional materials in English. comprised between 20 and 25 % from Iceland, while Since 2008, the majority of workers in the shanty- about 75 % came from Poland, and thus constituted town have left the region, most of them for good, but the largest single group. In addition staff came from some of them have chosen to establish themselves in elsewhere, for example, there were more than 80 Cana- the region. Some stay for work, in some cases they stay dians involved the establishment phase of the smelter. because there has been established a more lasting con- At one point in time, the population mix in Reyðar- nection, such as marriage, between former employees fjörður was characterized as covering the largest num- and local people. ber of foreign labourers in Iceland. To accommodate the workforce a shantytown was established between Reyðarfjörður and the smelter. The city was provided 4.0 Debates in Greenland with almost all facilities such as restaurants, recreation The new economic and employment opportunities facilities, a gym, an internet café, and some shop fa- have been debated politically, publically and not least cilities. Compared with Reyðarfjörður’s population of in the private sphere. The opinions are varied. It de- approximately 700 inhabitants, one would assume that pends on which issues to debate and what opinion to the shantytown would be the dominant trouble spot, have on single issues. but planning and cooperation between the city and the A study has analysed the public debate in Greenland shantytown and the company meant that there was regarding the aluminium project from April 2006 to general agreement that the three communities were November 2008. During that period of time the alu- aiming at living smoothly side by side. A rumour often minium project was heavily debated and during the referred to tells that workers from the shantytown had period 639 different opinions related to the debate limitations on visiting the city, such as the time limits about the aluminium project have been identified. A which would mean that they were not welcome in the total of 225 written contributions have been analysed. city in the evening. Other sources point out that the Each written contribution typically contained several main problem was visits from the town to the shan- opinions related to the topic (Hansen, Sørensen and tytown, especially by young people at late hours. The Jeppson 2009). reason for this was said to be the good facilities for

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 163 Number Opinion From 2010 one of the most debated topics has been Topic of opinions index the possibility of the international companies operating in Greenland employing foreign workers and Project process 121 3.33 possibly even to a lower wage than normally paid in Societal issues in 121 3.18 Greenland. In the debate this option has primarily general been related to the construction phase of the proposed CO2 110 2.67 large scale industries, and there seems to have been a Employment 97 2.92 remarkable evolution towards a clear convergence of Finance 96 3.13 interests between employers’ organisation (Grønlands Arbejdsgiverforening) and the employees’ organisa- Decision making 86 3.17 tion (SIK). In March 2012 the two organisations deliv- process ered a joint response to the Government of Greenland Environment 84 3.18 in the hearing process for a new law for large scale in- Information 48 3.14 dustries which expressed their concerns regarding the process possible consequences for the Greenlandic companies Training 43 3.00 and workers (GA & SIK 2012). Regional changes 27 3.44 The many years of debate especially regarding the aluminium smelter project has shown a wide spectrum Social and health 25 3.04 of different opinions about the possibilities for the issues Greenlandic workforce to have access to the many new Independence 19 3.00 jobs which are expected to be created when these large Cultural and 17 3.06 scale industrial projects are realized. The possibilities historical issues have created awareness among citizens, organisations, politicians and other groups. Debates have brought List 1: Ranking of the 639 different opinions in 13 selected varying points of view to light. topics.Opinion index: < 3.00 = positive, 3.00 = neutral, > 3.00 negative. From (Hansen, Sørensen and Jeppson 2009,79). One of the mayor challenges is to transform all these different and fragmented opinions and thoughts into structured information which can be used as input in List 1 shows a listing of the 639 different opinions on 13 an informed political process where decisions have to selected topics. The topics are ranked according to the be made on how to manage all the new opportunities number of expressed opinions about the topic. This to the best advantage of the workers, the investors and ranking indicates the relative interest given to each of the Greenlandic communities. the 13 topics in the public debate. The primary topics, related to job opportunities and 5.0 The surveys mobility are within the categories of ‘Employment’ and ‘Regional changes’. The employment is the fourth most In order to provide a better understanding of the pre- debated topic indicating a relatively high interest in the sent mobility characteristics of the Greenland popula- topic. Employment is furthermore one of only two top- tion as basis for analyses of the possible consequences ics which show a general positive opinion in the debate. of major interventions in the economic basis, such as As mentioned in the legend of the table an index of 3 establishing of an aluminium smelter, a series of mobil- indicate a balanced opinion while an index below 3 ity studies have been conducted (Rasmussen, 2010). shows a positive attitude while an index above 3 shows a negative ditto. 5.1 Register based data The other topic related to job opportunities and mobility is ‘Regional changes’. Here the interest has not The basis of the analysis has been a register-based been very high, but those who have discussed the topic analysis of population movements in Greenland from are in general showing a negative opinion, ‘Regional 1995 to 2008. The population registers, located on changes’ is actually the topic which shows the most Statistics Greenland in Nuuk, provides information negative opinion in the debate. This could indicate a on each individual person, including information general and intense concern regarding a possible mi- on wherefrom and whereto the persons move gration of the Greenlandic workforce towards areas their addresses in case it is considered to be more with new industries. permanent. “More permanent” means a move where their registration by the authority is changed from one

164 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 address to another, whether it is within the municipality garding attitudes and wishes for the future. Through or between municipalities, and to what extend it is the interviews it has been possible to go in depth with from towns to towns, from villages to towns, from many of the personal issues, which are often decisive towns to village, or eventually leaving or entering the for whether to choose one or the other solution in terms country. By means of these data, it is possible to see of future prospects – issues, which can not immedi- the more general patterns of mobility. In addition it is ately be revealed through a questionnaire. Through the possible to connect the place based population registers interviews issues such as belonging, places, personal with additional information, for instance in relation to preferences in relation to the future role of the family, gender, age, family situation, income and other social local and regional networks etc. have been taken up as and economic factors which enables the creation of focal points. hypotheses about why and description of how they move. These statistical data do, however, not provide information about reasons or thoughts about moving 5.4 Greenlanders in Denmark which therefore requires additional approaches. Finally a survey among Greenlanders living in Den- mark has been undertaken in close cooperation with the North Atlantic Group – consisting of the two poli- 5.2 Thoughts about mobility ticians from Greenland and one of the two politicians from the Faroe Islands elected to the Danish Parlia- Added to the basic data a survey among a representa- ment by their respective constituencies. The purpose of tive sample totalling 1,551 persons of the total labour this analysis was to look into the relationships between force in Greenland has provided the requested infor- Greenlanders in Denmark and in Greenland in rela- mation. The survey was carried out in 2008-2009. The tion to issues such as belonging and attachment to a individuals in the survey have been selected in such a particular social group and their relations with Green- way that they are representative of gender, place of land and Greenlanders. Included in this survey were birth (in Greenland, outside Greenland), settlement also questions about which role the new economic ac- type (town, village), and place of residence. By means tivities in Greenland might have in relation to this of the questionnaire, the respondents have been asked group’s future mobility. a series of basic questions in addition to the register information related primarily to issues such as qualifications and affiliations. In addition, emphasis has been 5.5 Triangulation placed on respondents’ wishes, goals and interests in In addition to the questions related to individual inter- relation to a future in their present home community, ests and preferences all of the above mentioned surveys or alternatively, the ability to move, and if so whether were aiming at clarifying the possible regional conse- they were aiming at living alone or with family and quences of changes in business structures as a result of relatives somewhere in Greenland. In addition, a series the introduction of new activities, looking into atti- of questions looked into reflections in connection with tudes to mobility in relation to jobs, employment and a number of new activities, for instance whether or not the like. The surveys were at the same time aiming at they are perceived as being activities as attractive op- providing data – as discussed above – in relation to portunities in the future. In this connection the infor- gender, age and qualification structures in different mation regarding gender, age, family situation, income settlement types. and other factors are significant issues in the analysis of Important in this context was the question of wheth- the responses. er the respondents had heard about other forms of employment, including the possibility of staying with the 5.3 Quantitative and qualitative family and then working as a migrant, what arrangements could be considered, what would be attractive approaches work and workplaces, what would be of interest etc. in Furthermore, a third level of analysis has focused on a relation to of wages, housing, transportation, social ac- specially selected group of 220 people for in-depth tivities, etc. . In relation to the issue of relocation the fo- semi-structured interviews. The persons have been se- cus of the survey was on what would be considered as a lected based on their responses to the questionnaire, “good life” – types of work, wages, employment options and out of the group a total of 171 interviews have been for accompanying family members, quality in terms of concluded with answers to all the questions. In this types of housing, social infrastructure, environment, connection questions have been asked about details re- offers of public facilities, etc.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 165 While a register-based analysis is able to say some- between the patterns of mobility as identified in the in- thing about how people move, how long they stay in dividual analyses in the original report, by combining specific places, and also provide indications on possible register data with input from interviews or question- connections between various socio-economic param- naires which can help to explain the patterns observed. eters and mobility, it is not able to say anything about This paper therefore does not pretend to be complete, the intension behind the movements. Questions on but focuses on key characteristics of mobility in Green- what determine choices regarding staying or moving, land, with focus on these characteristics’ relations to choosing between different places, or which thoughts the new economic activities related to large scale min- are behind the choice etc. require other methods. ing, energy production and industries, and as selected In this case two approaches – questionnaires and issues are the following: interviews – have been chosen in addition to the register data as they provide overview and in-depth insight  Who are interested in moving? into what is behind the decisions. It does, however,  From where would they come, and where would they not make the register data redundant because there go? is not always a clear link between what people think  What would be their interest in moving? they will do and what they actually do in practice.  What would be their requirements at the place they All three approaches have their individual limitations might move to? and advantages (Bryman 2004), but by triangulation,  What may prevent them from moving? most of these limitations are resolved. Triangulation  What impact might be the result at the site? is usually defined as the use of multiple – very often  What impact might be the result in other parts of qualitative as well as quantitative – methods in study- Greenland? and ing the same phenomenon for the purpose of increas-  Are Greenlanders outside Greenland interested in ing study credibility (Ashatu 2009; Bryman 2004). As moving back to Greenland? this – as described above – implies the combination of different methodological approaches and theoretical An important issue in this connection is to realise that perspectives in the investigation of the same phenom- the reasons for staying or moving are not static! There enon it may on one hand enable a more precise data seems to be a tendency towards considering reasoning background for the analyses. This is on the other hand behind decisions on staying or leaving is stable over with the risk that using both qualitative and quanti- time. What has been proven time and again, however, tative paradigms in the same study by some social is the fact that such decisions are dependent on the scientists may be considered unacceptable as the two context. In Greenland a shift in economy from fisheries paradigms differ epistemologically and ontologically to fishing industries and to services and now probably (Ashatu 2009; Creswell 2003). In this context, however, towards a higher degree of dependency of large scale by having total coverage of the population through the production of minerals and energy, has very different register analysis, which ensures a clearly representative implications on people’s everyday life. The questions sample in the questionnaire and out of the latter pro- asked through the surveys have had variations in their viding in-depth interviews with coverage of variations foci. Some of the questions have been addressing reflected through the previous datasets it is very dif- broader perspectives in relation to moving, while other ficult to point to any potential limitations in the out- questions have been addressing very specific condi- comes. tions.

5.6 The main questions addressed 6.0 The findings in this paper As emphasized above, the new economic conditions for In the following presentation of a selection of high- Greenland have become crucial for many reasons. And lights from the report with an analysis of mobility in in this connection the large scale activities may become Greenland analysis (Rasmussen 2010) the focus is on a important in the upcoming years. In the international number of issues related to mobility in connection with media – and not the least the Danish – there are ongo- new economic activities in Greenland. In some cases, ing debates on what may happen, and on what impacts this means that the data presented here provide rela- these new activities may cause. See for instance the se- tively unambiguous and straightforward answers, but ries of articles from the Danish newspaper Berlingske in the discussions the emphasis is on the relationship (2012) where issues such as Chinese migrant workers, rare earth elements and economic investments in large

166 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 scale industrial projects in Greenland are discussed. smelter are reflected in the response by being the activ- This is, however, just one out of several discussions ity with the highest number of responses. At the same related to the issue. During the last year a monthly av- time it is important to note that oil exploration is repre- erage of around 85 articles related to the keywords “oil” sented by the lowest number of responses. It is impor- and “mineral resources” combined with “Greenland” tant to recognize, however, that the fact that the survey have been published in the Danish media (based on a took place at a point in time when the focus in the me- search in Infomedia) indicating the high pitched dis- dia was on the potential construction of an aluminium cussion. smelter, while the question of oil exploration was more or less absent from the agenda. If a similar question had been addressed to the public today the distribution 6.1 How many are interested, and between the fields of activities might have been differ- in what? ent. It would, however, not have changed much in the In connection with the questionnaire, a question con- division between who might or might not be interested. cerning the interest in Greenland regarding job-search How the positive responses are regionally distribut- within the different sectors of large scale activities has ed in relation to the four options is presented by further been presented, and the results are reflected in Table 1: detail in Table 2 below. As mentioned it is important to remember the time of the survey. Looking at the differences between town and vil- Within which of the following activities would lage it turns out that working at an aluminium smelter you be interested in looking for job opportunities? or at an offshore oil rig is – relatively speaking – more popular among those living in towns whereas working Fields of activitites % responses in mines is – again relatively speaking – more appeal- Oil exploration 9 ing to people in villages. The lower level of education in Mineral exploration 11 Mining 12 general among people from the villages might be part Aluminium smelter 13 of the explanation for this difference. Mining activities Don't know 21 like in the Black Angle might be better known than None of them 34 working at a smelter or on a rig, and that might also Total 100 be part of the reason for mining to be more appealing to people in villages than to people in towns. They Note that the question allows for multiple responses are perhaps more willing to try what is lesser known working situations – at least for Greenlanders – such as Distribution of responses to question 37 of the Table 1: working at a smelter or on an oil rig. questionnaire: Within which of the following activities would you be interested in looking for job opportunities? People in the South (from town and from village) show the greatest interest in working at a smelter. On the other hand people from towns in the Middle show When reading Table 1 it is important to emphasize that the least interest in working at a smelter. At least the multiple responses has been allowed, which of course last part can sound surprising as it is in one of the impacts the response pattern. When looking into de- towns in the Middle the smelter is going to be placed. tails in this connection the responses indicate that al- Instead people in the Middle show the greatest interest most 72 % of all respondents show no interest in any of in working on an oil rig. At the time of the survey an the new options. Either by not knowing whether they oil rig was known to be under development west of the would seek employment or that they positively know coast of North Greenland. No obvious reason for these that it does not interest them, but the reverse applies to patterns can be pointed out. Much more information 28 % of the respondents who actually expresses interest will be needed to understand this pattern. Here it is in the activities, and would like to be involved in one or important to stress that the further information which more of them. When looking at the percentage distri- is needed has to show differences in the pattern over bution among the new activities they add up to more time. To be able to generate this kind of information than 28 %, reflecting that many of them may be inter- the survey has to be repeated over time for instance ested in more than one of the listed options, on an aver- every second, third or fourth year. age responding to at least two of the options. Even if the above table exaggerates the interests due In this way the analysis can begin to relate changes to multiple responses the interests are obvious and it in the different districts and settlements to specific is interesting how the discussions about an aluminium events or changes in focus or plans and thus we can

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 167 begin to link changes in preferences to changes in the at best make it possible to come up with some predic- real activities in the society. Through this analysis it tions on what preferences people might have for being will most likely be possible to identify patterns between engaged in the new economic activities. preferences and activities in the communities. This will

The distribution of positive responses to becoming engaged in the new economic activities. Percentage of responses on each of the four industry categories

Region South Middle Disco North/East Greenland Towns Aluminum 33,2 27,2 28,4 30,8 29,0 Mining 26,4 23,1 26,3 29,7 25,3 Mineral production 20,6 25,8 24,3 20,9 23,9 Oil 19,8 23,9 21,0 18,6 21,8 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 Villages Aluminum 36,8 30,9 29,8 23,8 28,2 Mining 29,7 26,2 26,1 30,1 28,8 Mineral production 15,8 23,8 26,3 27,9 24,7 Oil 17,6 19,1 17,8 18,2 18,3 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0

Note that the question allows for multiple responses

Table 2: Regional distribution of responses to question 37 of the questionnaire: Within which of the following activities would you be interested in looking for job opportunities?

While the above reflections relate specifically to the Denmark. new economic activities, the focus hereafter will be on For the vast majority (47 %) the reasons for moving the general trends in mobility. Both due to the impor- have been related to own work while another substan- tance of seeing the new activities in the perspective of tial part (19 %) has been due to a partner’s work. An- general trends and concerns, and at the same time be- other group includes people where education has been cause these more general trends serve as a good start- the main cause (18 %), either own education (14 %), ing point for the interpretation of which options may partner’s education (3 %), or children’s education (1 %). be generally available in connection with the specific In a third group family relations accounts as the major activities. reason, for instance changes in the family structure (9 %) or relations to parents (6 %). And a fourth group (4 %) indicating that one or more of the family mem- 6.2 Who moves, and who would be bers have not felt at home at the previous place. The interested in moving in the near final group (19 %) indicates various reasons for mov- future? ing. First and foremost the need for changes in life, the desire to try something new, and perhaps the hope that Based on register data it is shown that on a yearly base the new place might give experiences differing from around 1/5 of the population are moving either tempo- those provided at the current location, or in some cases rarily or permanently. Among those who have moved having bad experiences at a new place and therefore the survey shows that about 23 % have left villages in returning to the well-known conditions in their previ- order to move to towns (15 %) or to other villages (8 %). ous home town. A predominant pattern in relation to In contrast, almost half of the movements that have the this last group is relationships with family – positive city as a starting point, a total of 18 %, have moved as well as negative – which in one way or another has from cities to villages while the largest group of all, been decisive. namely 29 %, has moved from one city to another. The following tables can readily be seen in the above Movements from Denmark constitute a significant context by focusing on expectations for any movement proportion with 27 % of which 21 % has been to cities within a five years’ time horizon in relation to detail of while 6 % has been to a village. The final 30 % has the responses in relation to age and gender: moved from either villages or towns in Greenland to

168 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Age group response to the question: Do you expect to move within the next 5 years?

Number of persons Percent Age group Yes No Total Yes No Total 0-15 223 496 719 0,6 1,3 1,9 16-25 3 174 4 222 7 396 8,5 11,3 19,8 26-40 4 301 6 595 10 896 11,5 17,7 29,2 41-60 3 749 14 509 18 258 10,1 38,9 49,0 Total 11 447 25 822 37 269 30,7 69,3 100,0

Table 3: Age distribution of responses to the question on whether or not one expects to movewithin the next 5 years.

Gender response to the question: Do you expect to move within the next 5 years?

Number of persons Percent Sex Yes No Total Yes No Total Men 6 098 13 977 20 075 16,4 37,5 53,8 Wome n 5 349 11 859 17 208 14,3 31,8 46,2 Total 11 447 25 836 37 283 30,7 69,3 100,0

Table 4: Gender distribution of responses to the question of whether or not one expects to movewithin the next 5 years.

As indicated by the tables there are about 1/3 of the re- group less mobile, a pattern, however, that changes spondents to the questionnaires that expect to move when the children leave home. Not infrequently, it is within the next five years. This number – when com- the children’s choice of residence, which is decisive on pared to the approximately 20 % accounted for in the where to move, a finding which has been realized in overview over moving during previous years – is a rela- connection with the interviews that have been made in tively high percentage. It might very well be in keeping conjunction with the questionnaires. with the general trend towards greater mobility in soci- Regarding the question of gender, Table 4 shows that ety, and just as much in the fact that movement is in- women are generally more mobile than men. The per- creasingly included as part of many people’s – especial- centages shown in the table are based on the percentage ly the younger ones’ – planning horizon. of the total population in the working age 15-64, but As would have been expected, it is clearly the group calculated gender-wise 31 % of the women versus 30 aged 16-25 that is dominant in relative terms, with just % of the men are expecting to move. There is clearly under half of this group expecting to move. However, it not a large percentage difference but being a persistent is perhaps most noteworthy that in the group 26 to 40 difference during the last decades it is enough to make years, nearly 40 % of the group are expecting to move. a substantial long-term difference. This is clearly sub- When digging into more details it is possible to see stantiated in the absolute numbers where the labour that especially the younger part of this group are ready active gender distribution shows a total of 54 % men to move, while the group of more established persons and 46 % women for Greenland as a whole. with family and with slightly older children makes the

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 169 6.3 From where would they come, and where would they go?

Settlement group response to the question: Do you expect to move within the next 5 years?

Number of persons Percent Settlement Yes No Total Yes No Total Town 9 589 21 968 31 557 25,7 58,9 84,6 Village 1 858 3 867 5 725 5,0 10,4 15,4 Total 11 447 25 835 37 282 30,7 69,3 100,0

Table 5: Settlement group distribution of responses to the question of whether or not one expects to move within the next 5 years.

Regional response to the question: Do you expect to move within the next 5 years?

Number of persons Percent Region Yes No Total Yes No Total South 2,411 3,907 6,318 6.5 10.5 17.0 Mid 3,635 12,459 16,094 9.8 33.4 43.2 Disko 3,381 5,431 8,812 9.1 14.6 23.7 North/East 2,019 4,009 6,028 5.4 10.8 16.2 I alt 11,446 25,806 37,252 30.7 69.3 100.0

Table 6: Regional response distribution of responses to the question of whether or not one expects to move within the next 5 years.

Table 5 and Table 6 show some important mobility In the towns both men and women are aiming at more characteristics related to place of residence, both in re- permanent opportunities, and usually in larger towns lation to residence in town or village and to residential than the one they come from. region in Greenland. With regard to the regional differences it is interest- Table 5 shows first of all that there are unexpected ing to see that there are marked differences between the small differences in the response patterns between per- responses in the four regions. In the Disko region 38 % sons living in towns and in villages. In towns around of the work force express interests in moving, followed 30 % express positive expectations regarding moving, by region South just behind, and then region North/ while the situation in the villages shows a little high- East a bit lower with 33 % showing interest in moving. er percentage – 32 % – interest in moving within the The absolute lowest level is found in the Central region next 5 years. As most of the population are living in where only 23 % express interest in moving within the towns around 26 % of the positive responses stem from next 5 years. persons with residence in towns while 5 % are living The low number in the Central region is relatively in villages. This part of the survey does not consider simple to explain, as this is the region to which most of which type of moving has been considered. In other the intended movers are heading. In the Central region parts of the mobility analysis it has been shown that es- one of the major objectives in moving is to look for op- pecially the male village residents tend to make use of portunities in Nuuk, or to leave the country, either tem- short distance and short term moving, for instance for porarily in pursuit of education mainly in Denmark, temporary jobs in nearby towns, while females from or more permanently in search of jobs matching the villages are looking for more permanent opportunities. skills of the persons responding to the questionnaire.

170 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 As the Central region is the region with most tempo- pation of workers from this region. rary workers from outside Greenland, primarily from Among the reasons for lower interest in moving Denmark, the objectives of moving are of course very from the southern region may be the fact that the work much influenced by this group as many of them – if force in this region is considerably older than in any of not most – eventually will return to Denmark. Another the other regions. As was shown in the table regarding reason for the low number wanting to leave is of course age structure in relation to “willingness to move” the that the Aluminium smelter – if it becomes a reality – is older age groups were less reluctant to pursue activities expected to be situated in this region! that would make it necessary for them to leave their The high numbers from the Disko region indicate region. that initiatives are being taken in this region for de- The very low percentages in North and East show velopment of new activities, but also that the proposed that these regions to a considerable extent have been site of the aluminium smelter in Maniitsoq is relatively disconnected from many of the processes of change close to the region. What may contribute further to the that have been influential on the west coast region in openness towards moving is the fact that the most re- general induced by the modernisation processes in cent large scale mineral resource exploitation has been fisheries during the last half century or more. taking place just north of Disko bay and with partici-

Primary target for moving in accordance to both old and new municipalities Target, old municipal Target, new Percent Percent structure municipal structure Denmark 18,2 Denmark, Greenland Don't know 13,6 outside 32,6 Greenland outside municipalities or 0,8 municipalities don't know Nuuk 20,1 Ammassalik 2,3 Paamiut 1,1 Sermersooq 24,1 Ittoqqortoormiit 0,6 Ivittuut 0,1 Ilulissat 8,3 Qaanaaq 2,3 Qasigiannguit 2,3 Uummannaq 2,2 Qaasuitsup 18,5 Aasiaat 1,7 Upernavik 0,9 Qeqertarsuaq 0,5 Kangaatsiaq 0,3 Sisimiut 10,8 Qeqqata 14,5 Maniitsoq 3,7 Qaqortoq 6,8 Narsaq 2,3 Kujalleq 10,3 Nanortalik 1,2 Table 7: Primary target for moving in accordance with both the old Total 100,0 Total 100,0 and the new municipal structure.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 171 Responding to the question “Where are you interested tern which has also been documented in the registry- in moving to?” made it possible for the respondent to based analysis. Movements are increasingly happening choose between municipalities using the old municipal as collective actions including parts of or entire fami- structure as well as a few targets outside Greenland. By lies or households. It is important information which using the old municipal structure much more detail needs to be included when the possible consequences became available, and it illustrates that the choice of of new activities – for instance an aluminium smelter target is actually very much focused. established in Maniitsoq – are considered. The need to As shown in Table 7 the municipality of Nuuk and think in family context is much more demanding than Denmark are the most dominating targets for moving. finding individual relocation solutions. Jobs for spous- With percentages of 20.1 and 18.2 respectively they are es, kindergartens, education, public services etc. need close to 40 % of all responses. At a lower level are mu- to be included. nicipalities with larger towns such as Sisimiut, Ilulis- sat and Qaqortoq, sought by 10.8 %, 8.3 % and 6.8 % respectively. A general characteristic of all of the above 6.4 What would be their interests? mentioned places is the access of different types of edu- Table 8 presents an overview of some of the most im- cation which is an obvious attraction for the younger portant wishes and aspirations Greenlanders have re- persons. For all other municipalities the numbers are garding work related to large scale activities. In the ta- low, from 3.7 % in Maniitsoq down to 0.1 % in Ivittuut ble there is a sub-division of responses according to and 0.3 % in Kangaatsiaq. settlement type and gender. The image of a marked increased concentration of The table encompasses a wide range of activities and population appears very clear. It comes from the com- at the same time it indicates that the respondents are bination of a strong desire to move, the interest in edu- open to a wider field of options. As a consequence there cation opportunities and the major cities in the middle are no individual activities which actually account for of Greenland being the obvious attractive places to go the lion’s share of all the activities. to. Interesting is also the fact that the town of Maniit- One of the things that are remarkable with regard soq – the expected location of an upcoming aluminium to the distribution of responses is the differences with- smelter – shows such a low level of attraction compared in the gender based and settlement based issues. The to for instance Qaqortoq in the South. Both places darker versus the lighter colours highlight the main used to be regional centres for fisheries, but they have differences, and it is clear that precisely the qualifica- been affected by fisheries going off-shore. But in -con tion issue and its position relative to future labour mar- trast to Qaqortoq where other business activities and kets are recurring themes. Women have the absolute education opportunities have been available for a long major group with 18.2 % responses in relation to ad- time, Maniitsoq has been defined as a place that relies ministration, book-keeping etc., but also with a higher on fisheries, and it has therefore also been exposed to a representation in the group with academic work com- massive out-migration, and it has a very low attraction pared to men, and in both types of work the respond- taking the size of the town into consideration. ents from towns are clearly dominant compared to the Besides asking whether to move or not, additional inhabitants of villages. questions have been focusing on the differences be- Female over-representation compared to that of tween whether one travels alone or together with males is found in what is often characterized as being others. As around one third expects to move alone – female work. For instance catering which shows up in among them many young people pursuing education one third of all female responses, a number which is ten – by far the most dominant categories are expecting times the responses from males. Also nursing, hospital to travel with others, for instance spouse / partner is work and related activities are dominated by women. mentioned by 56 %, which is followed by the option Both types of work are mostly wanted by representa- of travelling with child / children by 40 %. It is a pat- tives from villages.

172 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Wishes/aspirations in relation to work connected to large scale industries. Percent of responses from types of settlements and gender. Settlement Sex Activity Town Village Men Wome n Administration (office work such as 8.5 6.7 4.6 18.2 book-keeping, travel arrangements Academic work (Ingineer, Biologist, 8.2 3.5 6.0 6.8 Geologist, Law, Economy etc..) Drilling and blasting 6.6 8.9 9.2 2.0

Catering (cleaning, cooking) 8.8 13.1 3.8 33.8

Skilled work (electrician, carpenter 15.7 12.1 17.8 1.4 etc..) Harbor work 5.8 9.9 9.2 2.0

Management responsibilities (shop- 9.3 5.3 9.0 3.4 steward etc..) Working with machinery (caterpillars, 11.3 7.8 12.0 2.0 dumpers etc..) Nursing, hospital work etc. 1.6 3.5 1.0 7.4

Transport and logistics 11.0 4.6 9.8 3.4

Unskilled work 13.2 24.5 17.6 19.6

Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Table 8: Wishes and aspirations among Greenlanders in relation to work connnected with large scale industries.

The major male choices are typical “male” vocations, with shift work. For many with these experiences the for instance drilling and blasting, skilled jobs such as new challenges in relation to mining, manufacturing electricians, carpenters, working with machinery, and hydrocarbon production may come as a surprise. transport and logistics, harbour work and similar ac- But by taking part in such activities as fishing one tivities. The divide between towns and villages in these is also a part of the workforce, with experience of be- groups show that basically most jobs requiring training ing on the job for a long time and then being home for of longer duration such as management responsibili- a similar period. Similarly, the special insular nature ties, working with machinery, skilled work and trans- of the Greenlandic labour market has added a higher port and logistics are dominated by respondents from degree of flexibility and increased local and regional towns. In contrast to this the unskilled jobs are the ab- mobility, an issue which has been recognized in the solute dominating group sought by the inhabitants of register-based analysis. There is no doubt that these ex- villages. periences may play a significant role in a more open and One thing is the option of adjusting the work force integrated labour market in which different forms of to the specific job types within the mining and indus- commuting can be crucial. In other parts of the survey trial sector. As indicated above there are clearly inter- it has been shown that there is relatively much interests in basically all major groups of work, and in that est in various alternative forms of employment, such as sense the labour market may be considered ready for the type of work where you may be working on weekly these challenges. or monthly shifts. What role such interest may have In addition to this, however, is the adjustment to the on future activities will depend on the precise condi- specific working conditions. The vast majority of expe- tions established around the large scale activities. The riences from the labour market in Greenland show that problem may, however, be that those with experience in the workforce is accustomed to working within normal labour market flexibility don’t have the qualifications, office or shop opening hours and to some extent also while those with qualifications have limited flexibility.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 173 6.5 What would be their require- importance are the issues of the opportunities the site ments? offers, for example, public transport, housing and more. Thus one can to some extent determine the gen- In relation to this question which is asked in the ques- der characteristics when it comes to the specific causes tionnaire, there are marked differences in the respons- of a desire to move. es from women and men, as shown in Table 9. The table From a close reading of the table’s background data has been organised to enhance the gender based differ- it can be seen that there are difference between the gen- ences in the responses. While many women are point- des when it comes to the number of different reasons ing to education – their own and their children’s – as for moving. The men indicate an average of 20-30 % well as family relations and recreational opportunities more different reasons than women. The women in this as primary causes, more men than women point to is- context are thus more focused on individual reasons sues of career, work and employment, and also to part- while the men spread over a wider spectrum. ner’s education as reasons to look elsewhere. Of similar

Most important issues in relation to moving Gender distribution and differences of answers Differences Percent of responses Gender in Men Wome n characteristic responses Carreer opportunities 9,9 7,5 2,4

Partner's education 4,9 2,8 2,0

Withdrawing from labor market 2,9 1,3 1,6 Clearly male dominans The option of getting a job 9,9 8,4 1,4 The option of getting better working 7,4 6,4 1,1 conditions The option of getting another (better) 12,3 11,2 1,1 job Improved public transport options 2,9 2,1 0,9 Does not feel "at home" where I'm 3,4 2,6 0,8 living now Public service options 4,7 3,9 0,8 Equal importance Better salaries 8,6 7,9 0,7

(Better) housing options 5,2 4,5 0,7

Improved health conditions 2,1 1,5 0,6

Improved leisure time options 7,0 8,1 1,1

Better education options for children 6,0 9,0 3,0 Clearly female dominance Family matte rs 5,7 10,5 4,8

Better own education options 7,3 12,4 5,1

Total 100,2 100,1

Table 9: Most important issues in relation to moving.

174 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 6.6 What impact might be the re- however, the reality has been that the economic oppor- sult at both sites? tunities created by the mine instead have led to an out- migration to larger communities such as Anchorage. There are, however, cases where enclaves, after they What may happen in case new activities are introduced have been discontinued instead of being abandoned as in Greenland is extremely difficult to provide a more originally planned eventually have been turned into precise insight into. But when characterizing the im- more permanent settlements. It is the case with the iron pact of new activities it is important to focus on which ore mine at Schefferville in Northern Quebec where character the new activities have in relation to the set- the production officially started in 1950. At its peak tlement structure. As discussed by Rasmussen (2003) the settlement had a total population of around 4.500. there are basically three typical forms of involvement, But when the mining activity halted and the equipment each with dynamics of their own: was dismantled 1982 the place was in principle closed. The situation, however, has been that parts of the place Enclave economies, have been taken over by indigenous groups in the area,  Adjacent activities, and primarily the Montagnais and Naskapis and the town  Community Integrated activities. has become an important centre for tourism in the region. In order to get an idea of the potential consequences a Adjacent activities emerge when the mining activi- number of examples from Greenland and other Arctic ties have developed a certain degree of interacting with regions could provide some input to a discussion. nearby communities, for instance through the involvement of local workers. This could be as employees of the mining company, or it could be occasional provi- Enclave economies are characterized by situations sion of local food for the miners. It could also include where all activities at the mine and energy production services rendered for the miners and the mining com- site are isolated from the surrounding communities, so pany when miners visit the communities in connection that the only interaction is through the royalties paid with leisure time activities, or it could be the larger set- by the mining companies, and possible short or long tlements acting as major communication and adminis- term employment of persons from the communities is tration centre for the mining company. on an on/off basis, for example two weeks on and two Among the cases from Greenland the situation of weeks off. This situation has been the case in sparsely “The Black Angel” mine in Uummannaq as well at the populated areas with limited accessibility – a situation mine in Ivittuut both show this characteristic pattern of characterizing Greenland and further elaborated on relationship with the communities, the latter even de- in the discussion of the Josva copper mine and the Am- veloped characteristics that also could be characterized itsoq graphite mine in South Greenland as well as the as those of an integrated community. Similarly there mining activities at Mestersvig in East Greenland. are many larger settlements in the North situated rela- There are many similar sites in the Circumpolar North, tively close to mines and energy producers which have accounted for among other things, by the dispersed been enjoying similar positive relationships. In the case population and the character of the mineral and energy of Prudhoe Bay oil development in Alaska, Fairbanks resources as being both dispersed and of such size that is an important link to the activities, and not only to it would be too costly to develop a more permanent set- this single resource development, but also to a number tlement. Therefore a substantial part of the on-going of placer mining sites in the adjacent areas, or in NWT activities can be characterized as enclaves. where Yellowknife, which was partly developed on lo- The fact that the activity is considered an enclave cal gold mines and administrative activities related to does not prevent positive interaction with settlements the NWT, which presently is in a process of developing in a specific area. For instance in connection with the adjacent activities related to the wave of diamond min- establishing of the “Red Dog” lead and zinc mine close ing activities within a radius of a few hundred kilome- to Kotzebue in NW Alaska one of the requirements tres (Rasmussen 2000). by the NANA development corporation was, that the Community integrated activities have been deve- workforce should include a substantial number of loped in situations where the mining and energy pro- workers from nearby settlements, and that the mining duction have become an integral part of the life of the activity should contribute to the economy of the re- community. It means that the community includes mote settlements (Rasmussen 2000; Rasmussen 2003; many other activities which relate to the general char- Storey and Hamilton 2003). In spite of the objectives, acteristics of a community, such as shops, schools, oth-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 175 er types of industries, renewable resource exploitation 1998; Storey and Hamilton 2003). etc., and at the same time it interacts with the mine through labour exchange and rendering of services to the company etc. 7.0 Conclusions and Perspectives While many settlements in the South throughout history have been known through their economic base As outlined above, there is not a simple answer to the in mining, this type of settlement is relatively rare in questions raised above of what may happen in case new the North. The explanation for this is the same as the activities are introduced in Greenland. Basically it is a reason for the existence of many enclave mines, namely situation placed somewhere between two dimensions: the dispersed character and the short life span of the On the one hand there is the choice of approach re- resource. In Greenland, however, the town of Qullissat garding settlement type: was more or less a role model for that type of relationship. Even though it could be characterized as a mono-  Enclaves, which would imply some kind of FiFo – Fly economy due to the dominance of one single activity, in, Fly out – arrangement; namely coal mining, the economy was nevertheless  Adjacent activities where a combination of FiFo and multifaceted involving many other types of businesses. involvement of population from adjacent communities In the Russian North this type of settlement is more may become the solution; common than in other parts of the Arctic. That is the  Community Integrated activities where direct im- situation with settlements such as Nikel, Zapolyarne, pact on the community is obvious, but may just as well Norilsk, and others. Longyearbyen on Svalbard is also include FiFo involvement. an example of a place, where the town originally was based on coal mining, while today the mining activ- On the other hand the development is depending on ity is of minor importance, while administration, re- the choices and preferences made by the population research, and education have become the major activities garding interests and abilities in involvement. – and not the least tourism! The answer may be seen as reasonable and straight In Canada Dawson City used to be a major city with forward in the sense that the first dimension would be its activities integrated with gold mining activities, and depending on a political decision, while the second di- gold mining still plays a certain role, in fat its present mension will depend on the preferences and abilities in existence is primarily due to the continuous flow of the population and may be read out of the results from tourists. In the case of the iron mining in Fermont in a number of surveys as the ones described above. Both northern Quebec where production started in 1974 and dimensions will, however, be impacted by some level of was supposed to have gone through the same process as uncertainty. Schefferville, i.e. abandoned by 2000 after the iron ore To illustrate the complexity of the answer an exam- resource had been depleted, and the inhabitants (peak ple is presented in the next section. employment 860 persons, total population around 7.1 Micro-simulating the future based on survey re- 3.500) eventually relocated. But in contrast to Qullis- sponses sat and Schefferville, the citizens have fought for their A micro-simulation of the potential consequences town, and this public resistance seems so far to have of introducing an aluminium smelter in Maniitsoq been successful. With no more iron ore, the inhabit- has been developed in order to give a forecast of what ants are considering turning the town into a regional demographic results as such might be the outcome in centre primarily based on tourism. Greenland (Rasmussen, 2000). Among examples in Canada regarding a successful In the simulation a division of the population in creation of integrated activities there has been the re- 6 ten-year age groups has been applied, i.e. the age cent development of the oil and gas activities in Atlantic groups 0-9,10-19, 20-29, 30-44, 45-64 and 65 years and Canada where the integration of local communities in above. In order to manage the regional structure four the development process has been crucial. The key fac- regional units have been used, encompassing: Centre tor in this process has been The Atlantic Accord which towns, Centre villages, Peripheral towns and Periph- has acted as an important tool for the promotion of a eral villages. The Centre towns include the large towns clear focus on the potentials of a positive interaction around Maniitsoq, i.e. Maniitsoq itself, Nuuk and Sisi- between the project and the surrounding communities, miut, and also the towns in the Disko Bay. Centre vil- which has been a vital part of the process (Rasmussen lages are the villages adjacent to the centre towns, while 2000; Canada – Nova Scotia Offshore Petroleum Board the Peripheral towns and Peripheral villages basically 1999; Department of Industry Trade and Technology encompass all other towns and villages in Greenland.

176 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 In addition the gender parameter has been included, ing from villages in the centre area or towns and vil- as well as the major demographic parameters, such as lages in peripheral areas. the natural reproduction parameters, as well as nation-  Two thirds of the jobs are considered to be jobs pri- al and international migration parameters. In order to marily aiming at and mainly attracting male workers, trace details on the latter parameters, all internal mo- while the remaining jobs will be jobs that are more ap- bility has been based on mobility patterns between the pealing to women. mentioned types of towns and villages during the last  Half of the jobs will be fi lled by people who come as 20 years. singles, and half the workforce will be one or two per- Th e micro simulation has been outlined like this: sons from existing families going to the place leaving A large scale industry – in the example an alumin- the rest of the family at home. ium smelter – is expected to be introduced in Green-  In the group of families two out of three would be land at its earliest in 2014. In the construction phase families without children while one out of three fami- an unknown number of persons but probably around lies will be families with two children on average. 5,000 will be involved, but the company is supposed to ensure a substantial part if not all of this number. Besides the direct attraction of new employment op- During the construction phase with an expected du- portunities, a signifi cant side eff ect would be brought ration of fi ve years a total of 800 permanent jobs will be about by the accompanying spouses or partners as well established. It is expected in the forecast that the vast as the accompanying children which would become majority of these jobs will be taken by workers from important parameters in the demographic conse- Greenland and that the necessary training for these quences. In some cases two persons in the same family jobs will be done in Greenland. may be looking for jobs in the new industry but for In the planning of the future development the fol- many of the accompanying persons the situation would lowing was assumed: be an additional contribution to the local labour market in the town with the new industry.  Th e company is established in a city centre area in the middle of West-central Greenland. Using the model under these constraints will result  Half of the jobs will be held by members of the local in an output which is shown in Figure 1. labour force, the other half will be held by labour com-

Figure 1: Micro-simulation of the potential impact of the introduction of 800 jobs in a Centre-town in a time span from 2010 to 2020.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 177 While the jobs are off ered in one of the centre towns among the best trained and most skilled persons, leav- both the lack of qualifi cations and available persons ing both towns and villages with voids in these fi elds, leads to an infl ux of persons from other towns and vil- which it may be extremely diffi cult to compensate for lages. Th e lowest numbers of people will come from the because these places may be much less able to attract villages in the Centre region because the job opportu- replacements from other towns and villages. nities in the Centre towns have already been exploited, Th e potential long term consequences mentioned in leaving the Centre villages either with a lack of people the above example have been generated by means of the in the relevant age groups because they already have model; and the results are shown on the graph. Th e di- moved, or the villages are in such a strong position job- rect eff ects of the introduction of the new activity are wise that only a limited number of persons will be seen just before and aft er the introduction date. But it tempted by the new opportunities. is quite clear that the long term consequences are much Th e situation is much diff erent when it comes to more substantial than the immediate eff ects. While the what are characterized as “periphery towns”. Th ese introduction of a new group of young well-qualifi ed towns have marked limitations in what kind of jobs are workers in the Centre town has a continuous positive off ered, so a substantial number of persons will make multiplication eff ect throughout the whole period; and use of the new opportunities and choose to move. A eventually it results in a situation where 600 jobs bring similar situation characterizes the villages in the pe- about a population increase of around 1200 persons. riphery. So from these regions a substantial number of Th e exact opposite process has been the result in the persons would also choose to move. case with both towns and villages in the periphery. A Th e moving of several hundred persons from towns continued state of fl ux and decline in the population in in the periphery and around a hundred or so persons both settings has been the consequences; and embed- from the peripheral village is in itself a problem for ded in these changes is at the same time a general loss these places. What is the most challenging problem, of qualifi cation in the population due to the attraction however, is the fact that those choosing the option of qualifi ed persons away from these places. of moving will be the part of the population who are 7.2 An alternative to the micro-simulation – lessons learned from “The Black Angel”

Figure 2: Development in employment at the Black Angel mine from 1973 to 1990.

178 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Lessons learned about “The Black Angel” mine in A relatively larger proportion – almost 12 % – came Uummannaq, which was active from 1972 to 1990 are from Aasiaat, but also a somewhat higher figure – al- interesting in this context. First because it was the first most 7 % – came from Nuuk and Ilulissat respectively. major private mine which employed Greenlanders, and The adaptation of the Greenlandic labour force to secondly because analyses (Rasmussen 2000) made it work in “The Black Angel” was in many ways quite suc- possible to identify which persons from Greenland cessful. The salaries from the jobs at the mine became were involved, and what impact they had on the com- an important augmentation to the household econo- munities in Greenland during and after the mining ac- mies, and also to the development of a more efficient tivities took place. The analysis has been based on reg- fishing fleet in the settlements. When the mine closed istries since 1977 which have made it possible to one consequence was a marked decline in average in- establish a comprehensive list of persons who have come for the people who were involved, as shown in been registered residents in the mining area. Firure 4: Figure 2 show the development in employment in the mine and at the headquarters in Copenhagen from Indexed Number of Average 1973 till production ceased in 1990. Year values, persons Income In the construction phase, all construction work was 1988=100 based on imported workers and encompassed around 1988 308 259.174 100 400 persons. After the involvement of Greenlandic em- 1989 286 317.867 123 ployees in the early 1970s there was a gradually increasing involvement of Greenlanders in the mine. Figure 3 1990 254 301.113 116 shows the birthplace of the Greenlandic workers who 1991 138 202.822 78 were employed by the mine. 1992 129 182.984 71 1993 122 179.733 69 Place of birth in the unici- palities (prior to the reform Percent 1994 120 194.277 75 in 2009) 1995 117 216.825 84 Uummannaq 51,3 1996 115 223.328 86 Aasiaat 11,8 1997 111 242.131 93 Nuuk 6,7 Figure 4: Average income level among employees in the mine Ilulissat 6,7 before and after the mine was closed. The personal incomes Unknown 5,0 have been traced for the 308 workers identified in 1988 and the following years up till 1997. The decline in the number of Qaqortoq 3,4 employees is due to permanent or temporary out-migration, Maniitsoq 3,4 death and other reasons that no longer were noted in the registry. Qeqertarsuaq 3,4 Narssaq 2,5 Average income while the mine was active clearly was Sisimiut 2,5 higher than after the mine was closed. Immediately af- Qasigiannguit 0,8 ter the mine was closed, there was a fall in the average income to a level that was less than 2/3 of the previous Avanersuaq 0,8 level; and this lower level seems to have continued for Tasiilaq 0,8 several years, after which the general income increases Ittoqqortoormiit 0,8 took off again. Part of the explanation for the decline is Total 100,0 partly due to the fact that the former miners have had difficulty finding jobs in their area of qualifications. Figure 3: Overview of the place of birth of the Greenlandic Another part of the explanation has to do with the gen- workers involved in the mining activities. erally higher wages in mining and production, among other things, on the basis of a greater number of hours As shown, a considerable proportion – over 50 % of the worked. total group – came from Uummannaq municipality. Then after a couple of years a slow rise in income lev- The remaining half came, with a relatively even pro- els appears again, however, without reaching the level portion, from a large number of other municipalities. it was at when the mine was active. The last increase is

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 179 partly due to the general wage and price increases, but fisheries, and the world market price is constantly de- this cannot explain the whole increase. According to clining. reports from a survey conducted among former miners The examples may serve as illustrations of potential an important part of the explanation was that almost consequences, and they may be used as an inspiration- all of them have returned to the type of job they had be- al basis for further analyses. But it is important to keep fore they started working in the mine; and in that con- in mind that such examples are time specific, and only nection they used some of their surplus income as in- to a limited extent able to cast light on the present and vestment capital in better boat and fisheries equipment. future situation: Only a few have made it a career to work in mines and sought employment in this industry after the closure  Increasing mobility has become an issue of both po- of the mine. But the general impression is that the tra- litical and economic importance. It generally raises the jectory that was established initially was followed, and questions of reasons why some people move while oth- that working in the mine has been just a short or pro- ers choose to stay. longed interruption of another business career.  Concerning to economic development and urbanisa- Virtually all respondents to a survey, which was tion focusing on new types of industrial activities conducted after the mine closed, were positive about opens up the important question of who may be inter- getting an equivalent job or going back if the mine reo- ested in participating in these activities, and of what pened. Working in the mine was remembered not only the geographical implications are of people moving in as a means to earn a good salary and financing major order to look for new opportunities. purchases such as fishing boats, but also remembered  Even such opportunities do not necessarily lead to as an interesting experience. permanent relocation, as migrant workers come in various forms, for instance 2-4 weeks on the job followed by a corresponding number of weeks at home from 7.3 And what could be foreseen? which it nevertheless has impact on both the receiving community and the community the migrants origi- … when looking at the present situation in Greenland. nate. Probably none of the above examples!  A key issue has furthermore been what would be The micro simulation reflects the present on-going considered a “good life” – types of work, wages, em- demographic changes combined with the population’s ployment options for accompanying family members, choices as the situation is today. When reflecting on quality in terms of types of housing, social infrastruc- future situations it is important also to include the vi- ture, environment, offers of public facilities, etc., and sions that have been central in the discourse in Green- how these considerations would have significant im- land during the last decade. This also implies adding pact on tendencies in relation to both mobility and de- large scale mining activities as a factor affecting future mographic characteristics in the near future. mobility. This may cause changes in overall mobility patterns within a relatively short period of time. Simi- The above analyses have been initiated because of the larly the political focus may shift when negotiations possible intentions of establishing an aluminium with a company about such things as salaries, royalties, smelter in West Greenland. The survey was conducted use of local versus foreign labour etc. in order to get a more in-depth understanding of the Taking an example from the 1970ies and 1980ies potential regional consequences of such an activity. It where important positive impacts have been identified was focused on clarifying the possible regional conse- should not lure the reader into believing that history quences of changes in business structures as a result of might be repeated. The period during which the Black the introduction of new activities, looking into atti- Angel mine provided jobs was also characterised by a tudes to mobility in relation to employment and the major increase in fisheries where small boats and vil- like. At the same time it was aiming at providing data lage based fisheries was an important contributor to in relation to gender, age and qualification structures an advance in the Greenlandic economy. Neither small in different settlement types, and furthermore the sur- boats nor small scale fisheries are major players in the vey was also contributing responses to the respondent’s fisheries “game” anymore, so private investments in reflections on other forms of employment, including boats and equipment which is fundable by excess in- the possibility of staying with the family and then comes from mining activities can no longer be consid- working as a migrant, what arrangements could be ered a major push towards competitive fisheries invest- considered, as well as questions of what would be at- ments when the competitor is the large scale offshore tractive work and workplaces, what would be of inter-

180 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 est etc. in relation to wages, housing, transportation, Hansen, Klaus Georg, Freia Lund Sørensen and Steen R. social activities, etc. Jeppson, 2009: “Decision processes, communication and It is obvious that such surveys and analyses provide democracy; The aluminium smelter project in Greenland” in Janne Hukkinen, Klaus Georg Hansen et al. Knowledge- not only a concerned but also an educated basis for the based tools for sustainable governance of energy and upcoming discussions that are going to help shape the climate adaptation in the Nordic periphery. Nordic Research future of Greenland. But it should also be emphasized Programme 2005-2008, Report No 7, Nordregio, Stockholm. that such mappings and surveys have to be repeated pp 57-84. frequently in order make it possible to reflect on the new challenges that are due to the pace of the on-going Hoff & Overgaard, 1979: Aluminiumsindustri ved Godthåb og Sisimiut [Aluminium Industry at Godthåb and Holsteinsborg]. changes! Report produced by Hoff & Overgaard A/S. May 1979.

Huskey, L. and C. Southcott, 2010: Migration in the Circum- 8.0 References polar North: Issues and Contexts. Occasional Publication Series Vol. 64, Canadian Circumpolar Institute.

Jensen, K. and R.O. Rasmussen, 1998: Konsekvenser af Ashatu, H., 2009: “The use of Triangulation in Social Science storskala råstof- og energiproduktion i Arktis. Projektbeskriv- Research: Can Qualitative and Quantitative Methods be else. Råstofdirektoratet, Grønlands Hjemmestyre. Combined?” in Journal of Comparative Social Work, Number 1. Jensen, K, 1998: Effekter af storskala råstofprojekter i Grønland - med speciel vægt på de beskæftigelsesmæssige Berlingske, 2012: “Kampen om Arktis”, a serious of back- forhold. Rapport om Arbejdsmarkedsforhold nr. 2, Direk- ground articles in different sections of the Danish newspaper toratet for Sociale Anliggender, Arbejdsmarked og Offentlige th st nd Berlingske on the following dates – 17 June, 21 June, 22 Arbejder. June, 23rd June and 2nd July 2012. Jonsson, B. and M. Wiestner, 2013: “Power upgrade of Isal Bryman, A., 2004: Social Research Methods. Oxford Univer- Potlines 1-3” in International Journal for Industry, Research sity Press. and Application, Special: Aluminium Smelting Industry, vol. 89:1-2, January 2013, pp 61-63. Canada – Nova Scotia Offshore Petroleum Board, 1999: Annual Report 1998-1999. Canada – Nova Scotia Offshore Keskitalo, C., 2008: Climate Change and Globalization in the Petroelum Bard, 1791 Barrington Street, Halifax Arctic. An Integrated Approach to Vulnerability Assessment. Earthscan, London. Creswell, J.W., 2003: Research Design: Qualitative, Quanti- tative, and Mixed Methods Approaches. Sage, London. Landsvirkjun, 2007: Búrfell hydropower station. July 2007. Landsvirkjun. Department of Industry Trade and Technology, 1998: Indus- trial Benefits Summary: Offshore Petroleum Activities in New- Ministry for the Environment, 2002: Welfare for the Future. foundland and Labrador, report prepared by the Industrial Iceland’s National Strategy for Sustainable Development Benefits Division, St. John’s, NF. 2002-2020. August 2002. Reykjavik. The Ministry for the Environment. GA & SIK, 2012: Kommentarer til storskalaredegørelsen. Hearing process response from Grønlands Arbejdsgiver- NIRAS, 2010: Aluminiumsprojektets økonomiske betydning. forening and SIK. Dated 13. March 2012. (http://www.ga.gl/ Greenland Development A/S, Nuuk. LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=Yfs%2brjlFhew%3d&tabid=1721&la nguage=da-DK). Rasmussen, R.O. 2003: “Labor Market Perspectives on Resource Development. The labor market consequences of Government of Greenland, 2008: Beslutningsgrundlag for large scale resource development in the Arctic” in R.O. Ras- etablering af en aluminiumssmelter i Grønland. Departe- mussen and N.E. Koroleva (eds.), Social and Environmental mentet for Erhverv, Arbejdsmarked og Erhvervsuddannelser. Impacts in the North, pp 303-317. Kluwer Academic Publish- February 2008. ers, The Netherlands.

Hamilton, L.C., B.C. Brown and R.O. Rasmussen, 2003: Rasmussen, R.O., 2000: Langtidskonsekvenser af Greenex “West Greenland’s cod-to-shrimp transition: local dimensions minen ved Maarmorilik, Uummannaq Kommune. Del 1: His- of climatic change” in Arctic, vol 56, no. 3, Sept. 2003, pp torik, Beskæftigelse og Mobilitet. Roskilde Universitetscenter. 271-282. Rasmussen, R.O., 2009: Mobilitet i Grønland - Den kompara- Hansen, Klaus Georg (forthcoming): “West Nordic perspective analyse, sammenfattende analyse. Nordregio, Stock- tives on oil and gas development – The shift in public prepar- holm. edness for oil and gas exploration in Greenland”. Forthcom- ing article. Rasmussen, R.O., 2010: Mobilitet i Grønland. Sammenfat-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 181 tende analyse. Nordregio, Stockholm. University of Iceland, Institute of Social Sciences, & Gallup, 2003: Attitudes Toward an Aluminium Plant in Reydarfjördur Rasmussen, R. O., 2011: Megatrends. Danish Ministry of and the Kárahnjúkar Hydroelectric Project. Foreign Affairs in collaboration with the Nordic Council of Ministers. TemaNord 2011:527. US Department of Interior, Mineral Management Services, 1995: An Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Råstofforvaltningen, 1983: Oversigt over reporter m.m. Outer Continental Shelf Development in Alaska. Anchorage. vedrørende vandkraftundersøgelser i Grønland pr. 30. juni 1983. J.nr. 1474-03-16. Råstofforvaltningen for Grønland. Winther, G., 2000: “The Dutch Disease Phenomenon in a Juni 1983. Greenland Perspective” in Proceedings of the Fifth CASS Field Course, Alaska 2000. Vol. 1 Fairbanks, USA, Dept. Storey, K. and L.C. Hamilton, 2003: “Planning for the impacts of Alaska Native and Rural Development, College of rural of megaprojects: Two North American examples”, in R.O. Alaska, University of Alaska, 2001. pp 89-96. Rasmussen and N.E. Koroleva (eds.), Social and Environ- mental Impacts in the North, pp 281-302. Kluwer Academic Young, O.R., 2002: The Institutional Dimensions of Environ- Publishers, The Netherlands. mental Change - Fit, Interplay, and Scale. The MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass.

182 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 27. Aftermath of growth in Reykjavik Capital region – land-use and values inherent in Icelandic urbanization

Anna Karlsdóttir

Introduction effects of the American Nato military base, real urban cluster was formed in the south-west corner of the Reykjavík is a young urban capital and has many of the country, Reykjavík capital region. Though the city in characteristics associated with urbanisation in the its outlook and interior har changed significantly since Arctic. Before the independence of the Icelandic repub- then it can be claimed that in this respect, Iceland thus lic in 1944 Copenhagen was the ‚functioning‘ capital of shares some of the characteristics of the Arctic neigh- the nation. After the invasion of the british Army dur- bours in being a former colony in more than one sense ing WWII and later in the postwar period, the build-up and experiencing relatively recent urban development.

Picture 1. Camp Skipton in Reykjavík around 1941 (Stofnun Árna Magnússonar).

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 183 All along since beginning of the 50’s Reykjavík has munities (Sveinsson, 2011, Sveinsson 2007). Today Rey- grown and its surrounding municipalities have grown kjavík and its surrounding municipalities in the South exponentially. The capital area covers an area of 1062 West region make up a high degree of the total popula- km2, ten times larger the size of Paris (105km2) (Na- tion making Iceland a predominantly urban nation. tional land survey 2011). Since then a decade before in- That development has not always been favored in dependence of the Icelandic republic in 1944, the Capi- politics however. Strong political currents following tal has incrementally grown in several different phases. independence and movements all along the 20th cen- The growth of the urban structure has led to consider- tury till this day advocated that the „Icelandic farmer able urban sprawl. culture“ was the „haute couture“, or interpreted in Carl The main focus of this article is describing some of Sauer sense, meanings were infused with a norma- the processes of planning and boosterism tendencies tive orthodoxy describing the essence of the country happening uptil and after the fall of 2008 when the Ice- (or the national culture) (Entrikin, 1984). These same landic economy collapsed. Simultanously the focus is political movements evolving around primarily the on housing issues in terms of identifying shifting val- progress party and the independence party, verbally ues. In this article I define values from a range of in- and politically, treated the town or the urban struc- terconnected fields making up the physical structures ture as a threat to the „idyll“ in similar manner as the the city inhabits, its buildings, the current and future anti-urban, anti-industrialisation discourse in Europe homes and workplaces of people, the social and eco- (Burchardt 2002). Famous were the ironic writings of a nomic aspects shaping the city and its city life. With- nationally known fictional author Þórbergur Þórðar- out claiming that I capture the city in its totality, I am son (1924) earlier in 20th century – where growing bad emphasising that many strings of interconnected and culture was traced to the origins of the urban structure varied values make up what a city is (traditions and in- and urban life that was in its embryonic forming at that stitutions, entrepreneurialism versus social institutions time in Reykjavík. Prominent political figure in early and eastetical and financial values). 20th century Icelandic politics, Jónas Jónsson always connoted with the farm Hrifla (NE Iceland) was deeply convinced that urban settlements like Reykjavík was The assymetrical processes of a wrong place for human beings. Though this was the urbanisation and housing devel- peak of the anti-urban campaign in Iceland, contem- opment in Reykjavik porary political agendas are still influenced by grains of this believe till this day (Hall et.al.2004). As mentioned, urban development in Iceland can be claimed to have accumulated from the 1930‘s where 56,5 % of Icelandic citizens had settled in urban com-

Total Iceland Annual Annual in- Annual in- Year Reykjavík Akureyri No. inhabitants increase% crease% crease% 1930 108.861 1,5 28.304 6,0 4.286 5,6 1940 121.474 1,2 38.196 3,5 5.813 3,6 1950 143.973 1,9 56.251 4,7 7.188 2,4 1960 175.680 2,2 71.926 2,8 8.835 2,3 1970 204.578 1,6 81.693 1,4 10.755 2,2 1980 229.187 1,2 83.766 0,3 13.420 2,5 1990 255.708 1,2 98.038 1,7 14.174 0,6 2000 282.849 1,1 111.345 1,4 15.385 0,9 2011 318.452 198.393 17.559

Table 1. Development of population in Iceland, main population centers Reykjavík and Akureyri 1930-2011. (Hagstofa Íslands 2012 and Hermann Óskarsson 2010).

184 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 The subject of a city or the rural from a dichotomic per- the term úrban society´ refering to it as a society that spective, as if it were totally opposite phenomenons, results from industrialization, which he characterized has been and is still a popular subject in politics. It lays as a process of domination that absorbs agricultural beneath many political discourses, even in contempo- production. He claimed this was the way urban society rary political debates in the special antagony between would take shape first at the end of a process during the capital and the rest of the country (Óskarsson, which the old forms were burst apart as end result of 2010, Bjarnason 2009). As times have gone by a more a series of discontinous transformations. Manuel Cas- varied view on the urban culture has evolved and is be- tells, who has written extensively on cities, globalisa- ing understood both in terms of being a way of life and tion and ICTs means the historical relativity of the term a range of cultural practices, not any one particular ”urban” makes the urban field one without a rigorously version (Nelson et.al 1992:5). For an investigation of defined object (Castells 2005). Spatial transformation planning cultures, there are elements which can be eas- is a fundamental dimension of the overall process of ily recognised and understood because they refere to structural change in his making of an outline of his ´planning artefacts´such as urban structures and urban theory of urbanisation in the information age. Accord- master plans, or to planning institutions and further ing to it, many cities are sites of areas, small and large public or private actors involved in planning processes. that are included in these global networks, at different At the same time there are cultural values, traditions, levels. From a structural point of view, the role of cities attitudes and habits which have a significant influence in the global economy depends on their connectivitiy on planning structures, processes and outcomes but in transportation and telecommunication networks are not obvious immediately. These cultural assump- and on their ability to mobilize effectively human re- tions and values can be divided into two dimensions; sources in the proces of globalization. Nodal areas of the ´planning environment´ and the ´societal environ- the city will receive the highest priority in terms of in- ment’. The ´planning environment´refers to assump- vestment and management, because they are the sourc- tions and values that are specific for actors being in- es of value creation from which an urban node and its volves in structures, processes and products of spatial surrounding area will make their livelihood. Thus the planning (Knieling & Othengrafen 2009). fate of metropolitan economies depends on their abil- The population policy debate on the large urban cen- ity to subordinate urban functions and forms to the tre limited to the regional capital has evolved around dynamic of certain places that ensure their competitive how to manage growth particularly related to housing articulation in the global space of flows (Castells 2005). and the extent to which the concentration of develop- Iceland is as a subarctic nation obviously headed this ment in the city deprives other settlements from a ‘fair way in that Reykjavík, the main urban structure and share’ of resources. In that respect the growth of Rey- capital of the nation now inhabites around 80% of the kjavík has like in other remote regions been informed population with Akureyri being the next largest urban by notions of the ‘frontier’ (Carson 2011). It also rep- settlement as its only real urban alternative and in sur- resent a societal and demographic development with rounding urban clusters in the polarized spectrum of increased hierarchization between urban settlements the Icelandic settelement structure. (Dybbroe et.al 2010) with one predominant largest city and only one another larger urban structure as the alternative, Akureyri in the North of Iceland (see table Urban growth development and above). Urban space can thus be viewed as a ćontain- planning issues in Reykjavík capi- er´ for economic and social processes and as a result tal region on the brink to and in of social relation among people living in a certain area 21st century or region where culture and cultural influences play a crucial role (Knieling & Othengrafen 2009). Urban concentration in Iceland is characterised by The academic tradition or discipline that usually de- significant dominance of one concentrated popula- fines the urban as an independent subject is strong in tion centre, The metropolitan region of Reykjavík and architecture and planning, sub or sister disciplines to its surrounding municipalities, where approximately geography, in that they focus on spatial assets, shapes, 199 thousand of the total population of 319 thousand formes and relations in a socitety on a variety of geo- live. The assymetrical population distribution in terms graphic scales. of land-use has few other similarities (maybe Alaska, The french philosopher Henri Lefebvre was a strong Australia and Newfoundland). In this respect the pop- supporter for looking at the city and the urban as an ulation distribution has some similarities to úrban at independent phenomena (Lefebvre 2003). He applied the edge´.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 185 According to McTurk and Teixeira (2011) research of 100,000 spend on average one hour per day in their on housing and demography in small and medium- cars.“ (Helgason 2012) sized cities is not well advanced. Their studies on hous- Though the initial growth of Reykjavík was an in- ing in remote cities in Canada and Australia reflect centive from outside military forces, building barrack some of the challenges associated with being fast grow- camps in numerous neighbourhoods in and around ing cities in recent times and subject to substantial the administrative centre of Reykjavík, there has been housing pressures – both in terms of availability and continous pressure adressing housing shortages on- affordability ( McTurk & Teixeira 2011). In those terms wards. The continous inflow of new inhabitants from Reykjavík greater capital area shares some similarities the rural to the urban became a base for building more to the recent growing cities on the edge. permanent housing and neighbourhoods from the mid Opinions on architecture in the short story of the 20th century and onwards. urban planning of Reykjavík metropolitan region is „[The urban sprawl] ..happened because for the latter mixed. Strong convincions meet usually in the debate part of the twentieth century we made it a rule: There over conflicted planned areas. This is vividly described had to be a space of 30 metres between houses and 30 by the author Hallgrímur Helgason who uses the meta- metres from door to street, 30 parking spaces for each phor of acne for architectural mishaps in Reykjavík. apartment, and every neighborhood surrounded by „..the worst symptoms of our skin disease were the a freeway. Reykjavík is like one big car festival. It has way we developed our only big city. In only fifty years it more gas stations than cafés.“ (Helgason 2012). went from being a lovely little harbour town to becom- To counteract the development of extended and es- ing a concrete monster tied up by motorways. Copen- calating growth and expansion, a strategy of city densi- hagen was based on Paris and still looks sort of like a fication became a key issue within Reykjavík city plan- Paris of red bricks, while Reykjavík looks like Rönne in ning office. Some of the high-rise buildings designed Bornholm surrounded by Los Angeles. I‘m not kidding. for those purposes have however attracted significant Reykjavík is the most spread out city on the planet. It‘s criticism because of its lack of contextual integration one of the major achievements of modern city planning with the existing endowment of low-rise historical how they managed to make people who live in a city buildings (Birgisdóttir 2010).

Picture 2. Main municipalities making up the Reykjavík capital region in the urban metropolitan area. Source: (Open StreetMap)

186 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Focusing on homes and housing for families, individu- Hafnarfjörður, Garðabær, Mosfellsbær, and new sub- al ownership policy has been the dominating trend in urbs of Reykjavík municipality. housing development not only in the rural but also in It is interesting to explore what role the municipal the rapidly growing urban areas where around 94 % of planning has played in the construction boom expe- the population lives (National land survey 2011). Hous- rienced in the first century and how municipal plans ing is large part of the families monthly costs and for for the greater capital region guided and supported a many represents a security. Living in a boom and bust balance and sustainable development of the region. economy has generated a firm belief among the major- As illustrated from the map below, the average an- ity, that owning/owing own housing is a form of secu- nual change in population development by municipal- rity for pension. In Iceland housing solution after ity after millenium to 2010 – in this map compared to WWII were characterised by strong selfsufficiency and the development from 1990-2000 (see Theodórsdóttir, individual ownership policy. Already in 1979 around Jónsdóttir, Guðmundsson & Hreggviðsson 2012) - a 85 % of the housing mass in Reykjavík was privately shift can be identified with a broader range of munici- owned, 91 % in the neighbouring municipalities in the palities ranging around 80 km radius around Reykjavík greater capital region – this situation has all along took off in population growth in this period. This map made rental housing a fringe phenomenon. is a product of a study group from University of Rey- kjavik trying to identify planning and development in the greater capital region of Iceland from a planning Population growth and housing development approach. The report made from the re- expectations search raised critical questions about what needs to be During the nineties most of the urban population adressed or changed in the current planning system. It growth was delimited to the adjacent municipalities to was furthermore the first research report ever on Rey- Reykjavik, the municipalities that had grown together kjavík planning issues that conceptualized planning as and had became part of the same urban structure, Rey- a regional development process (Theodórsdóttir et.al kjavík capital region, these were primarily Kópavogur, 2012).

Picture 3. Average population development in municipalities around the Capital 2000-2010, annual change in percentage (source: Theodórsdóttir et.al 2012).

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 187 One could claim that this presented a shift in the es- problems tended to get overlooked (Birgisdóttir 2010). sence of urbanisation not only involving significant ur- No one saw the financial crisis coming in the con- ban sprawl as more and more people accepted com- struction business in order to stop emerging over sup- muting as way of lifestyle of the urban, but this ply of housing. Population projections failed. They development also extended several municipal borders formed the base for land allocation for residential and and involved a growth to around 11 other municipali- commercial development and therefore adress a need ties in around 80 km driving distance radius to Reykja- to reevaluate plans for urbanization in Reykjavík and vik, the urban S-W region. surrounding municipalities.. Same goes for the alloca- According to the before mentioned study conducted tion for development in existing municipal plans. Also, by a team of planners and geographers at the univer- the study of the spatial growth of urban areas shows sity of Reykjavík, municipalities were competing for new trends of low density urban sprawl which raise residents and construction development during the questions about long term sustainability. The findings construction boom from around 2004-2008. Further- further raise questions about the need for regional al- more the municipal plans generally overestimated location of housing units, by a regional planning au- population growth and future residential development. thority or the national government, as well as a need This does however vary between municipalities, both for regional and/or national policy on urban growth within the capital region itself and between it and the boundaries and sustainable land use (Theodórsdóttir smaller and more rural communities on the fringe of et.al 2012). the greater capital region. Though densification be- The south west region was therefore truly character- came the leading topic in the current urban discourse ised by a construction boom happening after milleni- the almost limitless land available for new buildings, um, accelerating after 2004 and ending in the autumn the increasingly acute need to adress existing urban of 2008.

Picture 4. An example of a master plan. The Master plan of Reykjavík 2001-2024.

188 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Origins and development of boos- in the planning history of Reykjavík for torned down terism in Reykjavík capital region houses, building new, higher and denser constructions. „We like to do things overnight and tear them down planning the day after. The Swiss artist Dieter Roth said of Rey- Tracing boosterism in Reykjavík planning is easy. kjavík, where he lived for a while: „It looks like a tem- The origins of boosterism have to be linked with an porary town. It looks like people only want to stay here economic approach to development and planning, for a couple of years.“ He was spot on. Icelanders are where it is primarily linked to expectations of econom- always ready to leave. That is why we don‘t like beau- ic growth with certain assumptions taken for granted tiful and complete towns, careful buildings and brick among planners (Boothroyd & Davis, 1993). Booster- walls.“ (Helgason 2012). ism in greater Reykjavík can definately be traced to the Financial Before 2004 the HFF and pension funds municipal competition on land bids and inter munici- were sole lenders to people and businesses buying pal competing for residents and construction develop- housing. The LTV ratio was at highest 65 % but after ment during the construction boom in the first decade 2004 banks started offering lucrative housing loans of the century. As one of the implications of growth with LTV ratio 100% - HFF soon followed the banks expectations to the urban setting was that the munici- practices. pal plans generally overestimated population growth As an example of the shifts involved in the housing and future residential development. Though this varied situation in Iceland following the financial collapse, the between municipalities both within the capital region annual report of the FSEI reported that loans with col- itself and between it and the smaller and more rural laterals in residences were 303 billion ISK in mid 2010. communities on the fringe of the greater capital region, 1/3 had over 90 % loan to value (LTV ratio) and thereof it was an evident impact of boosterism. around 85 billions ISK where the LTV ratio is 100%. One of the aims of University of Reykjavík plan- But people were hurt by the sudden financial crash in ning-study group was analyzing the sustainability of Iceland and when the value of the local currency went master plans of 19 municipalities in the greater capital down, the debt made in foreign currency skyrocketet region. It turned out that all of the master plans had and the infamous inflation index (that secures credi- built premises on unrealistic population development tors the value of loans) made indebted families situa- projection (Theodórsdóttir et.al 2012). This prooved tion more complicated. These conditions were depicted not only to be an expensive affair, but also one involv- by Halldór Baldursson the cartoonist for fréttablaðið ing a lot of waste in many senses of the term. How- (see below). The leaders of the government stand at a ever as influential as master plans usually are, other as cliff saying: Oh My, this will be costly. How can we significant aspects of practices and decision making on finance the rescue operations? The indebted citizens other levels played a significant role in blowing power hang barely to the cliff and in the next picture there has into an emerging boosterism in the region. been placed a parkometer presumably to count for how Many co-evolving influences affected the forma- long they stay firm to the cliff. tion of Reykjavík capital region as an urban structure. The growing number of empty and half built prop- Besides favorisation of one family housing, low hous- erties immediately and more than three years into the ing structures and roadscapes connecting the mush- financial crisis made the link between territory, the roomed urban clusters and different planning phases economy and politics more bluntly embarassing as the of social housing mixed with residential housing and development of whole neighbourhoods had been put occupational housing. on hold. Americanisation of the building mass was maybe an The effects for the citizens involved in buying homes inherited value from the military barack legacy?. Dur- was (post crash) rising numbers of families dealing ing the rapid history of progress of an industrialised with economic insolvency. In 2009 a special state in- economy and gradual increase in urbanization older stitution was therefore established in order to offer free buildings, dilapitated and worn from weather and less assistance to individuals who had serious difficulties adequate in building materials than the next generation meeting their financial obligations in order to find a of buildings made torning down buildings an ongoing balance between financial capacities and financial ob- process in the constantly changing urban landscape in ligations (The debtors’ ombudsman 2012). However it Reykjavík. However 2006 and 2007 were record years has proven complicated and deferred process.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 189 Mynd 5. The homes debt situation.

In some areas characterised by half empty neighbour- % of the disposable monthly income going mortgages. hoods one of the rescue schemes of the government 18.6 % of renters have real problems paying rent. Ac- from 2009 was giving the housing financing fund a cording to The debtors‘ ombudsman the ratio of people mandate to rent out properties that were not occupied facing problems decreases with rising age and rising or occupied by former bankrupt owners, in order to income. 32 % of citizens in the lowest income category solve some of the financial havoc (Karlsdóttir and (when income spectrum is divided to five levels) face Brunn forthcoming). difficulties in paying for a roof to shelter (The debtors‘ The insatiable enthusiasm for construction affected ombudsman 2012). the political behaviour of the municipalities in the The housing financing problem has though been far capital region significantly for people and politicians from solved yet. Four years into the aftermath of the alike. In that case the process of planning on houses collapse, the housing financing fund is facing insol- that never became homes because of financial difficul- vency due to forced take-overs of homes gone bankrupt ties in the midst of the construction process is a case of and money wasted. Therefore yet another bill of rescu- wasted values in several aspects of the meaning of the ing the fund temporarily with finance injection from terms waste and value. public money is being launched in Alþingi (Heimild). According to statistics Iceland the housing cost for The banks were aggressive in marketing their newly indebted home owners in 2011 was 18.7 % of the dis- gained status as primary motor of the new property posable income of Icelandic citizens on average com- regime. Along with a chain of events described earlier pared to 17.5 % of disposable income in year 2010. competition on land bids fuelling competition between Comparison between renters and indebted home own- municipalities – contributed to fast rise in lot prices ers shows that renters are on average paying 24.9 % of bids – to make a long story short it can be conclud- their disposable income for housing (statistics Iceland). ed that not only did this cause a very optimistic, say 11.3 % of Icelandic homes were dealing with over 40 reckless planning on the urban extension, but is also

190 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 created an environment of entrepreneurial race in con- References struction of both office buildings and home constructions. A poisonous cocktail of more liberal leglislation of control of construction survey and total lack of over- Birgisdóttir, S., 2010. Reykjavík Horizon. Journal of Nor- view among public planning authorities of the extent of dRegio, Special issue, retrieved 24.November 2012. http:// activities also had its effects. www.nordregio.se/en/Metameny/About-Nordregio/Journal- Land use perspectives of urban planning in the capi- of-Nordregio/Journal-of-Nordregio-2010/Special-issue-of- tal region reveils a sore need to re-vise and re-evaluate the-Journal-of-Nordregio--only-available-in-digital-format/ urban values. Extended region of Reykjavík inhabits Reykjavik-Horizon/ many problematic aspects of earlier real estate boom ... Bjarnason, Þ., 2009. London Calling? Preferred Emigration Destinations Among Icelandic Youth. Acta Sociologica, 52, Conclusion 149-161. Urbanisation in Iceland bears some resemblance to a Boothroy, P. & Davis, H.C., 1993. Community Economic Development – Three Approaches. Journal of Planning, Edu- generalised movement that has gained momentum in cation & Research, 12(3), 230-240. all the Arctic regions where towns have grown at a rapid pace, and people settle down in urban centres. The Burchard, J., 2002. Paradise Lost: Rural idyll and social urban way of life fulfils specialised function in a com- change since 1800. London: I.B. Tauris. plex division of labour and interacts with many differ- Castells, M., 2005. Space of flows, space of places: Materials ent kinds of people. Though young of age, Reykjavík for a theory of urbanism in the information age. Sanyal, B., has a certain palimpsest. (edit.). Comparative Planning Cultures. New York: Routledge. However the Reykjavík urbanization and planning 45-67. has been characterised by a bumpy road path in terms Dybbroe, S., Dahl, J., & Muller-Wille, L., 2010. Dynamics of of financial aspects and construction phases frequently Arctic Urbanization. Acta Borealia, (27)2, 120-124. evoking tensions of value behind architectural forms, and a tendency to tore down buildings instead of con- Dybbroe, S., 2008. Is the Arctic really urbanising? Études/ serving heritage values in older parts of the city. The Inuit Studies (32)1, 13-32 boosterism involved in planning was an effect of the Entrikin, J.N., 1984. Carl O. Sauer, Philosopher in spite of interrelationship of planners, municipalities and fi- himself. Geographical Review, (4)74, 387-408. nancial institutions causing oversupply of man-made structures within the urban environment. Guðjón Friðriksson. Með sverðið í annarri hendi en plóginn í The financial aspects of funding housing, the costs hinni: Saga Jónasar frá associated with raising a roof over the family and the Hriflu”, Reykjavík 1991. problem stroken family economy coupled to housing issues in the period 2008 reveils an atmosphere at Jóhannesson, S.Þ., N.D. Kampanöfn og örnefni tengd hersetu á Íslandi 1940-1945. Stofnun Árna Magnússonar. unease with dreams and visions of urban boosterism Retrieved on 22. November 2012. http://www.arnastofnun.is/ flourishing during the economic boom. page/arnastofnun_nafn_nefnir_SJ Uncomprehensive planning and its social and economic costs adress the question of values, wasted val- Hagstofa Íslands 2012. Mannfjöldi 1703-2012. Retrieved on ues, Structural values, Social value, Financial values, 23. November 2012. http://www.hagstofan.is/Hagtolur/Man- Aestetical values and last but not least environmental nfjoldi/Yfirlit values of the recent and growing city on the edge. Last Hall, A., Jónsson, Á., & Agnarsson, S., 2004. Byggð og but not least, the overestimated population projection, búseta. the escalating extension and urban sprawl are as much Helgason, Hallgrímur. 2012. Architectural Acne. Grapewine. as earlier a reminder of a sore need to reevaluate and Issue 17. 2012. 16-18. prioritise densification of the city. Economic & structural transformation with its imminent booms and Karlsdóttir, A. & Bitsch, S. Glory and blighted landscapes in busts affect the city in its making and function. This Reykjavík. Journal of NordRegio, 2(11), 2011, 14-16. reflects a rapid progress of urbanization in the region. Knieling, J. & Othengraten, F., 2009. Planning Cultures in In Reykjavík, as in other Northern contexts, further Europe – Decoding Cultural phenonmena in Urban and Re- description of how, for what and under what circum- gional Planning. Surrey:Ashgate. stances urbanization emerges, develops and proceeds, is needed. Lefebvre, H., 2003. The Urban Revolution. University of Min-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 191 nesota Press. Sveinsson, J.R., 2011. Housing in Iceland in the Aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis. Ray Forrest (edit.). Housing Mar- McTurk, N. & Teixeira, C., 2011. The Challenge of Housing in kets and the Global Financial Crisis – The Uneven Impact on Remote Areas. Carson et.al (eds.) 2011. Demography at he Households. London: Edward Elgar 2011. Edge – Remote Human Populations in Developed Nations. Surrey: Ashgate. 289-307. Sveinsson, J.R., 2007. Meginþættir húsnæðisstefnu Íslend- inga á 20. öld. Bls 19-40 í Ársskýrsla Fasteignamats ríkisins National Land Survey of Iceland. Sveitarfélagaskjárinn. Re- 2005. Reykjavík: Fasteignamat ríkisins. trieved on 22. November 2012 (In Icelandic) Sveinsson, J.R., 2002. Margt er ólíkt með skyldum: Um Nelson, C. et al. 1992. ‘Cultural studies: an introduction.’ In mismunandi húsnæðisstefnu Norðurlandanna. Ársskýrsla Grossberg, L. et al. (eds.). 1992. Cultural Studies. London: fasteignamats ríkisins 2002., p.27-45. Reykjavík: Fasteigna- Routledge. mat ríkisins.

Óskarsson, H., 2010. Upphaf markaðsþjóðfélags á Íslandi í Theodórsdóttir, Á.H. Jónsdóttir, S. Guðmundsson, D.Þ., & ljósi manntala á Akureyri frá 1860-1940. Jóhannesson, G.Þ. Hreggviðsson, G.M., 2012. Veðjað á vöxt – Byggðaþróun á & Björnsdóttir, H., (eds.) Rannsóknir í félagsvísindum XI, stór-höfuðborgarsvæðinu. Reykjavík: Háskólinn í Reykjavík. Reykjavík: Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands. 96-105. The debtors’ ombudsman/Umboðsmaður skuldara. 2012. Statistics Iceland. 2012. Wages, income & labour market. Húsnæðiskostnaður Íslendinga 2011. Retrieved 25. Novem- Statistical Series, 2012:8. Reykjavík, 30.April 2012. Retrieved ber 2012. http://www.ums.is/fraedsla-og-frettir/nr/353 on 24.November 2012. https://hagstofa.is/lisalib/getfile. aspx?ItemID=13864 Vísir 2012. Vill að borgin stöðvi háhýsi úr fortiðinni. 24.maí 2012.

192 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 28. Gender dynamics in the “oilopolis”: consequences of boomtown growth for women in Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, Russia

Jessica K. Graybill

Abstract resource-based development shapes women’s paths and spaces in this gateway city. Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk is a site of rapid transformation of I describe how women in different stages of life built and social urban environments due to transna- and from different cultural and socioeconomic back- tional oil and gas investment in the post-Soviet era. grounds navigate public and private spaces in every- While not the site of oil extraction, Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk day life. I place this qualitative research in relation to acts as an urban gateway and hub for Far Eastern and prior studies of gender in the oil industry and in post- Northern resource development and attracts men and socialist places to understand the gendered implica- women for work and leisure purposes. In this city, rap- tions of continued resource-based urbanization in the id demographic changes, new housing construction in North. I suggest future directions for gender studies of urban and suburban environments and the rise of the urban hubs for mineral and oil resource development automobile have transformed how people experience in the North. Finally, I introduce a plan for compara- public and private spaces in the city. Here, I discuss tive study of the gendered impacts of resource-based how the highly masculine and transnational nature of urbanization across the North.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 193 194 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 29. Sociological perspectives on Canadian Arctic urbanization – What is a town?

Thibault Martin

Abstract In this paper we will, through a discussion focused on the “urbanization” of the Inuit of Nunavik, dis- For classical sociology, urbanization of rural or tradi- cuss this theory. We first present the different stages tional society is associated with modernization. Ur- of urbanization (from the hamlet to the metropolis, banization is taking place in several stages, in each through the village, town, and city) that transform a stage various modern institutions set up. Once estab- community into society. We will see that this evolution lished, these modern/associative institutions comple- of the spatial organization (from hamlet to city) applies ment, or even supplant the traditional/ communal in- in Nunavik, and indeed is accompanied by a redefini- stitutions, leading to the transformation of the nature tion of social relations. However, this social evolution of the social relations. only partially corresponds to what theory predicts.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 195 196 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 30. Diasporas in the Arctic Urbanization

Rasmus Ole Rasmussen

1.0 Introduction Arctic cases are difficult to access, research on this topic is easier to substantiate due to both quantitative and The Arctic has been exposed to both substantial in- qualitative information that has become available due and out-migration of people during the last century. to methods of population registration in both Green- Historically, in-migrants have been part of policies land and Denmark, combined with a number of recent aimed at providing national presence in the Arctic. surveys and series of interviews. This presence has often been connected to development strategies where new economic activities have required – according to the policies – newcomers with special 2.0 The concept of Diaspora skills and knowledge. Typically, the source of people In its original meaning ‘diaspora’ has emerged as a with these assets has been the southern parts of the re- concept describing the scattering of a population, spective nations. Many of these newcomers have only caused by some forced or traumatic historical event been involved in the Arctic communities for a few (Cohen 1997a). years, while others have become more permanent set- A broadening of the concept has, however, devel- tlers. For many of the permanent settlers, ties back to oped in recognition of the fact that the processes of their place of origin – their “homelands” - have been scattering connects to other characteristics of causes maintained; for instance, through cultural characteris- and effects of mobility (Mitchell 1997; Skeldon 2001). tics such as food habits and regular visits back to their The widening of the definition of Diasporas includes communities of origin. other historical processes, and Cohen describes a five- The reverse process – i.e., people with origin in the fold typology illustrated by typical examples: Arctic moving south and settling there for longer periods of time, or permanently – has taken off since WW-  Victim diasporas (Jews, Armenians, slave diaspo- II and intensified so much so during the last decades ras), that it has a potential to become a major characteris-  Labour diasporas (Indian indentured labour, Ital- tic of Indigenous peoples with relations to the Arctic. ians and Filipinos), Usually they are settling in southern urban settlements  Imperial/colonial diasporas (Ancient Greek, British, in their respective countries. In spite of the geographi- Portuguese), cal distance to their traditional homelands they have,  Trade diasporas (Lebanese, Chinese) and cultural in many cases, chosen to maintain personal, cultural, diasporas (Caribbean). and economic ties back to their families and communities of origin. This broadened approach does not provide a mutually Thereby both in-migrants and out-migrants have es- exclusive typology as certain migrant peoples fit the tablished what is generally referred to as a Diaspora, characteristics of two or more diaspora types, either i.e. “the movement, migration, or scattering of people simultaneously or at different points in time. In rela- away from an established or ancestral homeland” or tion to Greenland, the issue of “Imperial/colonial dias- “people dispersed by whatever cause to more than one poras” is clearly most important, but other of the above location”, or “people settled far from their ancestral examples definitely apply as well. homelands”. Furthermore, increasing mobility combined with The relations between Greenland and Denmark pro- the process of scattering is no longer seen as one-divide a good illustration of such a situation in the Arctic. rectional (Brubaker 2005). Here, evidence of return has While details on both processes and outcomes in other become fairly abundant in the literature on diasporas,

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 197 and the recently introduction of the notion of counter- another, but in contrast to the concept of territory diasporic migration attempts to rectify this (King 2002 within postmodern geography -emphasizing the more and Christou, 2008). As will be stressed later in the speculative and abstract socio-spatial theories of Lefe- text, the question of counter-diasporic migration has bvre, Foucault and others - the key issue is about plac- become a critical issue in the former Danish colonies es, defined as territories where differences between of Greenland and the Faroe Islands (and partly also space and territory becomes crucial. Iceland). The main issue in this connection regards op- While spatial is defined as the distribution of peo- tions of “well-educated returners” as a means to cope ple, objects (resources) and activities in space where the with what is considered to be a stability-threatening spatial scale does not relate to other than (physical) dis- high out-migration rate. tances and the thereby generated topologies, territorial However, the question is of course the importance is furthermore defined as the distribution of people, of a concept when it becomes “fluffy”; for instance, objects (resources) and activities in space, structured when it mixes and overlaps with the meaning of more through a pattern of boundaries imposed by individu- descriptive words such as transnational community, als or groups. This mainly relates to the political sphere expatriates, refugees, exile, etc. Several attempts have in terms of institutional or administrative boundaries been made to analytically disentangle the concepts and that are agreed upon in order to manage people, ob- such descriptions (for instance Brah 1996: 178–210; van jects (resources) and activities in space (Rasmussen, Hear 1998: 1–12; Clifford 1994: 303), but it is clear that Weber and Lindberg, 2013). But in this context also to the definition is clearly embedded in the specific con- the cultural sphere where the important issues are context of how the concept is used. crete networks, social activities and cultural order be- A focus on population relations between Greenland ing situated (Lave & Wenger), both in principle and in Leshana haba’ah) ”האבה הנשל םילשוריב“ and Denmark in this paper means that the following practice, such as definition adequately grasps both the territorial as well b’Yerushalayim - Next year in Jerusalem)” – the Jew- as the mobility characteristics: ish diaspora pronouncing the wishful prayer at the end “What distinguishes the diasporic condition from of every Passover Seder. In addition to the sum of its contemporary international migration and transna- physical parts and biological processes, it is ‘the place tional communities are the historical continuity across where the most minute and local social practices are at least two generations, a sense of possible permanence linked up with the large scale organisation of power’ of exile and the broad spread and stability of the dis- (Dreyfus and Rabinow 1983, xxvi) and the place where tribution of populations within the diaspora. In other a cultural order plays itself out. words, ‘time has to pass’ before a migration becomes a Increased mobility is fundamentally enabling the diaspora” (Cohen 1997b: 185). spatial distribution of social activity as it both caus- This formulation enables us to distinguish between es and enables great changes in place performances straightforward return migration (of first-generation around settlements. For many persons, local habitat migrants) and counter-diasporic return, which only does not necessarily determine daily routines. But for applies to second- or subsequent-generation migrants. others, however, it is at the core in determining daily As mentioned above, this is an issue which has become activities, with places elsewhere just being “elsewhere” important in today’s Greenland, with the focus on the attractions. A place is not only a place in the physi- options for attracting skilled and especially educated cal sense, but also the setting for dreams and feelings Greenlandic workforce back to Greenland. which can be crucial for the attachment to a particular place. Applying rationales to “sense of place” may therefore become independent of time and space and 2.1 Community and Diasporas become applicable for the residents whether living in As already indicated above, the matter of Diasporas is Greenlandic towns and villages or as absentees living not only related to the spatial and chronological rela- outside but still relating to Greenland! tions to migration. The ideas of diaspora and migration Means of communication such as TV and radio of- are of course spatial, but it is not merely about \moving ten fulfils many functions in relation to Diasporas. It or moving in random patterns, which the concept of provides news and information, links homeland and space may indicate. In contrast, it is related to particu- host country, serves as a vehicle for community con- lar places and their inter-connection, diachronically tinuity, expresses cultural traditions and diasporic and synchronically, discursively and socially with oth- identity, and provides a way to negotiate reconciliation. ers. Migration denotes movement from one place to Such complexities involve broadcasters in a continuous struggle with competing and sometimes contradictory

198 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 demands, which leads to different programs “speaking” obvious that the privatization had not succeeded with distinct community slang. For instance, the influence respect to production, as there were virtually no private of “North American” culture on Inuit communities in initiatives on which to build the economy. By 1964, Arctic Canada has been of marked concern (Stenbaek the G60-plan was ready, stressing that public activities 1987). And the risk of “loosing cultural characteristics” were necessary to kicks-start the economy. For such when moving south in search for jobs and education a process, public investments in infrastructure, in- has for several decades been influential by limited sup- cluding housing, was considered crucial (Nielsen et al. port to young women seeking education outside the 1970). In addition, private access to public funding was opportunities available within Arctic Canada. It is seen as a way of invigorating the private sector develop- clear that the private and the public are linked in more ment. than just symbolic ways. Yet, the attempts to expand and industrialize fisher- In recognition of the necessity for dialogue in an ev- ies during the 1950s and 1960s had only a relative level er-changing diasporic space, King and Christou (2008) of success in creating a commercial and self-contained introduced the notion of ‘counter-diasporic migration’ economic activity. Even as the capacity of the fleet was as the process whereby the second generation relocates doubled from 1965 to 1975 the total volume of fish to the ancestral homeland – basically the birthplace caught remained more or less the same. Even more im- of their parents. Even though not much has been dis- portantly, there was also limited success in involving cussed about this issue because of the attractions of Greenlanders in commercial fishing activities, and a the new place – in most of the research cases being the reduction in water temperature that began to influence USA – has limited the relevance, the question has be- the cod reproduction. come important in a North Atlantic setting, and very Thus, a combination of a massive over-exploitation clearly in Greenland, due to a marked and seemingly and a reduction in sea temperature practically wiped unending outgoing migration. out the cod stock, leading to the need for a revised approach to the renewable resource exploitation. Un- til the 1950s, shrimp were pursued chiefly by inshore 3.0 Case Greenland vessels on inshore banks. But the combination of the For many outsiders Greenland is synonymous with cooling of water and a reduced cod stock led to a mas- hunting, kayaks, and sled-dogs. These used to be the sive expansion of the shrimp stock. In turn, this led mainstays of traditional lifestyle of the Inuit in Green- to a massive investment in new fishing gear and off- land, and also the focus of the colonial economic policy shore vessels. With the expansion of shrimp fishing to for Greenland well into the 20th century. However, the outer parts of banks of coastal Greenland, broader while a dramatic increase in sea temperature along regulation became necessary. West Greenland during the 1910s-20s resulted in a decrease in the hunting of sea mammals it also caused an increase in the fish stock. Cod became the dominating 3.1 From resource extraction to species and grew increasingly fundamental for the third sector activities economy. Another shift occurred during the 1980s; Renewable resources such as fisheries and hunting have this time a cooling that caused a drastic decline in the been the economic basis for many northern communi- cod stock and instead a marked increase in the shrimp ties. With an increase in the scale of production, how- stock. This moved the economy from cod to shrimp ever, fewer persons are involved. And due to harsh fisheries, a process facilitated by a shift from inshore to competition on the world market, prices – and thereby offshore fisheries (Rasmussen 2007). In both cases the incomes - have been reduced considerably. Adding to changes have had profound impacts on the communi- this decline has been the fact that previous temporary ties in the region, in the first instance with the estab- jobs in local fish processing industries have been re- lishment of a more permanent settlement structure, placed by processing on-board the offshore trawlers, or and in the second through an increased urbanization have been moved to Asia or other low-wage regions of the population. (Motos and Wilson 2006). The production of custom- Following World War II a development process was ary food continues to be of significant economic, so- initiated to reduce the “backwardness” of the economy cial, cultural, and symbolic importance, and some and bring a modern standard of living to the popula- commercial initiatives are inspired by the customary tion. The G50-plan emphasized the need for new pri- models, such as the local informal market in Green- vate initiatives to stimulate economic development land, and programs that support hunting and fishing (Nielsen et al. 1970). After 10 years, however, it became

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 199 activities in the Canadian Arctic (UNDP 2004). In to do with the difference in gendered approaches to many cases, however, these activities tend to be re- education and responses to issues such as globalization duced to leisure time pursuits. and knowledge societies. Already in the 1990s, women Increasingly the third sector – the services provid- had become a majority group in relation to higher edu- ed by health care, education, old age care, municipal cation in many parts of the Arctic (except in parts of services, administration, and so on – has become the northern Canada, where the level of education in a cir- key set of activities characterizing the economy in both cumpolar comparison turns out to be remarkably low). Greenland and the whole circumpolar north. In most Today, the general pattern shows that 55 to 70 % of of the circumpolar north, the third sector generates persons with tertiary education are women, while men more than 70 % of the economy and creates jobs for 80 tend to finish their educational careers with primary % or more of the employed persons. Although based on or secondary education, or vocational training. This transfers either from outside the region or from royal- contrasts the situation ten to fifteen years ago, when ties in connection with resource extraction, the sector men were dominating the higher education sector is ensuring good income in northern communities by and women’s opportunities were limited to vocational providing stable jobs (UNDP 2004). This holds true training (Rauhut et al. 2008). especially for women, who seem to be more open to The concept of better opportunities also applies to the new activities, not only accepting jobs outside the availability of services and a broader spectrum of cul- traditional primary sector but also ready to accomplish tural activities. While males seem content with a single the training and educational requirements necessary shop where they are able to by the most needed things, for new types of jobs. In these communities an increas- such as the latest action films on video, or a burger and ingly large number of households are depending on pizza; females tend to be much more demanding when the incomes generated by females. In Greenland, not it comes to diversity in social and cultural offerings. only do more than 70 % of the professional hunters They often require more varied shopping opportuni- and fishermen have income from second jobs, but in ties, different café options, theatres, art exhibitions, more than 50 % of the hunting- and fishing-dependent and the like, in order to comply with contemporary households, the major part of the income is generated ideals. The Internet may provide some of these oppor- by the wives (Rasmussen 2008). These incomes provide tunities, but the cultural and social activities available highly needed investments in hunting and fishing and in the villages typically do not appeal to younger wom- ensure an acceptable household income. Single men en (Rauhut et al. 2008). without these income sources, however, are confronted These different responses to changes of course -af with severe economic problems. fect the options of staying or leaving. When their home communities provide neither educational nor job opportunities, young persons who consider this to be 3.2 Out-migration as a response to an important option simply have to leave in order to unacceptable options pursue a future for themselves. It is especially women Research from northern regions (Sweden, Norway, in the age group from sixteen to thirty-five who are Finland, Alaska, Greenland, the Faroe Islands, New- leaving, the youngest seeking education and the older foundland, Iceland, and Russia) seems to indicate very seeking jobs. Many northern communities are there- similar gender patterns regarding affinity for rural fore experiencing a situation where there are only six community life. Compared to males, more females or seven females to ten males. This gender imbalance tend to migrate permanently away from their home has a marked impact, affecting both social life and the community and region. Further, this is not only a economy, through fewer opportunities for marriage, northern issue; the restructure and decline of primary for the maintenance of family life and family struc- and secondary activities in rural areas, coupled with tures, for natural reproduction, as well as for influenc- the growth of the service sector, fundamentally affects ing cultural activities (Rauhut et al. 2008). women who are looking for job opportunities that bet- One of these more uncertain factors relates to the ter fit their qualifications and provide opportunities notion of “sense of place”; that is, the feeling and at- outside traditional economic activities (Hamilton and tachment to place. In some contexts it may be about Seyfrit 1994). These jobs are found only to a limited ex- feeling attached to a common destiny, for instance in tent in the rural setting, but are abundant in urban ar- and ancestral village; yet it can also be about and in- eas. dividual’s interaction with habitat, i.e., addressing why The question of better opportunities has very much families choose to settle and the interactions between the family’s everyday life and habitat. At the same time,

200 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 it is often about balancing the qualities associated with and interests in relation to a future in their present different places. home community; or alternatively, the ability to move, and if so whether they were aiming at living alone or with family and relatives somewhere in Greenland. In 4.0 The research focus and meth- addition, a series of questions looked into reflections in ods connection with a number of new activities; for in- A series of mobility studies have been conducted in or- stance, whether or not they are perceived as being ac- der to provide a better understanding of present mobil- tivities as attractive opportunities in the future. In this ity characteristics in the Greenland population. This is connection the information regarding gender, age, used as basis for analyses of the possible consequences family situation, income and other factors are signifi- of major interventions in the basis of Greenland’s econ- cant issues in the analysis of the responses. omy. 4.3 Quantitative and qualitative 4.1 Register based data approaches The analysis conducted by a register-based analysis of A third level of analysis has focused on a specially se- population movements in Greenland from 1995 to lected group of 220 people for in-depth semi-struc- 2008. The population register is located in Statistics tured interviews. The persons have been selected based Greenland, in Nuuk, and provides information on each on their responses to the questionnaire, and out of the individual person, including information on where- group a total of 171 interviews have been concluded from and whereto the persons move their permanent with answering all the questions. In this connection, addresses. Here, “permanent” means a move where questions have been asked about details regarding at- their registration by the authority is changed from one titudes and wishes for the future. Through the inter- address to another, whether it is within the municipal- views, it has been possible to go in-depth with many of ity or between municipalities, and to what extend it is the personal issues, which are often decisive for wheth- from towns to towns, from villages to towns, from er to choose one or the other solution in terms of future towns to villages, or leaving the country. By means of prospects. Through the interviews issues such as be- these data, it is possible to see general patterns of mo- longing, places and personal preferences in relation to bility. But in addition, it is also possible to connect the the future role of the family, local and regional net- place-based population registers with additional infor- works etc. are highlighted as focal points. mation - in relation to gender, age, family situation, income and other social and economic factors. In turn, this enables the formulation of hypotheses about rea- 4.4 Youth’s perspectives sons why and descriptions of how this mobility takes In order to have a closer look into thoughts on future place. It does not, however, provide specific informa- mobility among the youth in Greenland a combined tion on reasons or thoughts on moving which therefore questionnaire and interview survey was also arranged requires additional approaches. in Southern Greenland. This involved 80 % of the youth in the age group 14-18 years. 4.2 Thoughts on mobility Complimenting the basic data, and in response to the 4.5 Greenlanders in Denmark need for qualitative interpretations of mobility, a sur- Finally, a survey among Greenlanders living in Den- vey among a representative sampling 1,551 persons in mark was undertaken in close cooperation with the Greenland has provided the requested information. North Atlantic Group – two politicians from Green- These individuals have been selected in such a way that land and two from Faroe Islands been elected to the they are representative of gender, place of birth (in Danish Parliament by their respective constituencies. Greenland, outside Greenland), settlement type (town, The purpose of this analysis was to look into the rela- village), and place of residence. By means of the ques- tionships between Greenlanders in Denmark and tionnaire that compliments the basic data, they have Greenland in relation to issues such as belonging and been asked a series questions related primarily to issues attachment to a particular social group and their rela- such as qualifications and affiliations. In addition,- em tions with Greenland. Included in this survey were also phasis has been placed on respondents’ wishes, goals questions in relation to which role the new economic

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 201 activities in Greenland might have in relation to this it may enable a more precise data background for the group’s future mobility. analyses. This, however, comes with the risk that using both qualitative and quantitative approaches in the same study may be considered by some social scien- 4.6 Triangulation tists as being unacceptable, as the two approaches dif- By looking into attitudes to mobility in relation to jobs, fer epistemologically and ontologically (Ashatu 2009; employment and the like the aforementioned aimed at Creswell 2003). In this context, however, by having clarifying the possible regional consequences of chang- total coverage of the population through the register es in business structures as a result of the introduction analysis, ensuring a clearly representative sample in of new activities. At the same time, it attempted to pro- the questionnaire and, out of the latter, providing in- vide data – as discussed above – both in relation to gen- depth interviews with coverage of variations reflected der, age and qualification structures in different settle- through the previous datasets it is very difficult to point ment types. to any potential limitations in the outcomes. Important in this context was whether the respondents had heard about other forms of employment, including the ability to stay with the family and then 4.7 The main questions addressed work as a migrant, what possible arrangements could in Greenland be considered, what would be attractive work and The main questions addressed in the survey relate to workplaces, or what would be of interest in relation to mobility in connection with new economic activities in of wages, housing, transportation, social activities, etc. Greenland. In some cases, this means that the data pre- And in relation to the issue of relocation, the focus of sented here provide relatively unambiguous and the survey was on what would be considered as a “good straightforward answers. In the discussions, however, life” – that is, types of work, wages, employment op- the emphasis is on the relationship between the pat- tions for accompanying family members, quality in terns of mobility as identified in the individual analy- terms of types of housing, social infrastructure, envi- ses in the original report, by combining register data ronment, offers of public facilities, etc. with input from interviews or questionnaires that can While a register-based analysis is able to say indicate help to explain the patterns observed. Therefore, this about how people move, how long they stay in specific paper therefore does not pretend to be complete, but places, and also providing indications on possible con- focuses on key characteristics of mobility in Green- nections between various socio-economic parameters land, with focus on the relations to the new economic and mobility, it is not able to say anything about the activities related to large scale mining, energy produc- intension behind the movements. Questions on what tion and industries. Selected issues include the follow- determine choices on staying or moving, choosing being: tween different places, which thoughts are behind the choice etc. requires other methods.  Who are interested in moving? In this case two approaches – questionnaires and in-  From where would they come, and where would they terviews – have been chosen in addition to the register go? data as they provide both an overview and in-depth in-  What would be their interest in moving? sight into rationales behind personal decisions. It does,  What would be their requirements at the place they however, not make the register data redundant because might move to? there is not always a clear link between what one thinks  What may prevent them from moving? that they will do and what they do in practice. There-  What impact might be the result at the targeted fore, while all three approaches have their individual place? limitations and advantages (Bryman 2004), the trian-  What impact might result in other parts of Green- gulation of the three approaches resolved these limita- land? and tions.  To what extend would there be any interests among Triangulation is usually defined as the use of mul- Greenlanders outside Greenland to move back to tiple – very often both qualitative and quantitative – Greenland? methods in studying the same phenomenon for the purpose of increasing study credibility (Ashatu 2009; Most of the questions are related to the on-going devel- Bryman 2004). As this implies the combination of dif- opment in Greenland with focus on traditional and ferent methodological approaches and theoretical per- new types of economic activities, perceptions of places, spectives in an investigation of the same phenomenon

202 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 etc. But several of them have a focus on relations to the descendant are living permanently in Denmark, and world outside Greenland, especially to Denmark. As that it continues to develop as the share of Greenland- the origin of the persons has been available both for the ers in Denmark continues to increase. In order to gain register data, the questionnaires and the interviews the insight into this group’s present and future perspec- analysis enables both access to information regarding tives the study has included five groups of questions. Greenlanders and Danes – whether or not being per- The first group deals with fundamentals such as gen- manent residents in Greenland at the point of data col- der, age, immediate family relationships (i.e., compo- lection. sition, children, housing, place of origin and the like). An important issue in this connection is to realise The second group deals with issues of immediate rela- that the reasons for staying or moving are not static! tions with Denmark, and this include questions such There seems to be a tendency towards considering rea- as: reasons for moving to Denmark, employment, edu- soning behind decisions on staying or leaving to be cation, networks and personal relationships, prior edu- relatively stable over time. What has been proven time cation from Greenland, education in Denmark, voca- and again, however, is the fact that such decisions are tional training, etc. The third group of questions deals dependent on the context. In Greenland an economic with family relationships and social networks in both shift from fisheries to services, and now probably to- Greenland and Denmark, including questions about wards a higher degree of dependency of large scale frequency of visits to Greenland and participation in production of minerals and energy, has very different Greenlandic activities in Denmark. The fourth group implications on people’s addressed broader perspec- is about the respondent’s feelings and attitudes in relatives in relation to moving, while other questions have tion to Greenland and Denmark. It includes a group of addressed very specific conditions. questions focused on the qualitative characteristics of The analysis distinguishes between different key -pa respondents’ relationships to the community. Finally, rameters. On the quantitative side between economic a fifth group of questions look at options for moving characteristics, such as production, labour, seafood back to Greenland, including in relation to the planned buyer, informal economy, transfers, social character- new economic activities such as mining and oil pro- istics, broken family relationships, education, income duction. Just as in the implementation of the survey distribution, dependency, and demographic character- in Greenland, the survey among Greenlanders in Den- istics (such as age distribution, gender and mobility). mark involved a combination of telephone interviews On the qualitative side, the focus is on the question of and Internet reports. The total number of valid reports the relationship, partly through the experienced rela- has been 1833 responses, of which 1,165 were telephone tionships with family, relatives and friends, community interviews and 668 were Internet based reports. life and social structures, and partly to spatial characteristics such as landscape, natural elements, the physical characteristics, the “sense of place” etc. Last but not 5.1 The demographics of the sur- least, the degree of awareness of place-attachment and vey in Denmark its impact on decision-making processes. Details on the demographic structure of the survey data – and thereby the general characteristics of Green- 5.0 Greenlanders in Denmark landers living in Denmark – are shown on figure 1. There are four groups included in the survey, and the As outlined above, mobility between Greenland and total survey conducted by Statistics Greenland and Sta- Denmark has been substantial since the 1960s, when tistics Denmark include representative samples for all the modernization process led to a large influx of Dan- groups. ish labour and subsequently a large outflux of Green- The first group is first generation Greenlanders landers; not least Greenlandic women who entered (Greenlanders who have moved to Denmark from marriage with the Danish craftsmen. Since the 1970s, Greenland and have settled at some point of time). The and especially in the last decades, mobility has been age structure of this group shows that a considerable very closely related to education. Consequently, a sec- part of the members were moving to Denmark in con- ond wave of outmigration has been driven by the pur- nection with the economic activities during the 1960s suit of education and the fact that many relationships and the 1970s, but also that there is an on-going influx between young Greenlanders and Danes have been es- of newcomers to the group. tablished in connection with training in Denmark. It is assumed that a Diaspora has developed due to the fact that around one fifth of persons of Greenlandic

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 203 Figure 6: Overview of the structure of the survey data regarding Greenlanders in Denmark.

Furthermore, there is a clear dominance of women due living in Denmark when the survey was conducted. It to the fact that many from this group were married to consists – as seen on the demographic parameters – of Danes who came to Greenland on temporary assign- a larger group of mid-aged persons, and less persons ments, and during their stay got married to Greenlan- from the younger group - showing the typical out-mi- dic women. gration gender pattern with considerable more women Th e second group is the nd2 generation Greenland- than men. ers (children of fi rst generation Greenlanders living in In order to see how age groups diff er in their re- Denmark). It is refl ected in the age structure dominated sponses when arriving to Denmark the “newcomers” by younger persons. And the gender structure refl ects group has been subdivided in two – the young group the general gender birth and survival characteristics. aged 40 years and below is group 3, while “newcomers” Th e third group – “Th e Newcomers” consists of per- above 40 years of age is group 4. Th e four groups are sons who have moved to Denmark in 2007-2008 and numbered accordingly on the Y-axis in the graphs.

204 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 5.2 Do you like to live in Denmark Denmark”. Th e diff erences in the responses are par- and do you consider moving to ticularly weak, with variations within a few per cent in each response category. Greenland? Only within the group of newcomers is there a An obvious starting point is the question whether re- marked diff erence to the fi rst and second generation spondents like to live in Denmark. And as shown in the groups, with a signifi cantly lower percentage having following table, fi rst- and second-generation respond- an overwhelming interest of living in Denmark. Still, ents’ answers are abundantly “always” or “mostly” as however, with a very high majority showing positive the answers to the question: “Do you like to live in responses to the question.

Figure 7: Staying or leaving – relations to Denmark and attractions of Greenland.

However, it is one thing is to care for Denmark, but an- and frequent refl ection on moving back to Greenland, other is the question of to what extent this feeling also especially the younger group who may be in Denmark refl ects a relationship. Th is issue will be taken up at a for education, and see themselves eventually return- later point with a focus on the attachment to Denmark. ing to Greenland. Th e older group, however, may have Th e precise meaning of the individual elements in- moved to Denmark to be with their families and rela- cluded in the overall pattern that determines whether tives who have settled there, and as such they tend to one might prefer one over the other place is not further be more reluctant to move back. Th erefore, in contrast discussed. But the fi nal image – refl ections on whether to newcomers, only about 35 % of the fi rst and second you wish to move to Greenland or not indicates some generation Greenlanders show such considerations. refl ections. As shown the second graph there are again And it is less than 5 % who oft en consider moving back some signifi cant diff erences between the group of new- to Greenland. For the fi rst generation group most of comers and both fi rst and second generation Green- them have been living in Denmark for long time, and landers. More than half of the newcomers have regular may perceive it as the framework for their present and

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 205 future lives in spite of any ties back to Greenland. For sponses. Th e response categories range from “totally the second-generation group most of them have been disagree” to “totally agree”, with an additional option born and raised in Denmark, and are likely to see is “not relevant”. Yet, it is particularly the second gen- themselves more as Danes than as Greenlanders. eration Greenlanders who chose “not relevant”, while about 60 % of the newcomers emphasize the need to maintain and maybe develop networks to family and 5.3 Is it important with friends and friends in Greenland. relatives in Greenland, and is it important for children to learn Greenlandic? Th e fi rst question on relationships with family and friends in Greenland has a rather diverse pattern of re-

Figure 8: Connections to Greenland: The importance of keeping connections to friends and relatives in Greenland, and the role of children learning Greenlandic.

Another indication of a positive attitude to engage in dren should learn Greenlandic. In this connection with the Greenlandic society is the question of the use of the this presentation the focus is on the Greenlandic lan- Greenlandic language. Th ere are two dimensions guage as a skill for the children to acquire. And as which could be considered in this context. First the shown in the table above, there is a large group of re- question of the persons own relationship to the lan- spondents who consider the question not relevant, guage and their ability to handle the Greenlandic lan- which may refl ect that many of the respondents are guage. Th e second dimension is about whether chil- single, and thus not directly confronted with the ques-

206 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 tion. fore show interest in ensuring this skills in prepara- Compared to the previous question is a much larg- tion for their children to return. For the older group er group who disagree and completely disagree with the considerations may have similar aspects included, the question among the fi rst and second generation, but would fi rst and foremost be interpreted as being a so for both groups around 30-35 % agree or strongly crucial skill in maintaining the Greenland culture for agree. However, while the variations between the fi rst the younger generations. Embedded in this question and second generation groups are very small, the relies an indication of interest in becoming involved in sponse pattern is signifi cantly diff erent from the group the Greenlandic society, and as such being part of an of newcomers. For this group, the vast majority agree overall assessment of how the group of Greenlanders in or strongly agree with the view that children should Denmark are involved and related to a future develop- learn Greenlandic. For the younger group because they ment in Greenland. consider returning to Greenland an option, and there-

5.4 Ties to Greenland and to Denmark

Figure 9: Ties to Greenland and Denmark.

One issue is to care for Denmark, another is the ques- ents express strong or very strong ties with Denmark. tion of to what extent this feeling also refl ects a rela- Of the 90 %, over half states very strong ties while be- tionship. And as seen in the chart below it is very clear tween 35 and 40 % indicate a strong attachment. For that there is a very strong attachment to Denmark for both groups, the respondents have been spending most all respondents. – if not all – of their lives in Denmark which of course As can be seen, it applies to both fi rst and second create these strong ties because their networks, local generation Greenlanders as almost 90 % of the respond- connections to schools, kindergartens etc. are situated

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 207 in Denmark. 5.5 Spouse’s nationality and “feel- For the group of newcomers however, the picture is ing like...” somewhat different; those with very strong ties is significantly lower – around 20 % for the older newcomers A significant factor in the above context is that the while the young group is down to around 15 %. Simi- partner’s nationality for both first-and second-genera- larly, around 30 % of the young newcomers indicate tion Greenlanders is Danish in 90 % of the cases. The less strong ties to Denmark while the older newcomers close ties with Denmark are undoubtedly connected to shows around 20 % with these feelings. As mentioned his or her partner and the network of family relations earlier, the newcomers consists of a mixed group of and circle of friends that are affiliated. Only about 7 % persons, some being first-comers, others returners, of first-generation Greenlanders have a Greenlandic some without networks in Denmark, and others with partner, while just over 5 % are of other nationalities. networks and existing ties. This is especially reflected For the second Generation Greenlanders, the percent- in the group “Don’t know” for the younger group. age of Greenlandic partners is even lower, only about 3 Yet, the image of the attachment is markedly differ- %, while the group with other nationalities is also ent when it comes to Greenland, especially in terms of around 5 %. the differences between the groups of respondents. For For the newcomers group, the picture is markedly newcomers, the association is predominantly strong different; where just above half of the young newcom- and very strong, with about 65 % of respondents lo- ers have a Greenlandic spouse and just below half have cated in these categories. But it is significant that a rela- Danish partners. Filling the remainder, roughly 10 % tively large group are undecided, and almost a quarter have partners of different nationalities. For the older mentions that they have a less strong or no connection newcomers, substantially more have Danish partners to Greenland. For the first generation Greenlanders it than Greenlandic ones, while the other nationalities is remarkable that almost half of the respondents have are only represented with a few per cent. no ties at all or have less strong ties to Greenland. Fur- Partner relationship has very great influence on ther, just over 5 % have no opinion on the question. So attachment to place, which is most often generated in spite of an identity as a Greenlander the attachment through networks of family and friends that, in turn, to Greenland is perceived to be relatively weak. And help to build social relations with local communities this pattern becomes even clearer when it comes to sec- This is not the least the case for families with children, ond Generations Greenlanders, as nearly 20 % indicate where community attachment becomes even more ob- to have either no affiliation or no opinion, while 45 % vious. perceive that they have less strong ties to Greenland. The importance of links to Denmark and Green- Only around 10 % indicate that they have a very strong land respectively is very much reflected in the sense of connection, and further between 25 and 30 % have a whether one feels as they are a Dane or a Greenlander, strong attachment to Greenland. and the patterns are to some extent predictable. Those There is a clear picture of a group of people who for in the first generation group mostly feel Danish, or as various reasons have chosen to live or stay in Denmark both Dane and Greenlander. The second generation and for the same reason show a dominant relationship group feeling mostly Greenlander only encompasses here. Consequently, while their attachment to Green- around 12 % of the respondents; while around 20 % land remains important, it is clearly secondary to the feel both as Greenlander and Dane and the vast major- attachment to Denmark for the majority of the group. ity feels mostly as Dane. For newcomers however, most still feel Greenlandic in both age groups, as exactly 50 % of both the young and the old group have shown this indication. Yet feeling as a Dane is somewhat higher in the old group compared to the young group.

208 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Figure 10: Spouse’s nationality and sense of belonging.

6.0 Conclusions Th e above fi ndings from the survey among Greenland- Migration has become a critical issue in the former ers in Denmark basically substantiates the fact that the Danish colonies Greenland and Faroe Islands (and two communities in Greenland and in Denmark are partly also Iceland) as the options of “well-educated interrelated and comply with the defi nition elaborated returners” have been an important issue for all three on by Cohen (1997a) emphasizing that the diasporic countries. At the same time, the recognition of di- condition diff ers from contemporary international mi- asporic conditions may become important for Green- gration by being a historical continuity across at least landers in Denmark because such recognition means two generations, a sense of possible permanence of ex- that language questions and other means of support ile and the broad spread and stability of the distribu- should be made available. Today Greenlanders are tion of populations within the diaspora. recognized as regular Danish citizens and moving be- Th e sum of the responses clearly shows a dual rela- tween Greenland and Denmark is basically a process of tionship to both Greenland and Denmark. Th e colonial internal mobility. past has been responsible for a situation where a larger Recognizing Greenlanders as Danish citizens AND population group has two “homelands” and acts and as members of a diasporic community (as the outcome interacts accordingly. Furthermore, the results show of colonialism) ought to ensure support for enabling that increasing mobility combined with the process of Greenlanders in Denmark to be granted rights equal to scattering means that the situation in Greenland is no other citizens, and to be provided with appropriate op- longer one-directional, but, as Brubaker (2005) empha- portunities to maintain their language skills in order to sizes, that the notion of counter-diasporic migration is be able to migrate within the diaspora! an important elaboration of the concept in the case of Greenland.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 209 6.1 Manifestations arrangement includes cultural events such as kayak- turning, ritual mask dance and a lot of music events Leshana haba’ah b’Yerushalayim - האבה הנשל םילשוריב with both traditional and contemporary artists. And - Next year in Jerusalem! Greenlandic country-food is available, just as a number This is the Jewish diaspora pronouncing the wishful of products from Greenland sold in booths. prayer at the end of every Passover Seder. It is a mani- The last years the event has been visited by around festation that unity within the diasporic community 100.000 participants yearly encompassing a mixed also has a material focus. A similar situation exists ac- group of Greenlanders from Greenland, Greenland- tually within the Greenlandic diaspora, and with the ers from Denmark, but also Danes who are married to material focus situated in Copenhagen. Since Home Greenlanders and Danes who have been employees and Rule was established in Greenland 1979 Thursday 30th still feeling attachment to Greenland. July to 1st August has become the world’s largest Green- So similar to the Jewish hopes for the future, the landic cultural event outside Greenland. Greenlanders have promoted their own wishful think- It takes place in the amusement park Tivoli, and being: sides meeting with friends and relatives the

VI SES NÆSTE ÅR I TIVOLI (See you next year in Tivoli)

Photo: Karen Marie Nathansen

210 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Rasmussen, R. O., (2007), “Adjustment to Reality: Social Re- 7.0 References sponses to Climate Changes in Greenland.” In Arctic Alpine Ecosystems and People in a Changing Environment, ed. Jon Børre Ørbæk, Roland Kallenborn, Ingunn Tombre, Else Nøst Brah, A. (1996), Cartographies of Diaspora. London: Rout- Hegseth, Stig Falk-Petersen, and Alf Håkon Hoel, 167-178. ledge. Berlin: Springer.

Brubaker, R. (2005), The ‘diaspora’ diaspora, Ethnic and Rasmussen, R. O., (2007), “Gender and Generation: Per- Racial Studies, 28(1): 1–19. spectives on Arctic Communities in Transition.” In Knowledge and Power in the Arctic: Proceedings at a Conference in Clifford, J. (1994), Diasporas, Cultural Anthropology, 9(3): Rovaniemi 16-18 April 2007, ed. Paula Kankaanpää, Sanna 302–338. Ovaskainen, Leo Pekkala, and Monica Tennberg. Rovaniemi: Cohen, R. (1997a), Global Diasporas: An Introduction, Rout- University of Lapland Press. ledge. Rasmussen, R., O. (2004), “Socio-economic Consequences Cohen, R. (1997b), Global Diasporas. London: UCL Press. of Large Scale Resource Development: Cases of Mining in Greenland.” In Beyond Boom and Bust in the Circumpolar Dreyfus, H. L. and Rabinow, P. (1983), Michel Foucault: North: Circumpolar Arctic Social Sciences Ph.D. Network: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics, Harvester Wheat- Proceedings of the Eighth Conference August 2003, ed. sheaf. Heather Myers and Jamie Reschny, 101-131. Prince George, BC: University of Northern British Columbia Press. Garcia, J., Gómez, M., Rico-González, M. (2004), Rural Development, Population Ageing and Gender in Spain: The Rauhut, D., Rasmussen, R.O., Roto, J., Francke, P., Östberg, Case of Rural Women in the Autonomous Community of S. (2008) “The Demographic Challenge to the Nordic Coun- Catilla Y Leon. 44th European Congress of the European tries.” Working Paper 2008:1, Nordregio: Nordic Centre for Regional Science Association, Oporto, August 25-29, 2004 Spatial Development, Stockholm. http://www.nordregio.se/ Files/WP2008_1.pdf. Green, J., ed. (2007), Making Space for Indigenous Femi- nism. London: Zed. Skeldon, R. (2001), The dangers of diaspora: orientalism, the nation-state and the search for a new geopolitical order, in Hamilton, L.C. and Seyfrit, C. (1994), “Female Flight? Gen- Siddique, M. A. B. (ed.) International Migration into the 21st der Balance and Outmigration by Native Alaskan Villagers.” Century: Essays in Honour of Reginald Appleyard. Chelten- Arctic Medical Research 53(suppl. 2):189-93. ham: Edward Elgar, 109–125.

King, R. (2002), Towards a new map of European migration, Stenbaek, M. (1987), Forty Years of Cultural Change among International Journal of Population Geography, 8(2): 89–106. the Inuit in Alaska, Canada and Greenland: Some Reflec- tions. ARCTIC vol 40, NO 4, P 300-309. King, R., ed. (1986), Return Migration and Regional Econom- ic Problems. London: Croom Helm. UNDP (United Nations Development Programme), (2004). Arctic Human Development Report. Human Development Langlais, R. (2008), “Making space where no room was Reports. http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/regionalreports/other/ found”, Journal of Nordregio 8(2):31 name,3262,en.html. Lave, J. and Wenger, E. (1991), Situated learning. Legitimate van Hear, N. (1998), New Diasporas: The Mass Exodus, peripheral participation. Cambridge University Press. Dispersal and Regrouping of Migrant Communities. London: Mitchell, K. (1997) Different diasporas and the hype of hy- UCL Press. bridity, Society and Space, 15(3): 533–553. Weist, R. (1979), Anthropological perspectives on return Nielsen, N., Skautrup, P., Vibe, Chr., eds. (1970), J.P. Trap - migration: a critical commentary, Papers in Anthropology, Danmark. Vol. XIV: Grønland. G.E.C. Gads Forlag, Køben- 20(1): 167–187. havn.

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212 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 31. Recommendations from the conference

During the first two days of the conference a number of Politicians can learn from research results. Learning researchers and politicians gave presentations. In each from others experiences is important. session the program allowed for a plenary discussion based on the presentations on that specific session.  Work under certain known parameters. These discussions raised a series of themes regarding  Commission comparative research. Draw on experi- the urbanisation process in general and in the Arctic in ences, expertise regarding governance, SIA. particular.  Specify role of urbanization in reaching independ- On the third and last day of the conference, the scene ence. Avoid romanticism, core-periphery tensions, was changes. Focus was on a direct dialogue between newcomers to towns. researchers, politicians and administrators. During the  Exercise proactive approach to research. Define the day there were sessions with panel discussions between terms of research and dissemination. politicians and researchers and there were sessions  Local environmental research. EIA. with working groups. The assignment for the discussion groups was to “identify the five most important recommendations to the politicians in the Arctic socie- Recommendation 3 ties regarding the urbanisation process”. Urbanisation must be addressed explicitly, and public The recommendations from the working groups inclusion in the debate is very important. were presented in plenum. Based on the following dis- Politicians must be open and transparent about the cussion and the recommendations five main recom- opportunities and the challenges with the urbanisation mendations can be extracted. Each of the five main process. recommendations is follow by quotations from the recommendations by the working groups as they were  Have a serious public process. Competition for ideas presented in plenum. from the public, be participatory, collaborative govern- The mail recommendations from the conference: ance, communicate in open and various forms.  Treat research as part of the democratic process. Recommendation 1 Urbanisation is a global trend which is also taking Recommendation 4 place in the Arctic. The citizens who decide to move or to stay are in con- It is important to identify the drivers of the urbani- trol of the urbanisations process. sation process and be realistic about the process. Facilitate the urbanisations process by paying attention both to the growing places and to the shrinking  History is important and it matters in its context and places. time.  Drive the process; don’t follow it (social policy is very complex). Recommendation 2  Focus on human development. Many researchers are looking at the urbanisation pro-  More and better options and diversity in urbaniza- cess in the Arctic tion.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 213 Recommendation 5  We need better communication skills among the scientists. Economic resources are limited.  We need also to involve the NGO’s. Based on knowledge about the urbanisation process  Do not only focus on the economy. politicians must prioritize and be visionary.  We must all be clear in our messages in the public debate.  Focus on education, language, transferable skills.  It is important to be relevant in the way we deal with  Attention to public services – health and education. urbanisation.  Realize existing inequalities. Plan to mitigate equity issues. The researchers to the politicians:  Don’t rush. Create a vision. Deal with urbanisation by creating opportunities and choices (well-being /  Do not let the huge companies screw you. happiness).  It is important you legitimise your decisions.  It is about taking responsibility. In the concluding session a few politician and research-  We must realize it is both a physical urbanisation ers each supplied with a one-liner: process and a mental urbanisation process. The politicians to the researchers:  Utilizing the resources demands choosing and prior- itizing.  Researchers should not only think inside the box.

214 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 32. Participant list from the conference

Name Title Organisation Country Email Fournier Gersovitz Moss rolet Alain Fournier Partner et associés architectes, Canada [email protected] monntreal, Canada City of Iqaluit [email protected]. Amy Elgersma Director of Recreation Canada Iqaluit, Nunavut, Canada nu.ca Dr, Senior Research Charles Darwin University [email protected]. Andrew Taylor Australia Fellow Darwin au Assistant Professor Andrey N. Petrov University of Northern Iowa USA [email protected] and Director Kommuneqarfik Sermersooq Anette Jørgensen Project coordinator Greenland [email protected] Nuuk University of Iceland Anna Karlsdóttir Assistant professor Iceland [email protected] Reykjavik Director of Planning and City of Iqaluit [email protected]. Arif Sayani Canada Development Iqaluit, Nunavut nu.ca Academic Kommuneqarfik Sermersooq Avijâja Absalonsen Greenland [email protected] consultant Strategist Nuuk Ilisimatusarfik, Uni. of Axel Jeremiassen PhD student Greenland [email protected] Greenland, Nuuk Government of Greenland Billiam Pedersen Administrator Greenland [email protected] Nuuk Ilisimatusarfik, Uni. of Birger Poppel SLiCA Project manager Greenland [email protected] Greenland, Nuuk Elena Vladimirovna University of Vienna elena.nuikina@univie. Political scientist Austria Nuikina Vienna ac.at Kommuneqarfik Sermersooq Eleonora Jakobsen Consultant Greenland [email protected] Nuuk CBC North Radio and Emily Ridlington Reporter Canada [email protected] Television, Iqaluit, Nunavut Ilisimatusarfik, Uni. of Gitte Tróndheim Associate Professor Greenland [email protected] Greenland, Nuuk Gry Søbye PhD student University of Copenhagen Denmark [email protected] Rutgers University Hal Salzman Professor USA [email protected] New Brunswick tnt nuuk A/S Helena Lennert Architect Greenland [email protected] Nuuk

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 215 RHA - University of Akureyri Hjalti Johannesson Director and Researcher Iceland [email protected] Research Centre Ilisimatusarfik, Uni. of Ilannguaq Møller Student Greenland [email protected] Greenland, Nuuk tnt nuuk A/S Jakob Exner Architect Greenland [email protected] Nuuk Ilinniarfissuaq Jane Buus Sørensen Associate Professor Greenland [email protected] Nuuk Government of Greenland- Janus Chemnitz Kleist Head of office Greenland [email protected] Nuuk

Name Title Organisation Country Email Department of Geography Jessica K. Graybill Assistant Professor USA [email protected] Colgate University NUIKI Jimmy Hymøller Project consultant Greenland [email protected] Sisimiut Government of Greenland Karen Motzfeldt Ministers secretary Greenland [email protected] Nuuk Katrine Hjelholt Director of Kommuneqarfik Sermersooq Greenland [email protected] Nathanielsen communication Nuuk Memorial University of Honorary Research Keith Storey Newfoundland Canada [email protected] Professor St. John’s, Newfoundland Government of Greenland Keld Jensen Consultant Greenland [email protected] Nuuk Panaq Design Kirt Ejesiak President Canada [email protected] Iqaluit, Nunavut Deputy Director and Nordregio klaus.georg.hansen@ Klaus Georg Hansen Sweden Senior Research Fellow Stockholm nordregio.se Lars Damgaard Sørensen Reporter Freelance, Copenhagen Denmark [email protected] Professor, Senior Fellow University of New Hampshire Lawrence.Hamilton@ Lawrence C. Hamilton USA of the Carsey Institute Durham unh.edu Institute for Economic studies Lyudmila O. Zalkind Senior Researcher Russia [email protected] Kola Science Centre RAS City of Iqaluit Madeleine Redfern Mayor Canada [email protected] Iqaluit, Nunavut Government of Greenland Maliina Abelsen Minister of Finance Greenland [email protected] Nuuk Ilisimatusarfik, Uni. of malik_hansen@hotmail. Malik Koch Hansen Student Greenland Greenland, Nuuk com Inst. of Social and Economy matt.berman@uaa. Matthew Berman Professor Research University of Alaska USA alaska.edu Anchorage Director of Engineering City of Iqaluit [email protected]. Meagan Leach Canada and Sustainability Iqaluit, Nunavut nu.ca SoGE, Worcester College, United michael.dangerfield@ Michael J. Dangerfield Doctoral (D.Phil.) student University of Oxford Kingdom ouce.ox.ac.uk Chairman for natsisartuts Greenland Parleament Naaja Nathanielsen Greenland nana@inatsisartut.gl Anlægs- og Miljøudvalg Nuuk

216 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Ilisimatusarfik, Uni. of Natasja Bisgaard Student Greenland [email protected] Greenland, Nuuk George Washington University Nikolay I. Shiklomanov Assistant Professor USA [email protected] Washington DC Minister of Education, Government of Greenland Palle Christiansen Research and Nordic Greenland [email protected] Nuuk cooperation NUIKI Palle Lennert Project consultant Greenland [email protected] Sisimiut Norut Tromsø Paul Pedersen Senior Research Scientist Norway [email protected] Tromsø Government of Greenland Poul Madsen Head of office Greenland [email protected] Nuuk Nordregio rasmus.ole.rasmussen@ Rasmus Ole Rasmussen Senior Research Fellow Sweden Stockholm nordregio.se Department of Sociology Rob Shields Professor Canada [email protected] University of Alberta Name Title Organisation Country Email Nordregio Ryan Weber Research Fellow Sweden [email protected] Stockholm Faroese National Archives Faroe Sámal Johansen Director [email protected] Torshavn Islands Department of Geography Scott Stephenson Ph.D. student USA [email protected] University of California Government of Greenland Simon Maul Hansen Head of office Greenland [email protected] Nuuk Ilisimatusarfik, Uni. of susanneandersen89@ Susanne Andersen Student Greenland Greenland, Nuuk hotmail.com AexFL, the union in East Sverrir Albertsson General manager Iceland [email protected] Iceland, Reykjavik Kommuneqarfik Sermersooq Søren Hald Møller Managing Director Greenland [email protected] Nuuk PHD, Professor, Canada Université Quebec Thibault Martin Res. Chair on Aboriginal Canada [email protected] Quebec Govern. of Territory Thomas Gadsbølle Freelance Reporter Denmark [email protected] Larsen Copenhagen Government of Greenland Tillie Martinussen Minister’s secretary Greenland [email protected] Nuuk University of Maryland Timothy Heleniak Research Associate USA [email protected] Maryland Ilisimatusarfik, Uni. of Tine Pars Rector Greenland [email protected] Greenland, Nuuk Professional Engineer School of Public Affairs and Tony Reames (PE), NSF C-CHANGE Admin. University of Kansas, USA [email protected] IGERT Pr. Trainee Lawrence University of Tromsø Torill Nyseth Professor Norway [email protected] Tromsø University of Rouen yvette.vaguet@univ- Yvette Vaguet Associate Professor France Rouen rouen.fr

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