Constitutional Reform in Fiji
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Reflections on the 1987 Fiji Coups Sanjay Ramesh
162 Fijian Studies Vol. 5 No. 1 Dialogue: Reflections on the 1987 Coup 163 gence Agency (CIA) was behind the coups. The reasons for what has been termed as the ‘CIA chimera’, are many and varied (see Lal, 1990, and Scobell, Reflections on the 1987 Fiji Coups 1994). Immediately after the coup, the Fiji Military Forces (FMF) embarked on a propaganda campaign, informing the coup sympathisers that the coalition had relations with the former Soviet Union and Libya and as such posed a direct Sanjay Ramesh threat to the western alliance and to Fijian traditions and values. Widespread rumours of the coalition being socialist and left-wing in orientation led some The coups of 1987 have become a bitter memory for the people of Fiji, observers to conclude that the CIA was involved. Other observations, such as but unanswered questions still linger about the whole incident. Did then Colonel US Hercules carriers making brief and suspicious stopovers at the Nadi Interna- Sitiveni Rabuka, who claimed that intervention of the army in Fiji’s political tional Airport; the presence of US Ambassador to UN Vernon Walters in the process was necessary to avert ethnic bloodshed (Rabuka, 2000: 9), act entirely country for talks with the coalition in response to the coalitions non-alignment on an instinct to save the indigenous Fijian race from the Indo-Fijian political policy; the appearance of retired US army officer Larry Mackenna at the US designs, or were there other forces at work? Embassy in full military uniform; and the dubious political activities of the The deposed Prime Minister late Dr. -
Introduction
Introduction Brij V. Lal Soldiers rioting on the steps of parliament house in Papua New Guinea; tumultuous politics besetting the presidency in Vanuatu; political assassi nations in New Caledonia; confrontation between soldiers and civilians on the troubled island of Bougainville. In other, calmer times, such inci dents of terror and violence would have stunned observers of Pacific Island affairs. But in the aftermath of the dramatic events in Fiji, news of upheaval in the islands is increasingly being greeted with a weary sense of deja vu. Such has been their impact that the Fiji coups and the forces they have unleashed are already being seen as marking, for better or worse, a turning point not only in the history ofthat troubled island nation but also in the contemporary politics ofthe Pacific Islands region. The issues and emotions that the Fiji coups have engendered touch on some of the most fundamental issues of our time: the tension between the rights ofindigenous peoples ofthe Pacific Islands and the rights ofthose of more recent immigrant or mixed origins; the role and place of traditional customs and institutions in the fiercely competitive modern political arena; the structure and function of Western-style democratic political processes in ethnically divided or nonegalitarian societies; the use of mili tary force to overthrow ideologically unacceptable but constitutionally elected governments. These and similar issues, rekindled by the events in Fiji, will be with us for a long time to come. Unlike any other event in recent Pacific Islands history, the Fiji crisis has generated an unprecedented outpouring of popular and scholarly litera ture, as our Book Review and Resources sections amply demonstrate. -
Fiji's Road to Military Coup, 20061
2. 'Anxiety, uncertainty and fear in our land': Fiji's road to military coup, 20061 Brij V. Lal Introduction If civilization is to survive, one is driven to radical views. I do not mean driven to violence. Violence always compromises or ruins the cause it means to serve: it produces as much wrong as it tries to remedy. The State, for example, is always with us. Overthrow it and it will come back in another form, quite possibly worse. It's a necessary evilÐa monster that continually has to be tamed, so that it serves us rather than devours us. We can't do without it, neither can we ever trust it.2 Fiji experienced the whole gamut of emotions over the course of a fateful 2006. The year ended on an unsettled note, as it had begun. Fiji was yet again caught in a political quagmire of its own making, hobbled by manufactured tensions, refusing to heed the lessons of its recent tumultuous past, and reeling from the effects of the coup. Ironies abound. A Fijian army confronted a Fijian government, fuelling the indigenous community's worst fears about a Fijian army spilling Fijian blood on Fijian soil. The military overthrow took place 19 years to the day after frustrated coup-maker of 1987 Sitiveni Rabuka had handed power back to Fiji's civilian leaders, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau and Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, paving the way for the eventual return to parliamentary democracy. The 2006 coup, like the previous ones, deposed a democratically elected government. Perhaps more importantly, it peremptorily sidelined the once powerful cultural and social institutions of the indigenous community, notably the Methodist Church and the Great Council of Chiefs (GCC)3 ± severing with a startling abruptness the overarching influence they had exercised in national life. -
The Case of Fiji
University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform Volume 25 Issues 3&4 1992 Democracy and Respect for Difference: The Case of Fiji Joseph H. Carens University of Toronto Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Cultural Heritage Law Commons, Indian and Aboriginal Law Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Joseph H. Carens, Democracy and Respect for Difference: The Case of Fiji, 25 U. MICH. J. L. REFORM 547 (1992). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr/vol25/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEMOCRACY AND RESPECT FOR DIFFERENCE: THE CASE OF FIJI Joseph H. Carens* TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ................................. 549 I. A Short History of Fiji ................. .... 554 A. Native Fijians and the Colonial Regime .... 554 B. Fijian Indians .................. ....... 560 C. Group Relations ................ ....... 563 D. Colonial Politics ....................... 564 E. Transition to Independence ........ ....... 567 F. The 1970 Constitution ........... ....... 568 G. The 1987 Election and the Coup .... ....... 572 II. The Morality of Cultural Preservation: The Lessons of Fiji ................. ....... 574 III. Who Is Entitled to Equal Citizenship? ... ....... 577 A. The Citizenship of the Fijian Indians ....... 577 B. Moral Limits to Historical Appeals: The Deed of Cession ............. ....... 580 * Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Toronto. -
Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2000
Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2000 Reviews of Papua New Guinea and tion of May 1999, became more overt West Papua are not included in this in the early months of 2000. Fijian issue. political parties, led by the former governing party, Soqosoqo ni Vakavu- Fi j i lewa ni Taukei (sv t), held meetings For the people of Fiji, the year 2000 around the country to discuss ways to was the most turbulent and traumatic oppose if not depose the government in recent memory. The country and thereby return to power. These endured an armed takeover of parlia- meetings helped fuel indigenous Fijian ment and a hostage crisis lasting fifty- unease and animosity toward Chaud- six days, the declaration of martial hry’s leadership. Signaling its move law and abrogation of the 1997 con- toward a more nationalist stance, the stitution, and a bloody mutiny in the sv t terminated its coalition with the armed forces. These events raised the Indo-Fijian–based National Federa- specter of civil war and economic col- tion Party in February, describing the lapse, international ostracism, and a coalition as “self-defeating.” future plagued with uncertainty and In March, the Taukei Movement ha r dship. Comparisons with the coups was revived with the aim, according of 1987 were inevitable, but most to spokesman Apisai Tora, of “rem o v - observers would conclude that the ing the government through various crisis of 2000 left Fiji more adrift legal means as soon as possible” (Sun, and divided than ever before. 3 May 2000, 1). In 1987 the Taukei The month of May has become Movement had spearheaded national- synonymous with coups in Fiji. -
Business Va`Avanua: Cultural Hybridisation and Indigenous
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. Business Va’avanua: Cultural Hybridisation and Indigenous Entrepreneurship in the Boumā National Heritage Park, Fiji A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Social Anthropology Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand Trisia Angela Farrelly (Prince) 2009 Abstract This thesis explores the ways community-based ecotourism development in the Boumā National Heritage Park was negotiated at the nexus of Western entrepreneurship and the vanua, an indigenous epistemology. In 1990, the Boumā tribe of Taveuni, Fiji established the Boumā National Heritage Park. A growing dependence on the market economy and a desire to find an economic alternative to commercial logging on their communally-tenured land, led to their decision to approach the New Zealand government for assistance to establish the Park. The four villages involved have since developed their own community-based ecotourism enterprises. Despite receiving first place in a British Airways Tourism for Tomorrow Award category in 2002, there was a growing sense of social dysfunction in Boumā during the research period. According to my participants, this was partly due to the community-based ecotourism development process which had paid little attention to the vanua. Largely through talanoa as discussion, the people of Boumā have become increasingly conscious of references to the vanua values in their own evaluation and management of the projects. -
Issues and Events, I992
.1 , • , Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, I992 FIJI Fijians and non-Indo-Fijians, won all The year 1992 may well be remembered the 5 seats allocated to that community. in Fiji as one of unexpected develop In an unexpectedly close contest, the ments in the political arena, dominated National Federation Party won 14 of by the general election in May. The the 27 seats allocated to the Indo-Fijian first half of the year was consumed by community, with the Fiji Labour Party the election campaign and the second securing 13. The Soqosoqo ni Vakavu half by its problematic reverberations. lewa ni Taukei was able to form a gov It ended with a promise to take Fiji ernment after entering into a coalition away from the politics ofracial divi with the General Voters Party and with sion toward a multiracial government the support of the Fijian National ofnational unity. Whether, and if, that United Front. Sitiveni Rabuka became occurs will be the challenge of1993. prime minister after Labour threw its The general election, the sixth since support behind him rather than Kami independence in 1970 and the first since kamica, who was backed by the the coups of1987, was preceded by a National Federation Party. long and sometimes bitter campaign Labour's strategy took supporters (see my article, this issue). Political completely by surprise. Its leaders fragmentation in the Fijian community argued that Rabuka was a changed accompanied the emergence of a num man who appeared to be a genuine ber ofpolitical parties and the rise of friend ofthe poor of all races. -
Deakin Research Online
Deakin Research Online This is the published version: Bolatagici, Torika 2010, Representing Fijian bodies and the economy of war, in OCIS 2010 : Proceedings of the 4th Oceanic Conference on International Studies 2010, OCIS, [Auckland, N. Z.], pp. 1-21. Available from Deakin Research Online: http://hdl.handle.net/10536/DRO/DU:30029449 Reproduced with the kind permissions of the copyright owner. Copyright : 2010, The Authors Title: Representing Fijian Bodies and the Economy of War Name: Torika Bolatagici Affiliations: PhD Candidate – College of Fine Arts, University of NSW Associate Lecturer - School of Communication and Creative Arts, Faculty of Arts and Education, Deakin University Email: [email protected] Figure 1.1 Protect Me, Torika Bolatagici, 2009. Page 2 of 21 Introduction In 2005, a Fijian Government report revealed that there were 816 Fiji nationals working for private security companies in Iraq. In 2007, there were over 2000 Fijians serving in the British army. Remittances from Fijian workers overseas are the nation’s largest income – exceeding that of tourism and sugar export. There are currently more than 20,000 unemployed former military personnel in Fiji. While there has been some research into Fijian masculinity in relation to political coups, warrior culture and militarisation over the last decade there is an absence of critical discussion about the ongoing colonisation of Fijian males bodies which seeks to perpetuate the exploitation of Fijians by inscribing the Fijian male body as warrior, athlete, criminal and protector. This paper traces representations of the black body, which I have related to contemporary masculine identities in Fiji. I have linked historical representations to what I perceive as the ongoing commodification of the Fijian body and argue that opportunities that have arisen from conflict in the Middle East have had a significant impact on employment opportunities for Fijians. -
In the Court of Appeal, Fiji Islands at Suva
IN THE COURT OF APPEAL, FIJI ISLANDS AT SUVA APPELLATE JURISDICTION CIVIL APPEAL NO. ABU0077 OF 2008S [On an Appeal from the High Court, Suva in Civil Actions No. HBC 60 and HBC 398 of 2007] BETWEEN : LAISENIA QARASE of Suva, Politician RATU NAIQAMA LALABALAVU of Suva, Politician RO TEIMUMU KEPA of Lomanikoro Village, Rewa, Politician RATU SULIANO MATANITOBUA of Suva, Politician JOSEVA VOSANIBOLA of Suva, Politician APPELLANTS (Original Plaintiffs) AND : JOSAIA VOREQE BAINIMARAMA Commander of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces of Queen Elizabeth Barracks, Delainabua, Suva. FIRST RESPONDENT (Original First Defendant) AND : THE REPUBLIC OF FIJI MILITARY FORCES SECOND RESPONDENT (Original Second Defendant) AND : THE STATE OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE FIJI ISLANDS THIRD RESPONDENT (Original Third Defendant) AND : THE ATTORNEY - GENERAL of the Interim Regime FOURTH RESPONDENT (Original Fourth Respondent) AND : FIJI HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION FIRST AMICUS CURIAE AND : CITIZENS’ CONSTITUTIONAL FORUM LIMITED SECOND AMICUS CURIAE Coram: Randall Powell, JA Ian Lloyd, JA Francis Douglas, JA Hearing: Monday, 6th April 2009, Suva Tuesday, 7th April 2009, Suva Wednesday, 8th April 2009, Suva Counsel: Bret Walker SC ] Rachel Pepper ] for the Appellants Tevita Fa ] Richard Gordon QC ] Gerard McCoy QC ] Christopher Pryde, ] Kerry Cook ] for the Respondents Dr Shaista Shameem ] for the Fiji Human Rights Wilfred Golman ] Commission Sonanatabua Colovanua ] Dr Melissa Perry QC ] Nicola McGarrity ] for the Citizens Constitutional ] Forum Limited Date of Judgment: Thursday, 9th April 2009, Suva JUDGMENT OF THE COURT The Parties and these Proceedings 1. On 17 March 2006 Ratu Josefa Iloilovatu Uluivuda (“President Uluivuda”) was re- appointed by the Great Council of Chiefs for a further 5 years as President of the Republic of the Fiji Islands (“Fiji”). -
Elections and Politics in Contemporary Fiji
Chiefs and Indians: Elections and Politics in Contemporary Fiji Brij V. Lal 1he Republic of Fiji went to the polls in May 1992, its first election since the military coups of 1987 and the sixth since 1970, when the islands became independent from Great Britain. For many people in Fiji and out side, the elections were welcome, marking as they did the republic's first tentative steps toward restoring parliamentary democracy and interna tional respectability, and replacing rule by decree with rule by constitu tionallaw. The elections were a significant event. Yet, hope mingles eerily with apprehension; the journey back to genuine representative democracy is fraught with difficulties that everyone acknowledges but few know how to resolve. The elections were held under a constitution rejected by half of the pop ulation and severely criticized by the international community for its racially discriminatory, antidemocratic provisions. Indigenous Fijian po litical solidarity, assiduously promoted since the coups, disintegrated in the face of the election-related tensions within Fijian society. A chief-spon sored political party won 30 of the 37 seats in the 7o-seat House of Repre sentatives, and was able to form a government only in coalition with other parties. Sitiveni Rabuka, the reluctant politician, became prime minister after gaining the support of the Fiji Labour Party, which he had over thrown in 1987, and despite the opposition of his predecessor and para mount chief of Lau, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara. In a further irony, a consti tutional system designed to entrench the interests of Fijian chiefs placed a commoner at the national helm. -
468 the Contemporary Pacific • Fall 1998
468 the contemporary pacific • fall 1998 The Pacific Way: A Memoir, by Ratu Mara’s life might easily have taken a Sir Kamisese Mara. Honolulu: Uni- very different course, for when Sukuna versity of Hawai‘i Press, 1997. Isbn directed him to study economics and 0–8248–1893–8, xvi + 280 pages, history at Oxford in preparation for maps, appendix, glossary, photographs, the career in government, he had index. Cloth, us$42; paper, us$14.95. almost completed medical studies in New Zealand. Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara is the presi- Wittily recounted in a light and dent of the Republic of Fiji and the last graceful style, Mara’s memoir strikes of several paramount Fijian chiefs an engaging balance between personal groomed for high office by the British life and affairs of state. Appendixes in the last two decades of colonial rule. include the famous Wakaya Letter of For many years these chiefs dominated 1963, in which Mara and fellow Fijian leadership and were at the center leaders insisted to the UK government of dialogue with Indian leaders on that Fijians must approve any constitu- issues of land and constitutional tional changes leading to self-govern- change. Even as Fijians of “com- ment, his address to the UN Assembly moner” status became prominent in after Fiji’s achievement of indepen- government, the chiefs continued to be dence, and his moving tribute to the the core symbols of ethnic identity and late Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau. Photo- the source of legitimacy. In part their graphs range from the youthful pose in security in these functions enabled a students’ production of Romeo and them to become mediating and stabil- Juliet, to his chiefly installation as the izing national figures in a multiracial Tui Nayau, and meetings with world society, facilitating the transition from figures. -
Amnesty International Report 2001
Covering events from January - December 2000 FIJI Republic of the Fiji Islands Head of state: Ratu Josefa Iloilo (replaced Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara in July) Head of government: Laisenia Qarase (replaced Frank Bainimarama in July who replaced Mahendra Chaudhry in May) Capital: Suva Population: 0.77 million Official language: English Death penalty: retentionist A violent coup attempt in May led to widespread human rights abuses and a flagrant disregard for the rule of law. Scores of civilians, police and army officers were injured; some were killed. Thousands of Fijians of Indian ethnic origin were forced to leave their homes as a result of racist or opportunistic attacks and fear of violence. Decrees issued under martial law allowed for racial discrimination but preserved other basic human rights. These rights were, however, frequently violated during operations against suspected rebels. As many as six suspected rebels were reportedly beaten to death by soldiers following an attempted mutiny in November. Investigations into alleged human rights violations were hampered by fears of retaliation; no findings were made public. Political instability On 19 May an indigenous Fijian nationalist movement led anti-government demonstrations in the capital. During the demonstrations, members of the military's elite Counter Revolutionary Warfare Unit (CRWU) led by George Speight, a civilian, stormed parliament, and took Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry, his son and most government members of parliament hostage; the hostages were held for up to 56 days. The rebels declared the 1997 Constitution abrogated and ''appointed'' a president and government that ensured indigenous supremacy. The 1997 Constitution had removed previous guarantees, imposed after two military coups in 1987, of political dominance by indigenous Fijians.