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HISTOIRE Roul\DF4SAINS ET DE LA ROMANITE ORIENTALE PAR N

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HISTOIRE Roul\DF4SAINS ET DE LA ROMANITE ORIENTALE PAR N HISTOIRE ROUl\DF4SAINS ET DE LA ROMANITE ORIENTALE PAR N. IORGA PUBLIÉE SOUS LES AUSPICES DE SA MAJESTE LE ROI CHARLES II PAR L'ACADÉMIE ROUMAINE VOL. II LES MAITRES DE LA TERRE (JUSQU'A L'AN MILLE) BUCAREST 1937 LES MAITRES DE LA TERRE (JUSQU'À L'AN MILLE) LIVRE I LES SOUVENIRS DE L'EMPIRE CHAPITRE I LES BARBARES ET L'EMPIRE : LA DESTRUCTION En Occident, le contact avec les barbares n'a été parti- culièrement sauvage que pendant le dernier quart du III-e siècle. Dans les débris de marbre, léchés par les flammes, dans les objets brisés en menus morceaux, dans les trésors de monnaies cachés sous terre, Jullian constatait le caractère terrible de l'invasion 1 Méme en Gaule, une certaine ruralisation parait se pro- noncer 2. On travaille la terre comme les champs, h l'inté- rieur des murs, au IV-e siècle 3. Un phénomène semblable avait lieu k la méme époque en Belgique, où, sur le chemin des Francs germaniques, les ruines s'accumulent 4. Le tableau que nous présente l'historien moderne de la Gaule est celui d'une province fondamentalement ruinée, dans laquelle on a fait, k la hâte, des efforts désespérés pour fortifier au moins quelques cités capables de résister 5. C'est absolument la mérne oeuvre qui a été accomplie h ce mane moment sur la rive droite du Danube, qui n'a pas été aban- donnée, en Scythie Mineure, au château d'Ulmetum et dans la cité, jadis florissante, des Histriens. Et Jullian observait aussi autre chose : l'Empire passait, par suite de ses fautes, par une terrible crise, qui mange les vales, sur lesquelles il s'appuyait dès le III-e siècle. On les 1 Jullian, Histoire de la Gaule, IV, p. 601. ' Ibid., pp. 603-604. 3 Libanius, Orationes, XVIII, p. 35. Signalé par Jullian, ouvr. cité, VII, p. 26, note 6. 4 Schuermans, dans le Bulletin des commissions royales d'art, XXIV (1890), p. 189 et suiv. 5 Jullian, ouvr. cité, VII, p. 19 et suiv. LES SOUVENIRS DE L'EMPIRE voit devenir désertes, méme lorsqu'il n'y a pas une menace. étrangère, dans le Nord de l'Italie et sur l'Adriatique 1 En ce qui concerne la Grande Bretagne, on admet aujour- d'hui que les jérémiades rhétoriques passionnées de Nonnius, et méme le pessimisme de Béde, sont tout de méme exagé- rés 2 Le spectacle de la Dacie au moment des premières invasions peut donc étre reconstitué i l'aide de cas corres- pondants. Ainsi on peut dire qu'avant sa réfection par Julien, la Nicopolis d'Auguste était en ruine :« pillées (lacerae) les maisons des nobles, les forums sans toits, tout était plein, apt-6s la destruction des aqueducs, de saleté et de poussière ». Athènes elle-méme « avait perdu tout soin d'édilité publique et toute surveillance privée ». Eleusis &sit en ruines 3. Mais, dans « l'abandon » de la Dacie, on ne peut pas parler d'une invasion comme dans la Gaule, et encore moins d'une invasion à caractère destructeur. Les tendances destructives mémes des Germains ont été rejetées par Jung :« une destruction de la population d'un pays conquis par les Germains ne se rencontre nulle part en terre romaine >>. Leurs effectifs n'étaient pas assez nombreux pour pouvoir renoncer aux forces de travail existantes. Ils avaient besoin toujours de gens de peine (Knechte) ; plus ils en ac- quéraient, mieux cela valait pour eux 4. Nulle part il n'y a eu 1 Ibid., p. 26, note 6. a Voy. aussi Cunningham, dans The growth of english industry and com- merce during the early and middle ages, Cambridge, 1890, p. 92: # It is possible that the statements of Bede and Nonnius, who are inclined to moralise on the events, are somewhat exagerated or only refer to special localities ». Mais il observe que, le christianisme et la langue ayant disparu, il faut admettre une interruption de continuité. Il suffit, dit-il, « d'un trés faible élément de survi- vance de la population pour conserver les anciens noms locaux et maintenir aussi un peu de continuité » (p. 140). Voy. aussi Charles Roach Smith, Collec- tanea antigua, V (1861), p. 129; sur les traces laissées par les légions.Voy. aussi Jung, Die Anfeinge der Romaenen, dans la Zeitschrift fiir österreichische Gym- nasien, 1876. Cf. Historisches Taschenbuch, 1874, et Hermes, IV, p. 99 et suiv. 3 Mamertinus, s'adressant à l'empereur Julien, dans les Panegyrici veteres, II, éd. 1779, pp. 146-147. 4 Ramer u. Rom., p. 183. Lui aussi observe pour la civilisation dans ces /*ions qu'ils n'avaient pas eu le temps nécessaire pour une assimilation (ibid., pp. 183-184). Fig.1. Luttes des Romains contre les barbares. Sculptures sur métal, trouvées en Transylvanie. LES BARBARES ET L'EMPIRE: LA DESTRUCTION 9 de pénétration par les vallées, et il est inadmissible de cher- cher des traces de Goths au Nord des montagnes de la Moldavie, où on a cru reconnaitre des traces et mane une figure humaine sculptée à l'époque des invasions » 1. Les rapports des rois goths, dans leur situation de droit a l' egard de la population romaine, sont ainsi décrits par un savant allemand 2:Les rois (des Etats germaniques formés en Occident) n'ont pas régné seulement par le droit de con- quéte sur les provinciaux romains qui leur auraient été sou- mis, mais en vertu d'une espice de rapports juridiques avec l'Em- pire romain, qui continuait a exister ». L'Empire peut conserver les barbares, il peut lescaser et il peut les chasser. Ainsi le vrai successeur d'Aurélien, Probus (276-282), revenu de Thrace, transporte dans les Balcans 100.000 Bastarnes, « qui tous ont conservé leur fidé- lité » 3, et beaucoup de Gépides, de Greuthunges goths, de Vandales, « lesquels tous ont violé leurs serments4. En Afrique aussi, si les Vandales y restent, en 438, c'est parce que l'Empire leur a assigné cette habitation pour trois ans 5. Les Goths, fédérés,nouveauxsoldatsdel'Empire, n'ayant pasde rois, car aucunn'estmentionne'pen- dant tout un sikle, ne sont pas une autre « nation » dans une autre « patrie >>. Car de fait il ne pouvait y avoir qu'un seul Etat, qui gagnait et dominait méme l'âme de ceux qui le menagaient et en pillaient le territoire 6. Signalé d'abord par J. Bianu, dans les Mem. Ac. Rom., sect. litt.,191. La discussion qui a suivi est trop peu sérieuse pour pouvoir etre intéressante. 2 Ott° Karlowa, Römische Rechtsgeschichte, I, Leipzig, z885, p. 947. 3 Qui omnes fidem servarunt. 4 Qui omnes fidem fregerunt; Jung, R6mer und Rom.,pp. 126-129. 5 Data eis ad habitandum per triennium in loco Africae portione Hippo- nae; Prosper d'Aquitaine. S'ils ont Carthage, c'est par une violation du pacte; ibid., arm&442.Suit la division de la province ; ibid., année445.Les Visigoths ont aussi leurspacis placita ». Mais il est question seulement d'une habitation, dans des limites; ibid., aim& 445. Les Visigoths « demandent humblement la paixle meme, arm& 442. 6 Nous trouvons aussi cette opinion chez Ludwig Schmidt, dans les For- schungen und Fortschritte, I-er août1935:« Den Römem war von jeher jeder Untertan, gleichviel welcher Nationalität, willkommen, der sich ihrem Staats- wesen einfiigte. Die Goten galten nach Auffassung der kaiserlichen Regierung io LES SOUVENIRS DE L'EMPIRE Les frontières sont conservées avec soin dans ces régions.. Ainsi M. Filov a trouvé dans les Balcans une inscription dédiée aux empereurs Carus et Carinus (282-283), succes- seurs de Probus, où il est question d'une « nouvelle frontière » qui y est fixée, « [i]nter du[as D]acias >>, car l'ancien limes avait été ruiné, « delapsus » 1 Le rapport avait existé et est resté tel; pas de séparation entre deux pays, mais une convention entre les fédérés goths et l'Empire, qui était aussi leur Empire à eux, ce que reconnait aussi Mommsen 2. Auguste mentionne aussi, dans son inscription commémo- rative, des Bastarnes qui lui ont « demandé son amitié » 3. On ne rencontre dans aucune source du III-e siècle le nom de Gothia ; seul Jordanés, si tardif, appelle ainsi un territoire danubien, pour glorifier la nation qu'il sert. Pour les contemporains de l'abandon officiel,il y a seulement l'oppositionentrel'imperium etla formationcorrespon- dante, le barbaricum. Si plus tard on trouve une Avaria 4, c'est parce que a, en Pannonie, il y a une forme d'Etat diffé- rente, une monarchie de caractère asiatique. Il n'existait donc pas une Gothie d'Etat reconnue par Rome, et c'est au V-e siècle seulement que l'on connait une pareille Gothia, dans d'autres sources 5. P 'Aryan a donc raison quand il considère les Goths comme « les représentants officiels de immer noch als reichsangehörige Föderaten; sie hatten den ICrieg geföhrt nicht als souveränes Volk, sondern als Aufriihrer, die nach erfolgter Begna- digung wieder in die friihere Rechtsstellung als kaiserliche Soldaten zurtick- traten* (p. 283). Des éléments germaniques pénétrent de même jusque dans le Nord-Est de la Transylvanie. Voy. Korrespondenzblatt, XIV (1891), p. 97 et suiv. 1 Kilo, 1912, p. 236; Rev. arch., XX (19122), p. 467, n° 200. Cf. nie Gher- ghel, Zur Frage der Urheimat der Romdnen, Vienne, 191o; Kalopothakès, '0 xcoetapag Tfigcrreauturixijg x. :rams* aovalag x. 4 gcbgarxi Stotxnat; naea rem wino doihafiLv; Athènes, 1894. 2 Aussi Schiller, Gesch. des ram. Reiches, 12, p. 853, parle du système de camouflage et de « traités de commerce* conclus avec les nouveaux Daces, qui sont les Goths (Vertuschungssystem). 3 C.I.L., III, p. 796. 4 D'après Jung, Rdmer und Romanen.
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