Master Thesis in Political Science with a Focus on Crisis Management and Security
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Gunboat Diplomacy: Political Bias, Trade Policy, And
Gunboat Diplomacy Political Bias, Trade Policy, and War∗ Brendan Cooley† 13 November 2019 Abstract Countries with deep trading relationships rarely ght wars with one another. Here, I develop a theory of trade, war, and political bias, in which both trade and war are endogenous objects. Governments can rectify poor market access conditions abroad through war and subsequent regime change, in which the victorious country installs a liberal “puppet” government abroad. Trade policy bargaining is therefore conducted “in the shadow of power,” with counterfactual wars shaping the policy choices that prevail in times of peace. When peace prevails, militarily weak countries are more open to trade than powerful ones, all else equal. Equilibrium trade policies balance domestic interests against military threats from abroad. War is less likely between liberal governments because they prefer less protectionist trade policies. As a result, trade ows and the probability of peace are positively correlated in equilibrium, even though trade does not cause peace. JEL Classication Codes: D72, D74, F13, F51, F52, F54 ∗Ph.D. candidate, Department of Politics, Princeton University. Previous versions of this paper were circulated under the titles “Trade Wars, Hot Wars, and the Commercial Peace” and “Trade Policy in the Shadow of Power.” For helpful comments and discussions on earlier drafts of this paper, I thank Timm Betz, Adrien Bilal, Tyson Chatagnier, Rob Carroll, Andrew Coe, Noel Foster, Erik Gartzke, Kishore Gawande, Dan Gibbs, Joanne Gowa, Gene Grossman, -
A Dynamic Approach to NATO Coercive Diplomacy in Bosnia and Kosovo
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives Rethinking Coercive Diplomacy A Dynamic Approach to NATO Coercive Diplomacy in Bosnia and Kosovo Henning Køhler Knutsen Master Thesis, Department of Political Science Faculty of Social Sciences UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Spring 2012 II Rethinking Coercive Diplomacy A Dynamic Approach to NATO Coercive Diplomacy in Bosnia and Kosovo Henning Køhler Knutsen III © Henning Køhler Knutsen 2012 Rethinking Coercive Diplomacy: A Dynamic Approach to NATO Coercive Diplomacy in Bosnia and Kosovo Henning Køhler Knutsen http://www.duo.uio.no/ Print: Reprosentralen, University of Oslo IV Abstract After the Cold War, with the advent of low-interest, “optional”, post-modern warfare, regional conflicts and failed states have illuminated the radars in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization member states. For these countries, as the expected need for military force relinquished, its actual use increased. Left with a need for improved tools for handling the increasing number of international security issues, the strategy of coercive diplomacy has never been of more current interest. This thesis seeks to address a lacuna in contemporary theorizing about coercive diplomacy, namely the under-theorization of the adversary. Through within-case and cross-case analysis of the NATO interventions in Bosnia- Herzegovina and Kosovo, I attempt to show how both scientists and political decision-makers can benefit from a more in-depth analysis of the coerced. The thesis takes the theoretical framework developed by Bruce Jentleson and Christopher Whytock as a starting point. As a significant step in the right direction, their model of coercive diplomacy better accounts for the motivations, interests, and expected reactions of the target state. -
Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire
Journal of International Eastern European Studies/Uluslararası Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, Vol./Yıl. 2, No/Sayı. 2, Winter/Kış 2020) ISSN: 2687-3346 Araştırma Makalesi Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire: With Particular Reference to the Salonika Incident (1876) and Armenian Reform Demands (1879-80) Fikrettin Yavuz* (ORCID ID: 0000-0002-3161-457X) Makale Gönderim Tarihi Makale Kabul Tarihi 01.12.2020 08.12.2020 Abstract Throughout history, gunboat, a small vessel of a naval force, has been turned into a term of coercive diplomacy. Gunboat diplomacy, associated with chiefly the activities of the Great Powers, means the use of naval power directly or indirectly as an aggressive diplomatic instrument. It seems highly probable to see many examples of this coercive diplomacy in the world history, particularly after the French Revolution. Naturally, the Ottoman Empire, always attracted attention of the Great Powers, was exposed to this policy of the Powers. During the nineteen century, the rivalry among the European Powers on the Ottoman territorial integrity became a common characteristic that led them to implement gunboat diplomacy on all occasions. In this context, this article firstly offers a critical analysis of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire within the dimension of two specific examples: The Salonika Incident and Armenian reform demands. In addition, it aims to contribute to the understanding of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers and Ottoman response by evaluating it from native and foreign literatures. Keywords: European Powers, Ottomans, Gunboat Diplomacy, Salonika, Armenian, Reform * Assoc. Prof. Dr., Sakarya University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Department of History, Turkey, [email protected]. -
Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881
China and the Modern World: Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881 The East India Company’s steamship Nemesis and other British ships engaging Chinese junks in the Second Battle of Chuenpi, 7 January 1841, during the first opium war. (British Library) ABOUT THE ARCHIVE China and the Modern World: Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881 is digitised from the FO 17 series of British Foreign Office Files—Foreign Office: Political and Other Departments: General Correspondence before 1906, China— held at the National Archives, UK, providing a vast and significant primary source for researching every aspect of Chinese-British relations during the nineteenth century, ranging from diplomacy to trade, economics, politics, warfare, emigration, translation and law. This first part includes all content from FO 17 volumes 1–872. Source Library Number of Images The National Archives, UK Approximately 532,000 CONTENT From Lord Amherst’s mission at the start of the nineteenth century, through the trading monopoly of the Canton System, and the Opium Wars of 1839–1842 and 1856–1860, Britain and other foreign powers gradually gained commercial, legal, and territorial rights in China. Imperial China and the West provides correspondence from the Factories of Canton (modern Guangzhou) and from the missionaries and diplomats who entered China in the early nineteenth century, as well as from the envoys and missions sent to China from Britain and the later legation and consulates. The documents comprising this collection include communications to and from the British legation, first at Hong Kong and later at Peking, and British consuls at Shanghai, Amoy (Xiamen), Swatow (Shantou), Hankow (Hankou), Newchwang (Yingkou), Chefoo (Yantai), Formosa (Taiwan), and more. -
International Relations in a Changing World: a New Diplomacy? Edward Finn
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN A CHANGING WORLD: A NEW DIPLOMACY? EDWARD FINN Edward Finn is studying Comparative Literature in Latin and French at Princeton University. INTRODUCTION The revolutionary power of technology to change reality forces us to re-examine our understanding of the international political system. On a fundamental level, we must begin with the classic international relations debate between realism and liberalism, well summarised by Stephen Walt.1 The third paradigm of constructivism provides the key for combining aspects of both liberalism and realism into a cohesive prediction for the political future. The erosion of sovereignty goes hand in hand with the burgeoning Information Age’s seemingly unstoppable mechanism for breaking down physical boundaries and the conceptual systems grounded upon them. Classical realism fails because of its fundamental assumption of the traditional sovereignty of the actors in its system. Liberalism cannot adequately quantify the nebulous connection between prosperity and freedom, which it assumes as an inherent truth, in a world with lucrative autocracies like Singapore and China. Instead, we have to accept the transformative power of ideas or, more directly, the technological, social, economic and political changes they bring about. From an American perspective, it is crucial to examine these changes, not only to understand their relevance as they transform the US, but also their effects in our evolving global relationships.Every development in international relations can be linked to some event that happened in the past, but never before has so much changed so quickly at such an expansive global level. In the first section of this article, I will examine the nature of recent technological changes in diplomacy and the larger derivative effects in society, which relate to the future of international politics. -
Hearing on China's Military Reforms and Modernization: Implications for the United States Hearing Before the U.S.-China Economic
HEARING ON CHINA'S MILITARY REFORMS AND MODERNIZATION: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UNITED STATES HEARING BEFORE THE U.S.-CHINA ECONOMIC AND SECURITY REVIEW COMMISSION ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 2018 Printed for use of the United States-China Economic and Security Review Commission Available via the World Wide Web: www.uscc.gov UNITED STATES-CHINA ECONOMIC AND SECURITY REVIEW COMMISSION WASHINGTON: 2018 U.S.-CHINA ECONOMIC AND SECURITY REVIEW COMMISSION ROBIN CLEVELAND, CHAIRMAN CAROLYN BARTHOLOMEW, VICE CHAIRMAN Commissioners: HON. CARTE P. GOODWIN HON. JAMES TALENT DR. GLENN HUBBARD DR. KATHERINE C. TOBIN HON. DENNIS C. SHEA MICHAEL R. WESSEL HON. JONATHAN N. STIVERS DR. LARRY M. WORTZEL The Commission was created on October 30, 2000 by the Floyd D. Spence National Defense Authorization Act for 2001 § 1238, Public Law No. 106-398, 114 STAT. 1654A-334 (2000) (codified at 22 U.S.C. § 7002 (2001), as amended by the Treasury and General Government Appropriations Act for 2002 § 645 (regarding employment status of staff) & § 648 (regarding changing annual report due date from March to June), Public Law No. 107-67, 115 STAT. 514 (Nov. 12, 2001); as amended by Division P of the “Consolidated Appropriations Resolution, 2003,” Pub L. No. 108-7 (Feb. 20, 2003) (regarding Commission name change, terms of Commissioners, and responsibilities of the Commission); as amended by Public Law No. 109- 108 (H.R. 2862) (Nov. 22, 2005) (regarding responsibilities of Commission and applicability of FACA); as amended by Division J of the “Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2008,” Public Law Nol. 110-161 (December 26, 2007) (regarding responsibilities of the Commission, and changing the Annual Report due date from June to December); as amended by the Carl Levin and Howard P. -
Exercising Diplomatic Protection the Fine Line Between Litigation, Demarches and Consular Assistance
Exercising Diplomatic Protection The Fine Line Between Litigation, Demarches and Consular Assistance Annemarieke Künzli* I. Introduction The last Draft Article that was proposed by the Special Rapporteur to the Inter- national Law Commission for inclusion in the Draft Articles on Diplomatic Pro- tection concerns the relationship between diplomatic protection and consular as- sistance. International law distinguishes between (at least) two kinds of interna- tional relations.1 This is stipulated by the existence of two separate treaties: the two Vienna Conventions of 1961 and 1963 have codified the rules with respect to dip- lomatic and consular relations respectively.2 A fundamental difference is that a dip- lomatic agent is a political representative of a state, while a consular officer has no such function.3 As a consequence, the establishment of a consulate in non- recognised territories does not always imply recognition while establishing an em- bassy usually does and immunities granted to ambassadors are markedly different from those granted to consuls.4 In accordance with the two regimes applicable to international relations, international law recognises two kinds of protection states can exercise on behalf of their nationals: consular assistance and diplomatic protec- tion. There are fundamental differences between consular assistance and diplomatic protection. A persistent subject of debate and controversy however is the question of which activities by governments fall under diplomatic protection and which ac- tions do not. This debate is fuelled by an equally persistent misunderstanding of * Ph.D-fellow in Public International Law, Leiden University. The author wishes to thank Prof. John D u g a r d and Prof. -
1) Introduction
Collen V. Kelapile DIP‐401 1 Student Name: COLLEN V. KELAPILE Student Country: UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Course Code or Name: DIP‐401 Professor / Assigned Tutor: ROBERTO RODRIGUEZ Note: This paper uses US English (with punctuation and rule of style). NEGOTIATION: THE MOST IMPORTANT FUNCTION OF DIPLOMACY 1) INTRODUCTION Geoff R. Berridge observes that negotiation is one of the functions of diplomacy and correctly identifies the other diplomatic duties, including gathering of information, clarifying intentions and promotion of goodwill. He nonetheless asserts that negotiation is “the most important function of diplomacy”1 if the latter is conceived in a broader sense. Jean‐Robert Leguey‐Feilleux, on the other hand, sees 1 G.R. Berridge, Diplomacy: Theory and Practice, 3rd ed. New York: Palgrave, 2005, pp. 27, 214 -215. Collen V. Kelapile DIP‐401 2 negotiation as one among several functions of diplomacy. He said: “Diplomacy serves a large variety of functions, and negotiation, albeit important, is only one of them.”2 A premise in this argument is that, in today’s international relations, negotiation takes place more often than the other functions. While the trend has declined in bilateral relations, it is much dominant in multilateral diplomacy. Though at times ceremonial and symbolic, summit level interactions are equally frequent. Mediation is also undertaken as “a special kind of negotiation designed to promote the settlement of a conflict.”3 My diplomatic experience informs me that the importance of negotiation is not exaggerated. As discussed below, evidence suggests that disputes and conflicts permeate every sphere of our existence. Diplomacy is of constant resort and negotiation is pervasively utilized. -
Gunboat Diplomacy, 1919-1991
GUNBOAT DIPLOMACY, 1919-1991 Published by Macmillan in association with the International Institute for Strategic Studies STUDIES IN INTERNATIONAL SECURI'IY 18 NATIONS IN ARMS: The Theory and Practice of Territorial Defence Adam Roberts 20 THE EVOLUTION OF NUCLEAR STRATEGY (second edition) Lawrence Freedman 23 THE SOVIET UNION: The Incomplete Superpower Paul Dibb 24 ANTI-SUBMARINE WARFARE AND SUPERPOWER STRATEGIC STABILITY Donald C. Daniel 25 HEDLEY BULL ON ARMS CONTROL Hedley Bull 26 EUROPE IN THE WESTERN ALLIANCE: Towards a European Defence Entity? Jonathan Alford and Kenneth Hunt 28 THE DEFENCE OF WHITE POWER: South African Foreign Policy under Pressure Robert ScottJaster 29 PEACEKEEPING IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Alan James 30 STRATEGIC DEFENCE DEPLOYMENT OPTIONS: Criteria and Evaluation Ivo H. Daalder AN INTRODUCTION TO STRATEGIC STUDIES: Military Technology and International Relations Barry Buzan MILITARY POWER IN EUROPE: Essays in Memory of Jonathan Alford Lawrence Freedman (editor) EUROl1f'.AN SECURITY AND FRANCE Franc;ois de Rose Series Standing Order If you would like to receive future titles in this series as they arc published, you can make usc of our standing order facility. To place a standing order please contact your bookseller or, in case of difficulty, write to us at the address below with your name and address and the name of the series. Please state with which title you wish to begin your standing order. (If you live outside the UK we may not have the rights for your area, in which case we will forward your order to the publisher concerned.) Standing Order ScJvicc, Macmillan Distribution Ltd, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, RG21 2XS, England Gunboat Diplomacy 1919-1991 Political Applications of Limited Naval Force Third Edition James Cable Foreword by Admiral of the Fleet Sir Julian Oswald, GCB First Sea Lord, 1989-1993 palgrave macmillan © James Cable 1971, 1981, 1994 Foreword © Julian Oswald 1994 All rights reserved. -
The Early Us-Japan Economic Relationship and the Rise of Shōwa
THE EARLY U.S.-JAPAN ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP AND THE RISE OF SHŌWA MILITARISM A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Keith J. Kennebeck, BBA Georgetown University Washington, D.C. 03/27/2012 Copyright 2012 by Keith J. Kennebeck All Rights Reserved ii THE EARLY U.S.-JAPAN ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP AND THE RISE OF SHŌWA MILITARISM Keith J. Kennebeck, BBA MALS Mentor: Michael C. Wall, PhD ABSTRACT The notion that the bilateral economic relationship between the United States and Japan played a central role in prompting the Pacific War is not a novel concept. In particular, the number of scholarly and popular works that have identified the United States’ escalating use of trade and financial sanctions in the late 1930s and early 1940s as a response to Japan’s increasing military advances in Asia are numerous. Such discussions on the Pacific War emphasize that the U.S.-imposed export embargoes on strategic goods and resources and freezes on Japanese financial assets eventually prompted Japan to attack Pearl Harbor in late 1941. More importantly, these discussions are punctuated with the moral argument that the U.S.-imposed embargoes were necessary, and that war was essentially inevitable, given Japan’s brutal occupations of China and Southeast Asia. In short, so the standard argument goes, Japan’s unjustifiable rise towards militarism prompted an end to the bilateral economic relationship, which in turn prompted the onset of the Pacific War. -
Policy Paper and Case Studies Capturing UN Preventive Diplomacy Success: How and Why Does It Work?
United Nations University Centre for Policy Research UN Preventive Diplomacy April 2018 Policy Paper and Case Studies Capturing UN Preventive Diplomacy Success: How and Why Does It Work? Dr. Laurie Nathan Professor of the Practice of Mediation and Director of the Mediation Program, Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame Adam Day Senior Policy Advisor, United Nations University, Tokyo, Japan João Honwana Former Director in the UN Department of Political Affairs Dr. Rebecca Brubaker Policy Advisor, United Nations University, Tokyo, Japan © 2018 United Nations University. All Rights Reserved. ISBN 978-92-808-9077-8 Acknowledgements UNU-CPR is deeply grateful to the Permanent Mission of the United Kingdom to the United Nations for its support to this project. Special thanks go to Thomas Wheeler who was the focal point for both prevention-related projects. UNU-CPR worked in close partnership with the UN Department of Political Affairs throughout this project and benefited greatly from the time and substantive inputs of Teresa Whitfield and Dirk Druet in particular. UNU-CPR would like to thank participants for their contributions to the project’s mid-point peer-review process, including Roxaneh Bazergan, Richard Gowan, Michele Griffin, Marc Jacquand, Asif Khan, Karin Landgren, Ian Martin, Abdel- Fatau Musah, Jake Sherman, and Oliver Ulich. Numerous individuals provided helpful input for and feedback on the country case studies that form the empirical foundation for this project. They are acknowledged in the respective case study chapters in this volume. We are deeply grateful for their support. Finally, we are especially grateful to Emma Hutchinson for her invaluable editorial support to this project. -
Proliferation Persuasion FINAL ETD FILE
Proliferation Persuasion: Coercive Bargaining with Nuclear Technology by Tristan A. Volpe B.A. in Political Science, June 2007, University of California, Los Angeles A Dissertation submitted to The Faculty of The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 31, 2015 Dissertation directed by Charles L. Glaser Professor of Political Science and International Affairs The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University certifies that Tristan A. Volpe has passed the Final Examination for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as of July 13, 2015. This is the final and approved form of the dissertation. Proliferation Persuasion: Coercive Bargaining with Nuclear Technology Tristan A. Volpe Dissertation Research Committee: Charles L. Glaser, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Dissertation Director George Anzelon, Distinguished Member of the Technical Staff, Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, Committee Member Alexander B. Downes, Associate Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Committee Member George Quester, Professor Emeritus of International Relations, University of Maryland, College Park, Committee Member ii © Copyright 2015 by Tristan Volpe All rights reserved iii Disclaimer Neither the United States government nor Lawrence Livermore National Security, LLC, nor any of their employees makes any warranty, expressed or implied, or assumes any legal liability