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Fiji's Role in the South Pacific Forum, 1971-198*1

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Fiji's Role in the South Pacific Forum, 1971-198*1 FIJI'S ROLE IN THE SOUTH PACIFIC FORUM, 1971-198*1. SANDRA TARTE A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts (Honours), in the Department of Political Science University of Melbourne, October 1985. INTRODUCTION This thesis aims to examine Fiji's role (that is, policies and actions) in the South Pacific Forum in the period 1971 - 1984. It is a subject of intrinsic interest and importance. At the same time, however, it provides a case study of how a ; small, new state has sought to play a role in regional and international affairs . There are two broad reasons for examining Fiji's role in the South Pacific Forum (SPF) and these serve to define the essential objectives of this thesis. The first reason relates to the significance of the SPF.I As an annual meeting of the Heads of Government of independent and self-governing South Pacific nations (including Australia and New Zealand), the SPF is the highest regional authority for dealing with key political, economic and security issues concerning the region. It is widely considered to be the most important political organisation in the South Pacific, and to play a paramount role in the formulation of regional policies . j For Fiji, the SPF is the "most important forum for discussion p between all Pacific Island leaders" . A key to this import- ance is the fact that the SPF is at the apex of regional cooperation in the South Pacific, which is a cornerstone of Fiji's foreign policy. In analysing Fiji's policies and actions in the SPF, one objective is to identify how and why the SPF, as a vehicle of regional cooperation, has served an important function in Fiji's foreign policy; and to determine to what extent Fiji's role in the SPF has furthered specific national aspirations and priorities. ' The second, and perhaps more compelling reason why Fiji's role in the SPF is of interest and importance, stems from the widely held view of Fiji as a leader, or at least a prominent actor, in the SPF. Fiji has often been regarded as a "spokesperson" for the SPF, as an initiator of Forum action and as exercising a significant influence over Forum policies. This role is seen to have had important implicat- ions for regional cooperation in the South Pacific. { I Peter Boyce and Richard Herr have argued, for example: Fiji's leadership has played a major role in construct- ing a spirit of regional community in the South Pacific; and her far-sighted and energetic Prime Minister has been a prime architect in the process-,. ) I Fiji's leaders, in particular, uphold the view that Fiji L_. has exercised a prominent role in the SPF and that this has benefited the region as a whole. Fiji's Prime Minister, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara (hereafter referred to>Ratu Mara ), stated in an address in 1982 that Fiji has played a leading role in "voicing the concerns and aspirations of the people of the Pacific", He continued: / It has been a combination of circumstances,, some historically induced, and our willingness to help wherever possible, that has facilitated Fiji's assumption of a leadership role in the affairs of the South Pacific... We in Fiji have endeavoured to 'pull our weight' commensurate with our resources, in the interests of the people of our region...„. There are those who see Fiji's role in the SPF in less favourable terms however: that Fiji has sought to dominat the SPF and to accrue disproportionate benefits from y regional endeavours. (__Ron Crocombe argues, for example, that Fiji has "exploited" its comparative advantages in the region to further its own interests, but at the expense of other Island countries . [Perceptions of Fiji acting in this way have had, according to some analysts, an adverse effect on regionalism. Greg Fry, a noted specialist on South Pacific regionalism, has observed that "tensions related to Fiji's position in the regional move- ment have probably had some lasting effects ... Nearly all Pacific countries have moved to more nationalistic positions" . While Mary Low, in her study of Fiji's forei policy, noted that', "the functional aspects of regional cooperation appear to have been affected by underlying Q uncertainties about Fijian intentions" . The second objective, in analysing Fiji's policies and actions in the SPF, is thus to assess: a) To what extant Fiji has assumed a prominent or leading role in the SPF; b) Whether 'leadership' of the SPF has been consciously pursued by Fiji's leaders or has resulted more from a "combination of circumstances"; c) In what way Fiji may have influenced Forum policies; and d) to what extent Fiji's role in the SPF can be seen to have positively and/ or adversely affected regional cooperation. This thesis will not attempt to consider all possible aspects of these questions since to do this would require looking beyond the SPF to other regional institutions. Attention will focus on certain key issues dealt with in the SPF and will not encompass the whole range of issues and incidences that have concerned the SPF. In addition, this thesis will not examine in detail Fiji's relations with other Island member countries of the SPF and these countries' percept- ions of Fiji ; nor will it attempt a rigorous cost-benefit analysis when exploring the extent to which Fiji accrues q disproportionate benefits from regional cooperation . What this thesis does aim to achieve however, is a clearer understanding of the role of regional cooperation in Fiji's foreign policy and, more importantly, an understanding of Fiji's contribution to and influence on the regional move- ment, given that this has attracted and inspired some comment and criticism. Primary research for this thesis was undertaken by the author while visiting Fiji in January and February, 1985. This visit yielded several interviews, including one with Fiji's Permanent Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Mr Jioji Kotobalavu . Key documents researched in Fiji, and referred to in this thesis, are Forum meeting communiques (these meetings are held in camera thus Summary Records are not made public), texts of statements and speeches delivered - 5 - by Fiji's Prime Minister and other high-level foreign policy personnel, policy reviews and statements issued by the Government, statistical data of Fiji's economy and other South Pacific economies, research carried out by students of Fiji's foreign policy and South Pacific regionalism, and press reports and commentaries. The author was also granted access to some non-public documents for background briefing purposes. Evidence from these documents has been used in this paper and references are provided in the accompanying sealed envelope. The outline of this thesis is as follows: Chapter one provides an overview of the context or the setting of Fiji's foreign policy, giving particular emphasis to those factors or variables which may influence or determine Fiji 'a role in the SPF. These include geographical, socio-political and economic characteristics, relative size and level of economic development within the region, the impact of colonialism, and the style and qualities of Fiji's leader- ship. Attention is also given to the relevance of regional cooperation as a strategy for diplomacy and economic develop- ment to small, Island states such as Fiji. Chapter two examines the origins of the SPF and Fiji's role in the establishment of the SPF, as well as in the develop- ment of an indigenous Pacific Island regionalism. This Chapter aims to define the factors shaping Fiji's emergence - 6 - as a prominent actor in regional affairs, the significance of Fiji's role (to the establishment of the SPF), Fiji's underlying motives for supporting regional cooperation and the SPF, and the impact of Fiji's role at the time of the Forum's inauguration and in its early years. The third Chapter analyses Fiji's policies and actions on some key political issues that have concerned the SPF. This Chapter aims to assess the extent to which Fiji's role in the SPF has enhanced certain national aspirations and priorities; how far Fiji has assumed a prominent or leading role; and whether Fiji has influenced Forum policies on these issues . Chapter four examines Fiji's policies and actions on some key economic issues that have concerned the SPF. As in the previous Chapter, this Chapter aims to assess the utility of regional cooperation for Fiji. However it also attempts to assess the extent to which Fiji accrues disproportionate benefits from regional cooperation in the economic sphere; to determine whether Fiji's role in the SPF on these issues has tended to accentuate disparities or inequities within the region (as far as the benefits of regional cooperation are distributed) and whether Fiji's role has had an impact on the "functional aspects of regional cooperation". This chapter will be followed by a conclusion. The remainder of this introduction will outline the struct- ure, method of functioning and scope of activity of the SPF."j As noted earlier, the SPF i.3 an annual meeting, usually of the Heads of Government of independent and self- governing South Pacific countries, and includes Australia and New Zealand. The inaugural meeting was held in Wellington, New Zealand in August 1971 and was attended by the leaders of Fiji, Tonga, Western Samoa, the Cook Islands and Nauru . Australia and New Zealand were present as observers, however they were later admitted as full members. The following countries, which are either independent or self-governing, applied for and were granted membership: Papua New Guinea (1974), Niue (1975), Kiribati (1977), the Solomon Islands (1978), Tuvalu (1978) and Vanuatu (1980).
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