Old Wine in New Bottles Tekumah, an Israeli Resurrection of Social Change? Dorit Naaman

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Old Wine in New Bottles Tekumah, an Israeli Resurrection of Social Change? Dorit Naaman Old Wine in New Bottles Tekumah, an Israeli resurrection of social change? Dorit Naaman The relationship between historical events, historical narratives and documentary cinema are complex, and at times problematic. Historical narratives give verbal accounts to events, while films represent those events visually, in a medium that is generally considered more authentic, or veridical than language. In the case of documentary films about the past, the documentarist must choose how to construct the visual data in the film, that is, from what material to draw, as she has not been there to document the events as they took place. The choices of found-footage, photographs, maps, etc., and their organization within the context of interviews and other materials create the evidential tone of the film. While historical biases are currently an issue of hot debate in historical narratives, the issues become even more 37 October19.p65 37 09/08/24, 10:31 Õ complex when the agenda of the filmmakers In 1998, the Israeli government-sponsored is masked under the cinematic conventions of TV station (Channel 1) produced the documentary film practices, amongst them documentary series, Tekumah, to assumptions about the veridical indexical commemorate, summarize and critically value of images. examine the 50 years of existence of the state of Israel. The series (comprised of 22 one- In Israel, these issues came to the fore when hour episodes) had a chief editor and was public debate exploded over Tekumah, a directed by 19 directors, each responsible for television documentary series an episode or two. Aesthetically and formally, commemorating the 50th anniversary of the episodes are somewhat different from one Israel. The production of Tekumah capped ten another, giving the impression that Israel years of debate over Israel's historical exists in a state of multi-cultural bliss. But the narrative, a narrative vigorously challenged series was directed only by Israeli Jews (even by the new historians and their scholarship. those episodes on Palestinians and Israeli In 1988, following the publication of two Arabs), and the content was heavy-handedly books - Benny Morris' The Birth of the controlled by Gideon Drori, chief editor and Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-19491 initiator of the series. While definitely not a and Ilan Pappe's Britain and the Arab-Israeli linear narrative, the series as a whole Conflict, 1947-1951,2 - an academic debate crystallizes some of the historical and erupted. The debate was historical at heart, political discussions in contemporary Israeli and pertained mostly to information released society, including the debate over the new in the 1980s by Israel's foreign ministry, historians and post-Zionism. The producers which shed light on the events of the 1948 anticipated a three to four percent viewing war.3 The debate took an interesting turn, ratio, but within a few weeks it was clear that however, when in 1994, Israeli fiction author the two weekly broadcasts of each episode Aharon Megged published an attack on these were attracting the attention of about 30 "new historians" (entitled "The Israeli Suicide percent of the nation. Drive") in the weekly magazine of the daily In the press too, the series was widely newspaper Ha'aretz.4 The move to the daily reviewed, criticized, and discussed. While press by an academic author took the debate initially hailed as a very important project, as well out of its original historical bounds. the series progressed, its content managed to What started as a debate about facts and aggravate the right wing to the point that two interpretation was now a political controversy ministers were asking that the series be about the identity of the nation. The result removed from the airwaves.6 For instance, was the emergence of post-Zionism, a after the screening of the episode "The movement towards divorcing modern Israel Opsimist" on Palestinians with Israeli from the very national movement that gave citizenship, and in anticipation of the episode birth to it.5 Unfortunately, post-Zionism and featuring the Palestine Liberation what became known as the "new historians’ Organization's Lebanon years, "Biladi debate" are now often collapsed in public Biladi," some critics called the series discourse into one and the same thing - a Palestinian propaganda,7 and connected it rejection of Israel's right to exist. Megged's directly to the new historian and post-Zionist article is one example of such conflation, and debates. since his article, disputes have continued to flare up in the general press. I argue that Tekumah (literally meaning "resurrection") manages to incorporate a 38 October19.p65 38 09/08/24, 10:31 Õ pluralistic appearance, but in essence still The essence of the old history is that reiterates the same old Israeli myths about the Zionism's birth was an inevitable result foundation of the state, and its moral of Gentile pressures and persecution, justification. Since the new historian debate and that it offered at least a partial pertains particularly to the 1948 War, I solution to the 'Jewish Problem' in examine the first three episodes of the Europe; that the Zionists intended no documentary, those discussing the War of ill to the Arabs of Palestine, and that Independence, in greater detail than others. I Zionist settlement alongside the Arabs will show how the films allow for the did not, from the Jews' point of view, expression of voices previously unheard, but necessitate a clash or displacement, also how the diversity of opinions is but that Israel was born into an eventually subordinated to a non-threatening uncharitable, predatory environment; hegemonic perspective. Aesthetically then, that Zionist efforts at compromise and the series incorporates a pluralistic (multi- conciliation were rejected by the cultural) look, a postmodern view of history, Arabs; and that the Palestinians and and an awareness of identity politics. But the neighbouring Arab states, selfish these aesthetics only mask a positivist, non- and ignoble, refused to accede to the problematic view of Zionist ideology. While burgeoning Zionist presence and in the new historians debate has actually made a 1947-48 attacked the Yishuv with the difference in the Israeli political map,8 the aim of nipping the Jewish state in the show enables the average Israeli to ignore bud. serious challenges to their traditional A crucial aspect of the old history is that the ideological and political assumptions. Despite Palestinian refugee problem was born from the charges that it is a post-Zionist, pro- Arab calls for Palestinians to abandon their Palestinian show, Tekumah actually only homes, clear the path for the Arab armies and repackages old Israeli wine in new bottles. therefore that Jewish militias (and later the army) cannot be blamed for the expulsion. In other words, the old historian account paints a The New Historian Debate picture in which Israel and its institutions Israel was established in 1948 after the were not morally wrong, and were not in United Nations voted on November 29, 1947 ethical conflict with regards to the Palestinian in favour of partitioning British Mandate inhabitants of the country. At every crucial Palestine into Israeli and Palestinian states. point, says the old Israeli narrative, the Arabs Merely three years after the end of WWII, were the ones to make a choice for which and the realization of the horrors of the they would pay dearly, while the Israelis were Holocaust, many Jews and Gentiles found a eager to live amicably together. Jewish state necessary as a safe haven. While Zionism as a national movement had existed The new historians set out to challenge at since the late 19th century (it emerged in least some of these assertions. Morris, in tandem with other European national particular, is a key researcher in exposing the movements), and while the Zionist movement semi-systematic expulsion policy, which has been actively settling the "Land of Israel" Jewish forces did not officially embrace or since 1881 (then a part of the Ottoman impose, but more than occasionally Empire, and after 1917 under British rule), exercised.9 In addition, Morris charges that Israel's establishment effectively resulted Israel at the end of the 1948 War, and leader from the Holocaust. Benny Morris writes: Ben Gurion in particular, rejected peace 39 October19.p65 39 09/08/24, 10:31 Õ efforts from other Arab countries.10 Morris does not include enough Arabic sources, and not only paints the war in a new light, but most importantly, that the new historians are also casts a shadow on Israel's moral set on a trendy Israeli-bashing trip, one standards, and its self-image as peace seeking influenced by the anti-Orientalist work of or always defending itself rather than Edward Said. While throughout the book initiating aggression. Karsh argues with the positions, documents and interpretation of Morris, Pappe, Shlaim But the new historians not only provided a and other new historians, his criticism boils new account of history, but also criticized the down not to historiography (good or bad), but old historians' methodology. While excusing to ideology and politics. Karsh writes: the old historians for not having access to the archival material released in the 1980s, they In other words, more than anything still had other problems with the group. else the "new historiography" is a state Morris writes of the old historians, that, "In of mind, or rather, a fashion. What reality they were chroniclers, and often unites its practitioners, by and large, is apologetic, interested chroniclers at that. subscription to the all too common They did not work from and upon a solid perception of Zionism as an offshoot of body of contemporary documentation and did European imperialism, or at the very not normally try to paint a picture that offered least as an aggressive and expansionist a variety of sides of a given historical national movement.
Recommended publications
  • Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
    Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Czech-Israeli Intergovernmental Consultations Joint Statement Prague, May 17, 2012 Today, May 17, 2012, the Government of the C
    Czech-Israeli Intergovernmental Consultations Joint Statement Prague, May 17, 2012 Today, May 17, 2012, the Government of the Czech Republic and the Israeli Government are holding their intergovernmental consultations in Prague. The Prime Minister of the Czech Republic, Mr. Petr Ne čas, and the Prime Minister of the State of Israel, Mr. Benjamin Netanyahu, note with satisfaction the friendship and the historical partnership between the two countries, the unrelenting reciprocal support, the mutual respect for each other's sovereign status and the joint recognition in the political, defense and economic requirements of the two countries. The Prime Ministers emphasize their aspiration to further strengthen the close relations between the two Governments and the unique ties between the two peoples, based on a thousand-year-old affinity between the Czech people and the Jewish people. The Prime Ministers wish to thank all those who work tirelessly to advance the ties between the two countries. The following are the Government members participating in the consultations: On the Czech Republic side: Prime Minister Petr Ne čas First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs , Karel Schwarzenberg Minister of Industry and Trade, Martin Kuba Minister of Education, Youth and Sports, Petr Fiala Minister of Labor and Social Affairs, Jaromír Drábek Minister of Transport, Pavel Dobeš Minister for Regional Development, Kamil Jankovský Minister of Culture, Alena Hanáková On the Israeli side: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu Deputy Prime Minister
    [Show full text]
  • Excluded, for God's Sake: Gender Segregation and the Exclusion of Women in Public Space in Israel
    Excluded, For God’s Sake: Gender Segregation and the Exclusion of Women in Public Space in Israel המרכז הרפורמי לדת ומדינה -לוגו ללא מספר. Third Annual Report – December 2013 Israel Religious Action Center Israel Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism Excluded, For God’s Sake: Gender Segregation and the Exclusion of Women in Public Space in Israel Third Annual Report – December 2013 Written by: Attorney Ruth Carmi, Attorney Ricky Shapira-Rosenberg Consultation: Attorney Einat Hurwitz, Attorney Orly Erez-Lahovsky English translation: Shaul Vardi Cover photo: Tomer Appelbaum, Haaretz, September 29, 2010 – © Haaretz Newspaper Ltd. © 2014 Israel Religious Action Center, Israel Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism Israel Religious Action Center 13 King David St., P.O.B. 31936, Jerusalem 91319 Telephone: 02-6203323 | Fax: 03-6256260 www.irac.org | [email protected] Acknowledgement In loving memory of Dick England z"l, Sherry Levy-Reiner z"l, and Carole Chaiken z"l. May their memories be blessed. With special thanks to Loni Rush for her contribution to this report IRAC's work against gender segregation and the exclusion of women is made possible by the support of the following people and organizations: Kathryn Ames Foundation Claudia Bach Philip and Muriel Berman Foundation Bildstein Memorial Fund Jacob and Hilda Blaustein Foundation Inc. Donald and Carole Chaiken Foundation Isabel Dunst Naomi and Nehemiah Cohen Foundation Eugene J. Eder Charitable Foundation John and Noeleen Cohen Richard and Lois England Family Jay and Shoshana Dweck Foundation Foundation Lewis Eigen and Ramona Arnett Edith Everett Finchley Reform Synagogue, London Jim and Sue Klau Gold Family Foundation FJC- A Foundation of Philanthropic Funds Vicki and John Goldwyn Mark and Peachy Levy Robert Goodman & Jayne Lipman Joseph and Harvey Meyerhoff Family Richard and Lois Gunther Family Foundation Charitable Funds Richard and Barbara Harrison Yocheved Mintz (Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Historical Narratives of Israelis and Palestinians and the Peacemaking Process
    The Historical Narratives of Israelis and Palestinians and the Peacemaking Process Paul L. Scham Abstract: This article argues that lack of consideration of the his- torical narratives of Israelis and Palestinians in the peacemaking process helped to create a climate in which both sides, including the respective leaderships, were, in many ways, unaware of the red lines and domestic constraints limiting the other. Distinguish- ing between ‘historical narrative’ (i.e., the story a nation tells itself about itself) and history, it contends that the traditional view of narratives by politicians and statespersons—that is, that they are an academic luxury and do not fit into hard-headed negotiations— has damaged negotiating possibilities. This article demonstrates by example why historical narratives are of particular importance in this conflict, and that the peacemaking process is unlikely to succeed until they are taken into account in the process and not treated as simply a cultural afterthought. Keywords: conflict resolution, history, Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Middle East, narratives, Palestine, peacemaking, reconciliation It is commonplace among historians that mainstream Israelis and Palestin- ians write different histories. It is equally commonplace among negotiators that the different narratives of the two sides are a sometimes interesting, sometimes boring concomitant to their work, but not necessarily relevant to the task of making peace. And it is commonplace among the rest of the population that the ‘other side’ has a self-serving story that is invented for propaganda purposes, one which has no serious relationship to “what hap- pened” and that should not be taken seriously. Israel Studies Forum, Volume 21, Issue 2, Winter 2006: 58–84 © Association for Israel Studies Compiled by the Faculty Action Network Historical Narratives and Peacemaking | 59 What each of these groups is reacting to, in many cases without realizing it, are the separate and contradictory historical narratives of the two sides.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Modern Palestine
    A HISTORY OF MODERN PALESTINE Ilan Pappe’s history of modern Palestine has been updated to include the dramatic events of the s and the early twenty-first century. These years, which began with a sense of optimism, as the Oslo peace accord was being negotiated, culminated in the second intifada and the increase of militancy on both sides. Pappe explains the reasons for the failure of Oslo and the two-state solution, and reflects upon life thereafter as the Palestinians and Israelis battle it out under the shadow of the wall of separation. I P is Senior Lecturer in Political Science at the University of Haifa in Israel. He has written extensively on the politics of the Middle East, and is well known for his revisionist interpretation of Israel’s history. His books include The Making of the Arab–Israeli Conflict, – (/) and The Modern Middle East (). A HISTORY OF MODERN PALESTINE One Land, Two Peoples ILAN PAPPE University of Haifa, Israel CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Mexico City Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge, CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521683159 © Ilan Pappe 2004, 2006 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2004 Second edition 2006 7th printing 2013 Printed and bound in the United Kingdom by the MPG Books Group A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library.
    [Show full text]
  • The 100 Terms Program: a Rawlsian Critique
    Adalah’s Newsletter, Volume 27, July - August 2006 The 100 Terms Program: A Rawlsian Critique By Prof. Yoav Peled1 “The 100 Terms Program in Heritage, Zionism and Democracy,” a program formulated in 2005 by the Ministry of Education headed by Limor Livnat and designed for grades seven to nine in Jewish, Arab and Druze schools, will most likely find its way to the garbage heap of history, together with the Dovrat Report, another wonderful creation of the same educational regime. However, the 100 Terms Program bluntly expresses a deep-rooted educational perspective that will not end with the passing of the regime that gave birth to it. While it is true that Limor Livnat does not have an educational role in Ehud Olmert’s government, the bureaucracy of the Ministry of Education, which developed the program, remains in place. It is also worth recalling that Livnat’s sword-bearer at the Ministry of Education, Ronit Tirosh, is now a key Member of Knesset in the Kadima party, and aspires to an executive position in the field of education. The 100 Terms Program is composed of three parts: “Democracy,” which is the same for all schools; “Zionism,” which is also common to all schools, with slight differences between Jewish and Arab schools; and “Heritage,” which is different for Jewish and Arab schools. The list of terms in the “Heritage” section designed for Jewish schools covers the cultural, religious and historic heritage of the Jewish people in a comprehensive manner. In addition, the “Zionism” section also addresses Jewish heritage. The “Heritage” terms designed for students in Arab schools, on the other hand, refer almost exclusively to the different religious heritages of Muslim and Christian students.
    [Show full text]
  • La Influencia De Los Diferentes Grupos Religiosos Judíos En La Política Interna Israelí Y Su Repercusión En Las Negociaciones De Paz (1993 – 1995)
    Universidad ORT Uruguay Facultad de Administración y Ciencias Sociales La influencia de los diferentes grupos religiosos judíos en la Política Interna israelí y su repercusión en las Negociaciones de Paz (1993 – 1995) Entregado como requisito para la obtención del título de Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales Paula Braga- 151603 Lucía Pérez Walter- 151650 Karen Zimmermann – 145497 Tutor: Embajador Carlos Gianelli 2013 2 Agradecimientos Agradecemos a nuestras familias y amigos por su apoyo incondicional durante este largo período. También agradecemos a nuestro tutor, el embajador Carlos Gianelli, quien fue una guía de suma importancia para la realización del presente trabajo. Deseamos agradecer asimismo al Embajador Ricardo Varela, a Ernesto Kreimerman, al Dr. Alberto Spectorovsky y al Lic.David Telias, por sus valiosos aportes y críticas que nos han servido para mejorar la calidad de la monografía; así como por su amable disponibilidad y trato para la conclusión de la misma. 3 Abstract El presente trabajo busca investigar la influencia de los grupos judíos religiosos más importantes de Israel en los partidos políticos de dicho Estado, y a su vez analizar la reacción de estos grupos ante la política implementada por Isaac Rabin basada en la premisa Tierras por Paz, para luego finalmente estudiar si la postura y la reacción de estos actores políticos, se tornaron una piedra de tropiezo para las negociaciones de paz emprendidas durante el período 1993 – 1995. Para lograr esto, se estudiarán los grupos de interés religiosos enmarcados en el sistema político israelí, analizando el sistema de coaliciones de partidos, en especial lo que respecta a la dinámica de los partidos políticos de filiación religiosa.
    [Show full text]
  • Whither the Sharon Coalition? Implications of the Latest Cabinet Vote on Gaza | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 461 Whither the Sharon Coalition? Implications of the Latest Cabinet Vote on Gaza by David Makovsky Jun 9, 2004 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Makovsky David Makovsky is the Ziegler distinguished fellow at The Washington Institute and director of the Koret Project on Arab-Israel Relations. Brief Analysis n June 6, 2004, the Israeli cabinet authorized (by a 14-7 margin) preparations for a possible Israeli O withdrawal from Gaza. The authorization called for a final decision to be made about the Gaza settlements by March 2005. In the meantime, Israeli national security advisor Maj. Gen. Giora Eiland is heading a ministerial panel to discuss different aspects of withdrawal. The cabinet vote has triggered changes in Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's government. On the eve of the vote, Sharon fired two ministers from the National Union Party (NU) for opposing the plan. That move led the staunchly pro-settler NU to withdraw entirely from Sharon's government, decreasing his coalition's 68-seat Knesset majority by 7 seats. Following the cabinet vote, a minister and a deputy minister from the pro-settler National Religious Party (NRP) resigned, and both have stated that they would individually leave Sharon's coalition as well. If they do so, Sharon would for the first time preside over a minority coalition of 59 in the 120- member Knesset. Sharon's Challenge amid Political Weakness The cabinet vote marked the first time that an Israeli cabinet declared a general desire to withdraw from Gaza. Toward that end, the cabinet authorized preparations for a pullout, including discussions regarding the relocation of Gaza settlers.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel BP Proof
    THE ROYAL INSTITUTE OF Middle East INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Programme Briefing Paper No. 3 MARCH 2003 Doves Vote Hawk: The January 2003 Elections in Israel Yossi Mekelberg Introduction Israeli elections are not renowned for producing conclusive results. Observers are usually as perplexed on the day after them as they were on the day before. Nevertheless, this was not the case on 28 January 2003, when the Likud Party led by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, and the right wing in general, emerged as clear winners. In contrast, the Labour Party and its allies on the left suffered a painful defeat. Opinion polls had consistently predicted a Likud victory, though the margin of that victory was a surprise to most. Yet a comfortable result at the ballot box does not guarantee the quick and easy formation of a new government. BRIEFING PAPER 2 Doves vote hawk: the January 2003 elections in Israel Despite winning less than one-third of the seats, and rifts and eventually the final irreversible crisis. The so- needing to ensure the support of at least twenty-three called national unity government had become a more Members of Knesset (MKs) in order to form a government of national paralysis, and was the main majority coalition, Ariel Sharon emerged as the big reason for the lack of progress of any political, winner of Israel’s elections, with the luxury of economic or social policies – above all the peace considering a number of options for constructing his process with the Palestinians. A number of groupings coalition. within the Labour Party grew exasperated at After experimenting for nearly seven years and supporting and serving in a government which gave three election campaigns with an electoral system them little chance of implementing any of their party’s whereby voters cast two separate ballots, one for policies.
    [Show full text]
  • The Representation of Women in Israeli Politics
    10E hy is it important for women to be represented in the Perspective A Comparative Politics: in Israeli Women of Representation The WKnesset and in cabinet? Are women who are elected The Representation of to these institutions expected to do more to promote “female” interests than their male counterparts? What are the factors influencing the representation of women in Israeli politics? How Women in Israeli Politics has their representation changed over the years, and would the imposition of quotas be a good idea? A Comparative Perspective This policy paper examines the representation of women in Israeli politics from a comparative perspective. Its guiding premise is that women’s representation in politics, and particularly in legislative bodies, is of great importance in that it is tightly bound to liberal and democratic principles. According to some researchers, it is also important because female legislators Policy Paper 10E advance “female” issues more than male legislators do. While there has been a noticeable improvement in the representation of women in Israeli politics over the years, the situation in Israel is still fairly poor in this regard. This paper Assaf Shapira | Ofer Kenig | Chen Friedberg | looks at the impact of this situation on women’s status and Reut Itzkovitch-Malka gender equality in Israeli society, and offers recommendations for improving women’s representation in politics. The steps recommended are well-accepted in many democracies around the world, but have yet to be tried in Israel. Why is it important for women to be Assaf Shapira | Ofer Kenig | Chen Friedberg | Reut Itzkovitch-Malka Friedberg | Chen | Ofer Kenig Shapira Assaf This publication is an English translation of a policy paper represented in the Knesset and in cabinet? published in Hebrew in August 2013, which was produced by Are women who are elected to these the Israel Democracy Institute’s “Political Reform Project,” led by Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • The Historiography of Israel's New Historians
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives The Historiography of Israel’s New Historians; rewriting the history of 1948 By Tor Øyvind Westbye Master Thesis in History Autumn 2012 The Department of Archaeology, History, Cultural Studies and Religion – AHKR 1 To Marie 2 Acknowledgments In writing this master thesis, I have received help and guidance from a number of individuals. Most importantly, my supervisor Professor Anders Bjørkelo at the University of Bergen has kindly guided me through the process of developing a master thesis. Also important are the help and guidance offered to me by Professor Knut Vikør, also at the University of Bergen. The feedback from my fellow Middle East students at the master seminar has been equally appreciated, as well as the support given by Anne Katrine Bang who supervised my Bachelor-paper and also helped me getting started as a master student. Thank you all. Special thanks goes to Professor Avi Shlaim at St. Anthony’s College in Oxford, who gave me an invaluable understanding of the New Historiography in an interview in May 2012, and received me as a welcome guest at his office. Without his contribution this master thesis would not be half of what it is. Finally, I would like to thank my wife of six years Marie, for her unrelenting patience and understanding. This would not have been possible without your support and motivation. 3 Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................. 5 Chapter 1: Historical Background ............................................................................... 9 Chapter 2: Israeli Historiography .............................................................................. 15 The Zionist historiography ....................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Failure of Education Policy in Israel: Politics Vs. Bureaucracy
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal College of Arts and Sciences 3-2010 The Failure of Education Policy in Israel: Politics vs. Bureaucracy Alexandra F. Leavy University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej Part of the Bilingual, Multilingual, and Multicultural Education Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Curriculum and Instruction Commons, Curriculum and Social Inquiry Commons, and the Other International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Leavy, Alexandra F., "The Failure of Education Policy in Israel: Politics vs. Bureaucracy" 01 March 2010. CUREJ: College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania, https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/115. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/115 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Failure of Education Policy in Israel: Politics vs. Bureaucracy Keywords Middle East, Israel, education, Arabs, policy, socialization, politics, partisan, Jewish, Zionist, Social Sciences, Political Science, Ian Lustick, Lustick, Ian Disciplines Bilingual, Multilingual, and Multicultural Education | Comparative Politics | Curriculum and Instruction | Curriculum and Social Inquiry | Other International and Area Studies This article is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/115 The Failure of Education Policy in Israel: Politics vs. Bureaucracy Alexandra
    [Show full text]