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Staffan Müller-Wille How the Great Chain of Being Fell Apart: Diversity in natural history 1758-1859 La rupture de la « grande chaîne des êtres » : la diversité en histoire naturelle, de 1758 à 1859 Staffan Müller-Wille Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Philosophy and Anthropology, University of Exeter, United Kingdom Professeur agrégé, Département de sociologie, de philosophie et d’anthropologie, Université d’Exeter, Royaume-Uni Received: December 4, 2014 Accepted: February 13, 2015 Online: April 8, 2015 Reçu : 4 décembre 2014 Accepté : 13 février 2015 Mis en ligne : 8 avril 2015 To cite this article (original version) Müller-Wille, Staffan. 2015. How the Great Chain of Being Fell Apart: Diversity in natural history 1758-1859. THEMA. La revue des Musées de la civilisation 2: 85-95. Pour citer cet article (version française) Müller-Wille, Staffan. 2015. La rupture de la « grande chaîne des êtres » : la diversité en histoire naturelle, de 1758 à 1859. THEMA. La revue des Musées de la civilisation 2: 96-107. Tous droits réservés / All rights reserved © THEMA. La revue des Musées de la civilisation, 2015 ISSN : 2292-6534 thema.mcq.org ARTICLE HOW THE GREAT CHAIN OF BEING FELL APART: DIVERSITY IN NATURAL HISTORY 1758–1859 STAFFAN MÜLLER-WILLE* Abstract In the historiography of the life sciences, the period around 1800 plays a crucial role as a watershed moment that saw the transition from natural history, which was focused on the description and classification of organisms, to the history of nature, which studied the temporal development of life on earth. In this essay, I will argue that this period saw crucial changes in the practices and institutions devoted to collecting information on plants and animals, changes that led to the demise of the ancient idea that nature’s products could be arranged on a scale of perfection from the lowest, most deprived forms of life to the highest, most complex and autonomous beings – a “Great Chain of Being,” as the historian of ideas Arthur O. Lovejoy put it. Instead, the diversity of life forms was increasingly perceived as fragmented and contingent, thus creating the conditions for the temporalization of life. The following essay attempts to outline some of the major conceptual developments in the history of natural history – the old-fashioned name for what today is hailed as “biodiversity research” – in the wake of the thorough reform to the way organisms were named and classified that was initiated by the Swedish naturalist Carl Linnaeus (1707–1778). The paper presents first thoughts on this subject, and it is hence structured in a rather aphoristic manner. Section i presents some reflections on the concept of diversity and formulates the claim that diversity, as we know it today, includes the curious idea that it is something that can be measured or quantified. Sections ii to v then make some very general and sometimes perhaps overly apodictic claims about what I think happened in natural history around 1800. What follows (sections vi to ix) is a detailed case study drawn from this period in support of these claims. The last section (x) offers some tentative conclusions. Keywords: natural history; species; biodiversity; local floras; collection i Diversity does not equal difference, nor does it simply consist in a great mass of differences. Two further conditions have to be fulfilled when we speak of diversity. First, diversity has to possess structure. In modern biology, ever since the Swedish naturalist Carl Linnaeus (1707–1778), this structure is believed to consist in the nested hierarchy of species, genera, families, orders, and classes, the so-called Linnean hierarchy of taxonomic ranks. Each species belongs to one genus and one genus only. This, in fact, is expressed in the construction of binomial names like Homo sapiens, where Homo designates the genus and sapiens is the specific epithet, the two forming the species name. Moving up through the ranks, every genus belongs to one family and one family only, and so on and so on. Or, to put it differently, no two * Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Philosophy and Anthropology, University of Exeter, Amory Building, Rennes Drive, Exeter, EX4 4RJ, United Kingdom. [email protected] Received : December 4, 2014 Accepted : February 13, 2015 Online : April 8, 2015 85 numéro / issue 2 | 2015 MÜLLER-WILLE | Great Chain of Being genera overlap by including the same species, no two families overlap by including the same genera, etc., etc. Logically speaking, the Linnean hierarchy is generated by relations of equivalence: one genus of a family “counts as much” as any other of the same family. Second, diversity has a lower limit. Diversity does not peter out in endless difference while we descend the Linnean hierarchy; there exists something like a smallest unit of diversity, usually the species, or, depending on research context, other units such as geographic subspecies, genetic varieties, or haplotypes. Both conditions together account for something quite fundamental about modern ideas of diversity, namely that diversity is something that can be compared, measured, and even quantified. We speak of “highly diverse” plant families like the Solanacea (nightshades), we assess the species diversity in a pond to judge the water quality, and we count the number of species represented in a collection or museum to raise funds. Diversity, in the modern era, is not so much something we contemplate philosophically, or look in awe at, but rather something we take account of, administer, and process for particular purposes. ii There is no denying that a lot changed in natural history from Linnaeus to Darwin – the dates in my title reflect the publication of the tenth edition of Linnaeus’s Systema Naturae and the first edition of Charles Darwin’s Origin of Species – and there is equally no doubt that these changes had a lot to do with the historicization of key concepts of the discipline, such as species, reproduction, distribution, and adaptation. All of these concepts underwent a shift from designating a state of affairs to designating a process in time and space.1 New concepts that appear in the life sciences around 1800, like heredity or organisation, likewise reflect this epochal shift (see Jacob 1970; Müller-Wille and Rheinberger 2012). What drove these conceptual changes on the whole, however, remains one of the big mysteries of the history of the life sciences. I will suggest in this essay that one of the main factors was the increasing articulation of the subject matter of natural history as something that was not only named and ordered but, crucially, counted as well, and that this articulation went along with a redefinition of the role of the naturalist from an interpreter to a “Sachwalter,” or trustee, of nature.2 iii The changes in natural history from Linnaeus to Darwin have been aptly captured by the phrase “from natural history to the history of nature” (Lyon and Sloan 1981).3 They are usually associated with profound changes in Western mentalities. The classic expression of this point of view comes from Michel Foucault, in The Order of Things (1974 [1966]), and is worth being quoted at length: At the institutional level, the inevitable correlatives of this patterning [of nature, by taxonomy; the original has “découpage”] were botanical gardens and natural history collections. And their importance, for Classical culture, does not lie in what they make it [sic] possible to see, but in what they hide and in what, by this process of obliteration, they allow to emerge: they screen off anatomy and function, they conceal the organism, in order to raise up before the eyes of those who await the truth the visible relief of forms, with their elements, their mode of distribution, and their measurements. They are books furnished with structures, the space in which characteristics combine, and in which classifications are physically displayed. One day, towards the end of the eighteenth century, Cuvier was to topple the glass jars of the Museum, smash them open, and dissect all the forms of animal visibility that the Classical age had preserved in them. This iconoclastic gesture [...] does not reveal a new curiosity directed towards a secret that no one had the interest or courage to uncover, or the possibility of uncovering, before. It is rather, and much more seriously, a mutation in the natural dimension of Western culture [mutation dans l’espace naturel de la culture occidentale]: the end of history in the sense in which it was understood by Tournefort, Linnaeus, Buffon, and Adanson [...]. And it was also to be 86 numéro / issue 2 | 2015 MÜLLER-WILLE | Great Chain of Being the beginning of what, by substituting anatomy for classification, organism for structure, internal subordination for visible character, the series for tabulation, was to make possible the precipitation into the old flat world of animals and plants, engraved in black and white, of a whole profound mass of time to which men were to give the renewed name of history (Foucault 1974 [1966]:137–138). This is Foucault, the archaeologist of discourse, not the genealogist; he refers to the institutional correlates of classical natural history, but these, and the historical forces that shaped them, were not the subject of The Order of Things. Wolf Lepenies went a long way in his Das Ende der Naturgeschichte to add a genealogical component to Foucault’s account, arguing that it was growing “pressure from experience (Erfahrungsdruck)” – associated with the political and industrial revolutions that marked the beginning of modernity – that exhausted the capacity of the spatially organized systems of natural history to retain their claim to systematicity (Lepenies 1976:16). Although some of Lepenies observations are lucid – for example, his reference to the tendency, observable in both Buffon and Linnaeus, to publish natural history findings in the form of supplements (Lepenies 1976:163) – one wonders why mere quantitative growth of knowledge should necessitate a temporalisation of its subject matter.
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