The University of Dodoma University of Dodoma Institutional Repository http://repository.udom.ac.tz
Humanities Master Dissertations
2013 The source of language variation among chagga people
Mtallo, Godson Robert
The University of Dodoma
Mtallo, G.R. (2013). The source of language variation among chagga people. Dodoma: The University of Dodoma http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12661/1799 Downloaded from UDOM Institutional Repository at The University of Dodoma, an open access institutional repository. THE SOURCE OF LANGUAGE VARIATION AMONG CHAGGA PEOPLE
By
Godson Robert Mtallo
A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts in Linguistics of the University of Dodoma
The University of Dodoma
June, 2013
CERTIFICATION
The undersigned certifies that he has read and hereby recommends for acceptance by the
University of Dodoma a dissertation entitled “The Source of Language Variation among
Chagga People” in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Linguistics of the University of Dodoma.
Signature………………………………..
Prof. Casmir M. Rubagumya
(SUPERVISOR)
Date: ………………………………
i DECLARATION
AND
COPYRIGHT
I Godson Mtallo, declare that this dissertation is my own original work and that it has not been presented and will not be presented to any other University for a similar or any other degree award.
Signature………………………
No part of this dissertation may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system or transmitted in any form by any means without prior written permission of the author or the
University of Dodoma.
ii DEDICATION
To my beloved wife Grace and my daughter Precious, you are part and parcel of my success. It is my prayers before God, the Almighty, to bless you in abundance for the care and love you expressed to me in the course of my study. Indeed, thank you for been kind and tolerant especially when I was very busy such that you could not see me at home on regular basis.
iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
The successful completion of this dissertation has been possible because of the sincere kind of help I received from various people who supported me by providing advice, criticism, and important data. It is difficult to mention them all individually, and so I record my general appreciation for their assistance. However, I must pinpoint a few of them and pay special thanks for their credible support.
First, my most grateful thanks to Prof. Casmir M. Rubagumya my instructor in Applied
Linguistics course (EL622), Sociolinguistics (EL 620) and supervisor in this research, who spent a lot of time in advising, correcting, and enlightening me on every step of this study since the first stages of the preparation of the proposal up to the end. This dissertation could not appear as it is now without his valuable advice.
Second, my appreciation goes to Dr. Sebonde Rafiki, my lecturer on Research Methods in
Humanities Course at the University of Dodoma (UDOM), who imparted me the basic knowledge and skills on how to conduct research in languages. Her knowledge put in my mind the valuable foundation in my research performance.
Third, I thank the University of Dodoma especially, the Principal of the College of
Humanities and Social Sciences, the Dean, the Coordinator for Graduate Studies for the support they gave me throughout the study. Many thanks to my lecturers (Prof.
Rubagumya, Prof. Kahigi, Dr. Sebonde, Dr. Malangwa, Dr. Musyoka, and Dr. Upor).
Really they shaped me a lot in the field of Linguistics. May God bless them greatly.
Fourth, my appreciations go to all my respondents in this study who provided mutual cooperation especially in providing important information about this study.
iv Lastly, but not least, to all my classmates who pursued Master of Arts in Linguistics (2011
– 2013) at the University of Dodoma (UDOM). We shared knowledge by studying and helping each other in the course of conducting this research. May God help us to continue with this kind of cooperation so that we excel in this profession.
v ABSTRACT
This research intended to find out the source of language variation among Chagga people.
The study was guided by four specific objectives which are: to investigate the extent to which language variation exists among the Chagga; to examine the areas (aspects) that show / indicate language variation among Chagga people; to find out the source of language variation among the Chagga; and to determine whether Chagga varieties constitute different languages or varieties (dialects) of the same language.
To meet these objectives, four questions were employed which are: to what extent does language variation exist among the Chagga? In which aspects do Chagga people differ when they speak? Why do Chagga people from different areas in Kilimanjaro speak differently? Do Chagga varieties constitute different languages or dialects of the same language?
In conducting this research three techniques were used to collect the primary data, which are sociolinguistic interview (free conversation), reading passage, and the word list. Free conversation was used in finding out the source of language variation and the extent to which it exists among the Chagga. Wordlist was used in examining differences in lexicon and phonology and the reading passage was used in examining differences in syntax
(grammar).
The study has exposed that despite the difficulties that Chagga people from different parts in Kilimanjaro experience in communicating through their mother tongue, they understand each other. Further, the study propounded the following as the reasons as to why Chagga people seem to differ in some vocabulary: geographical location, differences in origin, lack of common socialization, and the existence of hostility among them.
vi TABLE OF CONTENTS
CERTIFICATION ...... i DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT ...... ii DEDICATION ...... iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...... iv LIST OF TABLES ...... ix LIST OF FIGURES ...... x LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... xi
CHAPTER ONE ...... 1 Introduction ...... 1 1.2 Background to the problem ...... 1 1.3 Statement of the problem ...... 3 1.4The Purpose and specific objectives of the study ...... 4 1.5 Research questions ...... 4 1.6 .Significance of the study ...... 5 1.7. Area of the study ...... 5
CHAPTER TWO ...... 8 Literature Review ...... 8 2.1. Introduction ...... 8 2.2. Meaning, aspects, and the source of language variation ...... 8 2.3 Studies on Language Variation ...... 9 2.3.1 Language variation in global perspective ...... 9 2.3.2 Language variation in Africa ...... 10 2.3.3 Language variation in Tanzania ...... 11 2.4 Language versus Dialect ...... 11 2.4.2 The Concept of Mutual Intelligibility...... 14 2.5 Research Gaps ...... 16
CHAPTER THREE ...... 17
vii Research Methodology ...... 17 3.1. Introduction ...... 17 3.2. The research approach and design ...... 17 3.4. Data Collection Techniques and Instrumentation ...... 18 3.5. Data analysis: ...... 21
CHAPTER FOUR ...... 25 Data Presentation, analysis and Discussion ...... 25 4.1. Research findings ...... 25 4.1.1. The extent to which language variation exists among the Chagga...... 25 4.1.2. In which aspects do Chagga people differ when they speak? ...... 32 Lexicostatistical Method ...... 33 4.1.3. Why do Chagga people from different areas in Kilimanjaro speak differently? ..... 43 4.1.4 Do Chagga varieties constitute different languages or dialects of the same language? ...... 54
CHAPTER FIVE ...... 60 Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations ...... 60 5.1. Introduction ...... 60 5.2. Summary of the findings ...... 60 5.3 Conclusion and Recommendations ...... 62
REFERENCES: ...... 64 APPENDICES ...... 67 Appendix 1: Acompiled wordlist of 150 words from all the cases under the study ...... 67 Appendix 2: A compiled list of 50 sentences from all the cases under the study ...... 79 Appendix 3: Word list ...... 100 Appendix 4: Reading passage ...... 109 Appendix 5: Reading passage - translation. (Kiswahili to English) ...... 112 Appendix 6: Sociolinguistic interview (Free conversations) ...... 115 Interview guide ...... 115
viii LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 : A wordlist showing comparison between KiUru and KiVunjo...... 28
Table 2: A reading passage showing a comparison in sentences among the varieties under
the study ...... 29
Table 3: Degree of cognation between 6 varieties ...... 38
Table 4: 1st collapse ...... 38
Table 5: 2nd Collapse ...... 40
Table 6: 3rd Collapse ...... 40
Table 8: Some of the aspirated words from KiMashami ...... 42
Table 9: A list of Chagga Nouns showing a point of stress ...... 42
Table 10: A list of Chagga verbs showing a point of stress ...... 43
ix LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1:A map of Kilimanjaro region showing administrative districts ...... 7
Figure 2: A pie chart representing the percentage of Chagga‟s responses on whether they
understand each other when communicating through their mother tongue...... 27
Figure 4: A photo showing the way areas surrounding Mount Kilimanjaro can be viewed
from Moshi town...... 44
Figure 5: A photo showing surveyed areas of the study which clearly support that the land
of Kilimanjaro is mountaneous...... 45
Figure 6: A photo to show the area of Vunjo, where KiVunjo is spoken ...... 46
Figure 7: A photo to show the area of Rombo where KiRombo is spoken (this is Mkuu –
Rombo) ...... 47
Figure 8: A photo to show the area of Uru where KiUru is spoken (Mruwia – Uru East,
Moshi rural district) ...... 48
Figure10: Mbege, a traditional chagga brew ...... 55
Figure11: Ngata for protecting the head when carrying bananas ...... 56
x LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
BrE British English
AmE American English
xi CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1Introduction
This chapter presents the background information about the problem, the statement of the problem, the research objectives and research questions which will be used in the collection of primary data. Also, the chapter introduces the location of the study, the significance, scope and limitations of the study.
1.2 Background to the problem
Language variation is a notable issue in different areas in the world. The variation is mainly based on pronunciation, grammar, and vocabulary. This issue becomes contradictory especially in deciding whether these variations should be categorized as different languages or they are just dialects of the same language. Globally, the existence of British English and American English as varieties of English language has been discussed deeply, and they are termed as dialects of the same language.
Yule (2006) asserts that every language has a lot of variation especially in the way it is spoken. If we look at English, we find wide spread variation in the way it is spoken in different countries such as Australia, Britain, and the USA. We can find a range of varieties in different parts of those countries. The aspect of language variation is based on where the language is used, as a way of doing linguistic geography. First we should identify the particular variety that we have normally assumed when we referred to a language as English, Spanish, or Swahili.
For example, accent is one of the markers of variation of English language. It is a myth that some speakers have accents while others do not. We might feel that some speakers
1 have very distinct or easily recognized types of accent while others may have more subtle or less noticeable accents but every language user speaks with an accent.
Technically, the term accent is restricted to the description of aspects of pronunciation that identify where an individual speaker is from, regionally or socially. It is different from the term dialect which is used to describe features of vocabulary as well as aspects of pronunciation.
While differences in vocabulary are often easily recognized, dialect variations in the meaning of grammatical constructions are less frequently documented in the following example; two British English speaking visitors [B and C] and a local Irish English speaker
[A] are involved in conversations in Donegal, Ireland. (Trudgill, 1983)
A: How long are youse here?
B: Till after Easter
[Speaker A looks puzzled]
C: We came on Sunday
A: Ah, youse’re here a while then.
It seems that the constructions how long are youse here? In speaker A‟s dialect, is used with a meaning close to the structure „How long have you been here?’ referring to past time. Speaker B, however, answers as if the question was referring to future time („how long are you going to be here?) When speaker C answers with a past time response (We came on Sunday), speaker A acknowledges it and repeats his use of a present tense
(Youse‟re here) to refer to past time. Note that the form youse (= „you‟ plural) seems to be understood by the visitors though it is unlikely to be part of their own dialect.
2 Similar studies have been done in Africa. Huber (1999) conducted a study on language variation in Ghana and he came up with the reason as to why Ghanaians differ in speaking
English from one place to another in Ghana. He termed them as different pidgins. Huber presents the socio-historical background particularly trade with the Portuguese, Dutch, and
English people as the main factor for the development of different pidgins in Ghana.
This situation can be observed in Tanzania, Kilimanjaro region among Chagga people being a good example. Despite the fact that Chagga people live in the same region, they do not speak a single language, thus it becomes difficult to understand each other especially from place to place. For example; people from Uru are said to encounter some difficulties in understanding those from Machame when speaking, and the same is evidenced in other areas like Kibosho, Rombo, Vunjo, and OldMoshi. Lewis (2009) attempted to study this variation and he came up with the claim that there is no language called KiChagga rather
Chagga people speak different languages namely KiMashami, KiUru, KiRombo,
KiMochi, KiVunjo and KiKibosho.
In this regard, this study attempted to find out what exactly might be the source of this language variation among the Chagga. The study also examined the aspects that may mark the language variation in this particular community focusing on phonology, syntax, semantics, as well as lexicon (vocabulary). Finally, the study determines whether the
Chagga varieties should be considered as different languages or just varieties of the same language.
1.3 Statement of the problem
Communication is the main function of language. However, this will be effective if people in contact share a common language hence they understand each other. Different from other ethnic groups, Chagga people speak differently in different areas, something that
3 stands as an obstacle for communication among them. While some researchers view them as speaking different languages, others view them as speaking the same language with different dialects. Nevertheless, to the best of my knowledge, I have not come across any study about the source of the language variation among the Chagga; therefore, this knowledge gap provides a ground that justifies the need for this study.
1.4The Purpose and specific objectives of the study
In this study, the researcher generally intended to examine the source of language
variation existing among Chagga people. To meet this purpose, the study was
guided by the following specific objectives:
1. To investigate the extent to which language variation exists among the Chagga.
2. To examine the areas [aspects] which show /indicate language variation among
Chagga people.
3. To find out the source of language variation among the Chagga.
4. To determine whether Chagga varieties constitute different languages or dialects of
the same language.
1.5 Research questions
This research was guided by the following questions:
1. To what extent does language variation exist among the Chagga?
2. In which aspects do Chagga people differ when they speak?
3. Why do Chagga people from different areas in Kilimanjaro speak
differently?
4 4. Do Chagga varieties constitute different languages or dialects of the same
language?
1.6 .Significance of the study
As the number of people using mother tongue language among the Chagga is decreasing day by day, this study throws light to Chagga community on the importance of using their language and preserve it for the betterment of their society. Also, it is expected that the study will establish awareness to other linguists on the source of language variation existing among the Chagga. Having read the findings of this study, other researchers in this field will be stimulated to conduct some other studies on language variation among the Chagga or on similar cases.
1.7. Area of the study
This study is based in Kilimanjaro region. Kilimanjaro is one of the regions in Tanzania.
The region is located in the North eastern part of Tanzania mainland. It lays South of
Equator between latitudes 2°25¹ and 4 º 15¹. Longitudinally the region is between 36º 25¹
30¹¹ and 38º10¹45¹¹east of Greenwich. The region has a common border with Kenya in the north, to the South east it shares border with Tanga region; to the south and West the region borders with Arusha region.
Kilimanjaro region covers an area of 13,209 sq km or 1.4 percent of the area of the entire
Tanzania mainland. Size wise the region is one of the smallest regions in Tanzania.
The region is divided into seven administrative districts namely Rombo, Mwanga, Same,
Hai, Moshi rural, Moshi municipality and the newly established district namely Siha. The area is mountainous as influenced by the presence of Mount Kilimanjaro found in this
5 region. Kilimanjaro Mountain is the highest mountain in Africa and one of the famous mountains in the world.
There are two main ethnic groups in Kilimanjaro region. These are Chagga who are the majority and Pare. Chagga occupies the following districts: Rombo, Moshi rural, Hai,
Siha, and also constitutes a great percent of the residents in Moshi municipality. The remaining two districts that is Same and Mwanga are occupied in large extent by the Pare.
(Source: Kilimanjaro region: Socio- economic profile; A joint publication by the Planning
Commission Dar es Salaam and Regional commissioner‟s office Kilimanjaro, 2006)
The Chagga ethnic group is Bantu- speaking indigenous Africans and one of the largest ethnic groups in Tanzania. They live on the southern and eastern slopes of Mount
Kilimanjaro. They came from different Bantu groups who migrated from other parts of
Africa to settle around Mount Kilimanjaro.
Early migration of the Bantu from the Niger- Congo led the Chagga to settle in the North
Pare Mountains, home of the ancestral Chagga. As the population increased, some people started looking for a new place to live. They later settled in the southern and eastern slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro which was a thick forest then.
Culturally the Chagga are related to the Pare, Taveta and Taita people. They have a patrilineal system of descent and inheritance. The Chagga primarily involved into agriculture using irrigation on terraced fields and manure. Although bananas are their staple food, they also cultivate various crops like yams, sweet potatoes, beans, peas, red millet and maize.
6 Figure 1:A map of Kilimanjaro region showing administrative districts
Source: google maps
7 CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1. Introduction
The Previous chapter provides a ground for this study on language variation. This chapter focuses on what other researchers have done on the same. The discussion will base on the concept of language variation in general, aspects that mark this variation, examples of language variation in the global as well as giving out the findings from other researchers on the source of language variation
2.2. Meaning, aspects, and the source of language variation
Sarah (2008), explains the type of language variation as vocabulary changes, grammatical construction changes, as well as sound changes.
She asserted that everyone speaks at least one language, and probably most people in the world speak more than one. Even Americans, most of whom speak only English, usually know more than one dialect. All dialects start with the same system and their partly independent histories leave different parts of the parent system intact.
According to her, language variation may be seen in vocabulary, grammatical construction, and sound. In vocabulary, Sarah asserted that slang terms in particular, come and go every few years. Meanings of words change too. For example; English and German both inherited a word that refers to a person of high rank in English („Knight‟) but to a servant or even a slave in German („Knecht‟). Evidence from other Germanic languages show that the German meaning is closer to the original
Nerbone et al (2008) claimed that, the variation of language can be found especially geographically or socially conditioned. Linguistic variation was studied early on the clues it suggested for the manner in which language changes diffuse geographically, but it is
8 clearly fascinating to a large number of people, judging by the interest it inspires in learned and lay audiences.
Labov (1960) demonstrates that variation not only existed along social lines likewise demarcated the path of change for some linguistic innovations. In this way the study of dialectology was expanded to include not only geographic, but also social variation.
Variationist linguists see dialects and sociolects as elements of culture, and have long be interested in the degree to which linguistic culture follows the same paths as technical, political, and aesthetic culture. (Chambers and Trudgill, 1998)
2.3 Studies on Language Variation
2.3.1 Language variation in global perspective
Barrow (2012) examines the differences between the two English dialects that is British
English (BrE) and American English (AmE). Barrow poses a question “Why do
Americans speak differently from the British?” The discussion bases on the two quotations:
“The Americans are identical to the British in all respects except, of course, language.”
Oscar Wilde
“We (the British and Americans) are two countries separated by a common language.”
G.B Shaw.
Barrow continues; English spoken in different countries has evolved over time. Accents play a part in the different ways people speak English around the world. Generally, an accent difference uses the same words for things, but pronounces them differently.
Americans have accent differences in different regions such as the South, Boston, or New
York and so do the British from region to region
9 In British English, not only we pronounce the same words differently (accent), we also use different words for the same things making it more a difference in dialect. For example:
Don‟t comment on British pants! “Pants” usually referred to underwear in the UK- not trousers. American, Canadian, Australian, and the British use a lot of the same words, but they say them differently and or the words have different meanings.
Australian English sounds like the British accent to most Americans, but Australians have added Aborigine words to the language which constitute a dialect difference. Culture has an effect on language too. Cultural differences give rise to different vocabulary, phrases, and different development in grammar. Americans and British have very different cultures.
2.3.2 Language variation in Africa
Similar studies have been done in Africa. Huber, (1999) conducted a study on language variation in Ghana and he came up with the reason as to why Ghanaians differ in speaking
English from one place to another in Ghana. He termed them as different pidgins. Huber presents the socio-historical background particularly trade with the Portuguese, Dutch, and
English people as the main factor for the development of different pidgins in Ghana.
In South Africa, language variation is marked among the Zulu as they speak differently from place to place. Mngadi (2000) studied the Zulu varieties and concluded that these varieties constitute a single language with different dialects. The mentioned Zulu varieties are: The Central KwaZulu Variety, The KwaZulu Coast Variety, The Natal Coast Variety,
The Lower Natal Coast Variety, The South-West Natal Variety, The Northern-Swati
Border Variety, The Natal- Eastern Cape Border Variety and some urban varieties.
10 2.3.3 Language variation in Tanzania
In Tanzania, Maho (1995) reported that there is a growing agreement that the Ndengereko and Rufiji languages and peoples are the same. A recent proposed update of the Bantu language family by Maho lists these two as dialects of one language under the language name of Ndengereko.
At this time, all classifications appear to consider the Matumbi language different enough from Ndengereko – Rufiji to continue to list Matumbi as a separate language rather than a dialect of Ndengereko. The Ethnologue shows these languages as a cluster related to Yao,
Makhuwa, and others. The Ethnologue gives this cluster the name Matumbi (which is also the name of one of the languages in the cluster.)
Matondo (2002) conducted a study on the Sukuma varieties and came up with the findings that the languge (Sukuma) has four major dialects which are named according to their geographical orientations: Kemunasukuma (Northern dialect), Kemunang‟weli
(Western dialect), Kemunadakama (Southern dialect) and Kemunakiya (Eastern dialect).
Matondo identified a sub dialect known as Kinyantuzu which is within the main dialect
Kemunakiya. Kinyantuzu is spoken in Ntuzu ward in the Eastern part of Bariadi district in
Shinyanga region. Apart from minor phonological differences, Kinyantuzu is generally mutually intelligible with other Sukuma dialects.
2.4 Language versus Dialect
Many authors have tried to discuss the two concepts that is, language and dialect in attempt to make clear what is said to be language and what should be a dialect.
According to Haugen (1966), quoted in Hudson (1996), English made no distinction between language and dialect until the Renaissance period when the term dialect was
11 borrowed from Greek. Haugen suggests that the distinction was made in Greek as a result of a number of clearly distinct varieties in use in classical Greek, each associated with a different area and kind of literature.
It would appear that the original Greek meaning of the term is quite different from what it means in English today. The distinction made also differs between different cultures, making the question even more complex. In France for example, the French word
„dialecte‟ is used to refer to regional varieties which are written; and the term „patois‟ is used to refer to regional varieties which are not written.
Structural similarity or dissimilarity can only tell apart very dissimilar languages. It is easy to confirm that, for instance, Chinese and English or Kurdish and Turkish are clearly different languages because their linguistic structures are so dissimilar. But despite being structurally very close to each other, Swedish, Danish, and Norwegian are called different languages. Serbian and Croatian may be even closer to each other but they are now (again) called two different languages. Hindi, Urdu and Punjabi are structurally and lexically very similar, Kannada and Marathi are structurally almost the same but lexically dissimilar – all are called different languages.
Structural similarity can thus mainly be used to differentiate between two languages in cases which are so clear that no linguists would be needed any way to solve the problem.
In other cases linguistic criteria are not of much help.
Chambers and Trudgill (1998) advocated that the difference between language and dialect is based on size and prestige.
In case of a size, a language is bigger (has more speakers) than a dialect since a language is considered to be the sum of its dialects. Dialects are therefore considered to be sub
12 categories of a language, so if we take English as a language we might consider varieties such as Cockney, Yorkshire, Australian English, and so forth as dialects of the language
English.
Prestige plays an important role in differentiating the two in that a language is more prestigious than a dialect. A dialect is popularly considered to be a substandard, low status, often rustic form of a language, lacking in prestige. Dialects are often being thoughts of as being some kind of erroneous deviation from the norm – an aberration of the „proper‟ or standard form of language.
For most people (at least in Britain) the level of prestige a variety has is dependent on whether it is used in formal writing. Varieties which are unwritten are commonly referred to as dialects, whereas those used in writing are considered to be the „proper language‟
Hudson suggests that the variety of language that we refer to as „proper language‟ rather than a dialect is a standard language. Standard English for example, the kind of English used in text books, official documents, etcetera, is simply another dialect of English among many (Yorkshire English, Indian English, etcetera). It is the English that would be taught to foreign learners, or used in education systems. It is important to note that this variety has no linguistic prestige over others – the selection of a given variety depends on social, not linguistic factors (Milroy and Milroy, 1993).
Chambers and Trudgill argue that all speakers of English are speakers of a particular dialect of English dependent on their geographical and social backgrounds. No dialect of
English is linguistically superior to any other, but certain dialects have more prestige associated with them – for example standard English.
13 But do we want to consider Standard English as a language? Or is it just another dialect of the overall concept English? It certainly has more prestige than other dialects, yet it is spoken by a remarkably small percentage of English speakers.
2.4.2 The Concept of Mutual Intelligibility.
In getting into the discussion on language and dialects, Hudson (1996) established a theory of mutual intelligibility as a criterion used in distinguishing language from dialects in that if two speakers are able to understand one another, we can assume that they are speaking different varieties of the same language. Although this definition seems clear- cut, there are many problems with its application.
Firstly, let us consider the Scandinavian languages of Norwegian, Swedish and Danish which are usually considered three separate languages (especially by their speakers).
However, speakers of these three languages can readily communicate and understand each other. Another example of this is Serbian and Croatian- speakers have no problem understanding one another, yet they are referred to as different languages.
Furthermore, while we would normally consider German to be one language, some varieties (such as Swiss German and standard German) are not mutually intelligible.
Another problem with this definition is that mutual intelligibility is a matter of degree, ranging from totally intelligible to totally unintelligible. How far down this scale must two varieties be in order for us to class them as languages? Where is the cutoff point?
A third problem is that a person‟s ability to understand another person is dependent on various factors such as the speaker‟s past experience or exposure to the particular variety.
For example, a speaker of Cockney English may have difficulty understanding a speaker
14 of Irish English. However, if the speaker of Cockney English has for instance Irish parents he or she might have no problem at all in understanding Irish English.
We can also note that mutual intelligibility is not always mutual. For example, Danes understand Norwegians better than Norwegian understand Danes. This is probably due in part to the suggestions that Norwegian is pronounced like Danish is spelt.
In Africa, for instance, Mwikisa (1996) provides an example of how harmonization of
African languages could be helpful. He points out that Sesotho, Setswana, and Silozi are spoken in Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia, and Zambia and that there are traditional bonds of cultural and linguistic similarity among groups within these countries.
He notes that mutual intelligibility breaks down significantly as one move from spoken to written forms.
Another example of the intelligibility between languages is the case of Zimbabwe when
Ndebele was first introduced as a subject in secondary schools in Zimbabwe, because there were no books written in Ndebele, students used books in Zulu until the Ndebele books were introduced. This was made possible since the two languages (Zulu and
Ndebele) are mutually intelligible.
Joffe (2003,2011) conducted a study on Sesotho Sa Leboa which is one of the eleven official languages of South Africa and he came up with the point that this language (
Sesotho Sa Leboa) is most closely related to two other languages in the Sotho language group, Southern Sotho and and Setwana. These two also encompass a number of dialects, and all three overlap somewhat. The division into these three main languages has generally been based on historical and social factors than linguistic factors. There is a fairly large amount of mutual intelligibility between all three; a speaker of one of the three
15 languages is usually able to understand most of what a speaker of one of the others is saying.
2.5 Research Gaps
Literature confirms that language variation is a noticeable issue in the world by identifying vocabulary changes, grammatical construction changes, as well as sound changes as the basic types. Then, it poses the question of language and dialect as a conflicting subject since there is no a clear cut judgment as to when the two may be termed as different languages or just varieties of the same language. For instance British English (BrE) and
American English (AmE) are termed as dialects of the same language, Ndengereko and
Rufiji as dialects of one language under the name of Ndengereko but despite being structurally very close to each other, Swedish, Danish, and Norwegian are called different languages.
The study at hand will add knowledge about the source of the existing language variation in different parts of the world based on Chagga varieties. Despite the fact that some researchers such as Nerbone (2008) identified that the variation of language can be found geographically or socially conditioned, these reasons do not suffice. Therefore, a need for this study is aroused.
Not only the source of these variations, but also the distinction between language and dialect is not clearly covered especially in determining what should be termed as different languages versus varieties of the same language. The present study suggests the criteria that may be used in deciding whether the particular language varieties constitute different languages or just dialects of the same language.
16 CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1. Introduction
This chapter describes how this study was carried out. The chapter covers the research design, target population, sample selection, research instruments, data collection techniques, and data analysis.
3.2. The research approach and design
A mixed research approach was employed in this study. The researcher opts for qualitative approach as the study was interested mainly in exploring the source of language variation existing among Chagga people in Kilimanjaro region. The study focused on exploring and explaining this variation of language in the particular area semantically, grammatically, phonologically, and lexically.
The use of qualitative approach was appropriate as the study intended to obtain useful and appropriate data by interacting with Chagga speakers in their residential areas. Mostly, data were gathered from Chagga elders who are believed to know the history of their tribe better than the youth.
Quantitative approach was applicable in testing the similarities and differences in speaking among the Chagga, and the report is accompanied by statistics, maps and other illustrations.
A descriptive research design was employed and data were collected through sociolinguistic interview (free conversation), reading passage, as well as the word list. The use of a tape recorder and video camera was also important.
17 3.3.Target population and sample selection
A population is a group of individuals, objects or items from which samples are taken for measurement. Population refers to an entire group of persons or elements that have at least one thing in common. Population also refers to the large group from which the sample is taken, (Kombo and Delno, 2006).
Sampling is the procedure a researcher uses to gather people, places, or things to study. It is a process of selecting a number of individuals or objects from a population such that the selected group contains elements representative of the characteristics found in the entire group (Orodho and Kombo, 2002).
Since the study required gathering mostly historical information on the Chagga ethnic group, Chagga elders were involved in large part. Apart from the elders, the study also involved some few people (youth) belonging to Chagga ethnic group but they are the ones who have knowledge on this language variation among the Chagga. In this case informants were picked deliberately. Purposive sampling technique was employed basing on what is referred to as a friend of a friend method (snowball). A total of thirty (30) respondents were selected in an equal proportion. That is five (5) respondents per geographical area that is from Rombo, Machame, Kibosho, Uru, Old Moshi, and Vunjo.
3.4. Data Collection Techniques and Instrumentation
In this study, data were collected through sociolinguistics interview (free conversation) reading passage, and the word list.
18 The Sociolinguistic Interview
Interviews are questions asked orally. There are various forms of interviews: Unstructured interviews, semi structured interviews, and structured interviews, (Kombo and Delno,
2006). The sociolinguistic interview falls under the semi structured interview. Labov
(1972) asserts that the classic method of sociolinguistic research is the one –on –one tape recorded conversational interview. Labov‟s work on language use in New York City provided a blueprint for current methods of investigating variation in language use. As part of his research on the Lower – East side of New York City, he developed the sociolinguistic interview, the cornerstone of sociolinguistic research today.
The sociolinguistic interview aims at eliciting linguistic data in different speech contexts, and it usually starts with an informal free conversation followed by increasingly formal language tasks that demand more attention to language use on the part of the respondent.
The interview often takes up to two hours to complete, (Holmes, Bell, and Boyce, 1991)
Wolfram and Fasold (1974) claimed that in a sociolinguistic interview there is usually a minimum of five speakers per cell, with studies typically ranging from 48 to 120 respondents per community.
Earlier studies relied on random sampling for data collection (Labov, 1966), whereas later researchers have tended to use judgement samples (Wolfram & Fasold, 1974) or networking (Milroy, 1987). The sample is typically stratified on the basis of gender and age, and often includes social class (Labov, 1972; Trudgil, 1974) and / or ethnicity
(Holmes, Bell, and Boyce, 1991). Of all the social variables, age is often the most important (Bayard, 1995).
19 The study at hand took in a total of thirty (30) respondents, in which five (5) respondents were taken from each case and the researcher used snowball sampling technique in getting the required number of respondents per cell.
In this method, with the use of a tape recorder, the researcher recorded the natural talks from the informants during the free conversation session. The researcher intended to get what may be the source of this language variation among the Chagga particularly the method focused on the historical factors that led Chagga people to speak differently from place to place within Kilimanjaro region.
Through sociolinguistic interview (free conversation), the researcher intended to obtain the biographical information of the informants as well. Thus is to say, their age, status, place of origin within Kilimanjaro region as well as gender.
This instrument has been selected as it is flexible; it makes the respondents feel part of a team hence they became free to provide more useful information. Since less structured interview was used and as it is a free response in a relaxed atmosphere, the answers given might be more reliable.
Word list
This is one of the methods of data collection whereby the researcher prepared a list of words to deal with, and then the prepared list was translated into the language of elicitation. Later on the researcher pilot test the list to see if the chosen words and their translations were appropriate.
In this study, the researcher prepared a list of one hundred fifty (150) Swahili words whereby informants from Rombo, Machame, Kibosho, Uru, Old Moshi, and Vunjo were asked to give the equivalent words from their local language.
20 The list was prepared based on the following criteria: the elicitation probe (the word glosses in the language of elicitation) should use common vocabulary items that are likely to be known throughout the community including the person eliciting the list. Also the semantic range should be limited in order to get a consistent elicitation. In addition, if the probe includes a word that can have more than one meaning, there should be some guidelines for specifying the desired meaning.
The list then, was organized considering the following aspects Man‟s physical being, man‟s non physical being, persons, professions, personal interaction, human civilization, animals, plants, environment, events and actions, quality, quantity, as well as grammatical items.
Word list was used as a basis for phonetic and phonological analysis as well as testing similarities and differences in lexicon among the speakers of the mentioned varieties under the study.
Reading passage
For the sake of identifying the syntactic and semantic differences, a reading passage was applicable. In this method, the researcher prepared a passage of fifty (50) sentences in
Kiswahili whereby informants from different places as far as the case study is concerned were asked to read them and produce the same through their language. The aim here was to observe the divergence in meaning and structure of sentences.
3.5. Data analysis:
The study employed Lexicostatistical method in determining the relationship of the language varieties under study as well as the impact of convergence. The concept of
Lexicostatistical is explained by Nurse (1976) as follows:
21 “The method of lexical comparison known as lexicostatistics is only interested in items which look alike because they are genetically connected and can therefore be derived from a single item as single hypothetical (or real) proto language.
Lexicostatistics involves counting cognates”.
Hinnebusch et al., (1981) arguing for the use of lexicostatistics as a tool in analysing both genetic and non-genetic languages says:
In some cases in these studies, subgroups are supported by lexicostatistics, a very accessible technique for measuring relationships between languages which reflect genetic descent ... borrowing and other non-genetic factors. Lexicostatistics are used to develop initial hypothesis of relationship. According to Swadesh (1952) the lexicostatistics method was an attempt to make quantitative comparisons between the rates of change within sets of lexical items in hypothetically related languages and thus to deduce the distance in time since the languages separated. The method according to Swadesh may offer less reliable but quicker procedures for determining these relationships. The method appears to construct proofs of relationship between languages of any structure including those that show no significant complexities of morphology. As pointed out already, the method is open to obtain very quick estimates of the degree of relationship between any pair of languages.
Lexicostatistical classification has also the benefit over non quantitative methods in the sense that it provides an estimate of chances that a group will remain as indicated.
Although some benefits of this quantitative evaluation of lexicostatistics have been identified above, there are some problems. Nurse and Philippson (1980) pointed out its subjectivity in awarding different point for the same item by two or three people:
We now feel this scale is unnecessarily complicated and in certain cases it proved difficult to decide on a particular figure especially between 2 and 3. It is also not clear for example that a phonological difference
22 rating only 3) should be more heavily penalized than a morphological one (rating 4). Ngonyani (1988) in support of the shortcomings of lexicostatistical method given by
Nurse and Philippson and its application to this kind of study outlines the problem of awarding points to pairs as being highly subjective. He argues that two people are likely to award different points to the variations. He, however, says that the difference will be in the figures not in the groupings.
Another problem cited by Ngonyani (1988) on the use of Lexicostatistical method is that the end product of the method is the representation of a family tree that suggests the historical development into daughter languages which may lead to wrong interpretation.
On the other hand Batibo (1982) observed that the lexicostatistical method does not distinguish forms with slightly changed meanings and forms which have completely disappeared. Both categories, he argued, are excluded in cognate counting. Arguing the same point as pointed out by Batibo (1982), Ngonyani (1988) says that there is the problem posed by the semantics of synonyms, and hyponyms. The problem makes many assumed items to be no less core vocabulary than cultural vocabulary because of uncertainty of sharp distinction between core and non-basic vocabulary and their culture bound.
Therefore, lexicostatistics is considered to be appropriate for this study as it attempts to quantify the relationship of the varieties by giving numerical values to different degrees of similarity of the lexical items between the varieties; and this is one of the areas to be covered in this study.
The process of data analysis begun informally during interviews and continued during transcription. The researcher transcribed the interview scripts the same day after obtaining
23 data from the field. The audio instrument was played back and forth to get the data clearly and the researcher used it in transcribing everything which appears in the field. Data obtained through reading passage and the word list were organised in tables so as to compare them easily. The findings were presented statistically and in percentage wise.
24 CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
4.1. Research findings
4.1.1. The extent to which language variation exists among the Chagga.
To find out the extent to which language variation exists among the Chagga, data were collected from the Chagga elders through sociolinguistic interview (free conversation).
The interview was guided by the following questions (interview guide): When you hear
Chagga people from different parts of Kilimanjaro region speaking through their mother tongue, do you understand what they speak? Yes / No. To what extent?
In this question, the researcher gave a chance for respondents to express the extent to
which they understand their fellows‟ language.
Another question was: What do you think is the reason (s) as to why Chagga people
from different parts of Kilimanjaro region speak differently?
This question intended to get the source of the existing language variation among the
Chagga. It was the main target of using sociolinguistic interview as one of the methods
of data collection; therefore the researcher gave a room for a wide discussion.
The findings from the study show that whenever Chagga people from different parts in
Kilimanjaro region come into contact they experience some difficulties in communication.
The level of difficulty is neither uniform nor consistent as differs from place to place. This can be evidenced by one of the informant from Machame (speaks KiMashami) who said
“Kwa kweli tunapokutana na wachaga wa kutoka sehemu nyingine tunapata ugumu fulani kuelewana hasa kwa kutumia lugha ya nyumbani ingawa tunaweza kuelewana kwani tofauti kubwa ipo kwenye baadhi ya maneno ingawa maneno mengine ni yale yale.Tatizo
25 linakuwa kubwa zaidi tunapokutana na watu kutoka Kibosho.” Really, whenever we meet
Chagga people from other parts we experience some difficulties to understand each other especially in communicating through mother tongue though we can understand each other as the difference is based on some vocabularies though some vocabularies are the same. A problem becomes more serious when we meet people from Kibosho”. Says one of the informants from Machame.
Other informants from Uru, Rombo, Kibosho, Vunjo and Old Moshi contended that whenever they come to contact especially in communicating through mother tongue, sometimes they experience some difficulties in understanding each other though it is not that much. One of the informant from Uru says, “Unajua ijapokuwa wakati mwingine tunatofautiana kwenye baadhi ya maneno lakini wanapozungumza wachaga kutoka sehemu nyingine huwezishindwa kuelewa wanachomaanisha. Yaani katika hili huwezi kumsema mwenzio,atakuelewa tu” You know although sometimes we differ in some words
(vocabulary), but when Chagga people from other parts speak in mother tongue you won’t fail to understand what they mean. In this you can’t speak badly to your fellow Chagga”.
Most of the informants who were asked if they understand their fellow Chagga who speak other varieties said yes, their responses therefore are indicated by the following figure:
26 Figure 2: A pie chart representing the percentage of Chagga’s responses on whether they understand each other when communicating through their mother tongue.
The question was: When you hear Chagga people from different parts of
Kilimanjaro region speaking through their mother tongue, do you understand what
they speak? Yes / No.
Through the word list the study then revealed that the rate of similarities and differences in speaking is not uniform. For example KiMashami seems to be more similar to KiRombo as compared to other cases. The same is revealed between KiUru and KiVunjo which seem to be almost the same. From the word list out of 150 words, 145 were the same in
KiUru and Kivunjo.This can be observed fom the following wordlist table:
27 Table 1 : A wordlist showing comparison between KiUru and KiVunjo.
SN English Kiswahili KiUru KiVunjo 1 Water Maji Mringa Mringa 2 Tree Mti Ikiri Ikiri 3 Man Mwanaume Mndumii Msoro 4 Banana tree Mgomba nnda Ng‟inda 5 Child Mtoto Manaa Manaa 6 Leopard Chui Irung‟u Irung‟u 7 Get married Owa / olewa Alika / Aliko Aliko / Aliko 8 Fall sick Kuugua Iluo Iluo 9 Canal Mfereji Mfongo Mfongo 10 Dog Mbwa Kite Kite 11 Give me Nipe Njininga Nginenga 12 Chair Kiti Kitima Kitima 13 Home Nyumbani Kany Kany 14 How are you Habari zako Mbony zavo Mbony zavo 15 Sit Kaa Ramia Ramia 16 Woman Mwanamke Mndumka Mndumka 17 Food Chakula Kyela Kyela 18 Lough Cheka Seka Seka 19 Stand up Simama Oroka Oroka 20 Look Ona Ambuya Ambuya Source: Field survey, 2013
From the list then, out of twenty (20) words, seventeen (17) words are the same to both
KiUru and KiVunjo. Percentagewise, similar words constitute 85% and the rest (15%) are the words with slight difference. This gives a picture that they constitute the same language.
The study found that apart from the mentioned cases that is KiUru, KiMashami, KiVunjo,
KiRombo,KiMochi, and KiKibosho, there are some other areas in Kilimanjaro where
28 people speak differently thus it should be another case in consideration. The cases reported were KiNarumu spoken in Narumu ward – Moshi rural district, KiKahe spoken in Kahe –
Moshi rural district, and Kisiha which is spoken by the Chagga from Siha, a newly established district in Kilimanjaro region.
From the interview, the researcher realised that the differences in speaking among the
Chagga is very minute as these people could understand each other in the conversation through the use of their mother tongue. For example the words mfereji (canal) and cheka
(laugh) are transcribed as mfongo and seka respectively and they are the same to all. Even when they differ, it is a very slight difference as the following sentences display:
Table 2: A reading passage showing a comparison in sentences among the varieties under the study
Sentence 1
Kiswahili Mama analima mahindi shambani
English A mother is cultivating
KiUru Mama nakerema maemba shambeny
KiMochi Mama nadema maimba shambenyi
KiRombo Mama edema maemba shambeny
KiMashami Mama nakerema maemba ndeni
KiKibosho Mama nakerema meemba shambeny
KiVunjo Mama nakerema maemba shambeny
Sentence 2
29 Kiswahili Baba amekuja
English Daddy has come
KiUru Papa nacha
KiMochi Papa nacha
KiRombo Baba asha
KiMashami Baba ansha
KiKibosho Baba ancha
KiVunjo Papa nacha
Sentence 3
Kiswahili Tumbo inauma English The stomach is paining KiUru Ndeu ikewawa KiMochi Ndeu iwawa KiRombo Ndeu iwawa KiMashami Ndeu ikewawa KiKibosho Ndeu nyiwawa KiVunjo Ndeu ikewawa Sentence 4
30 Kiswahili Watoto wanne wamepita hapa English Four Children have passed here KiUru Wana waana waira iya KiMochi Wana waana waida iya KiRombo Wana waana waida aaji KiMashami Wana waana wamwira iya KiKibosho Wana waana wamiida iya KiVunjo Wana waana waira iya Sentence 5:
Kiswahili Kupigana ni tabia mbaya English Fighting is a bad habit KiUru Ikapana nyi tabia iwicho KiMochi Ikapana nyi tabia iwicho KiRombo Ikabana n tabia iwisho KiMashami Ikabana n tabia shikasha KiKibosho Ikabana tabia ngiwicho KiVunjo Ikapana nyi tabia iwicho Source: Field survey, 2013
The differences in lexicon were noted from one geographical area to another as these variations were based on mainly which part a person comes from. For instance lexicon
(vocabulary) varies from one district to another as far as a person comes from Rombo, then he / she will speak KiRombo and the same is vivid in other districts. Despite this evidence, it was also found that the differences could be seen even within the same district. Example, KiMochi, KiKibosho, KiVunjo and KiUru are spoken within Moshi rural district.
The close relationship between KiUru, KiMochi, and KiVunjo is deeper than the rest as the mentioned cases are also close geographically as compared to others. Uru and Old
31 Moshi are neighbour areas separated by river Mrusunga (this river is also known as river
Uru).Therefore it could be concluded that as the distance between the two areas increases the rate of variation in vocabulary increases and the vice versa is true.
4.1.2. In which aspects do Chagga people differ when they speak?
Yule (2006) argues that the aspect of language variation is based on where the language is used as a way of doing linguistic geography. For example, accent is one of the markers of language variation. This refers to differences in pronunciation (phonological difference).
According to Yule, language variation is based on the aspect of pronunciation
(phonology), syntax (grammar), as well as lexicon (vocabulary).
To examine the areas (aspects) that show language variation among Chagga people, the question “In which aspects do Chagga people differ when they speak?” used as a guide in eliciting this information. Through Word list and the Reading passage the researcher could see the differences in pronunciation (accent) as well.
Word list was used in examining differences in lexicon and phonology and the Reading passage was used in examining differences in syntax (grammar).
Lexical Differences
A word list of 150 words was prepared to be filled by the respondents from Uru,
Machame, Rombo, OldMoshi Vunjo and Kibosho. A compliled wordlist of 150 words from all the cases under the study can be observed in the appendices.
Then Lexicostatistics was applied as the method of data analysis in order to give numerical values to different degrees of similarity of the lexical items between the varieties.
32 Lexicostatistical Method As pointed earlier by Swadesh (1952) the lexicostatistics method was an attempt to make quantitative comparisons between the rates of change within sets of lexical items in hypothetically related languages and thus to deduce the distance in time since the languages separated.
In this study, a scale using a six points (0-5) as proposed by Nurse and Philippson (1980),
Ngonyani (1988) and the modification by Batibo (1985) was used.
5 points were given to perfect cognation. This was where there was complete structural cognation. For example:
Lexical KiUru KiMashami KiVunjo KiRombo KiMochi KiKibosho items
9 Canal mfongo mfongo mfongo mfongo mfongo mfongo
10 Dog kite kite kite kite kite kite
19 Lough seka seka seka seka seka seka
35 Stupid itondo itondo itondo itondo itondo itondo person
4 points were awarded to resemblance with minor phonological difference with the roots or as a result of phonological differences only. For example:
Lexical KiUru KiMashami KiVunjo KiRombo KiMochi KiKibosho items 4 Banana nnda nyinda ng‟inda nnda nnda nnda tree 126 Second ya kawi Ya kabhi
33 35 Get well chia shia chia chia chia chia / recover 49 Refuse lea lya lea lya leha lea
3 points were awarded for intermediate phonological differences. For example:
Lexical KiUru KiMashami KiVunjo KiRombo KiMochi KiKibosh items o 46 Fear uwou owowa ouwo 98 Evening kiukwani nkwaani kyukani
2 points were awarded for major phonological differences. For example:
Lexical KiUru KiMashami KiVunjo KiRombo KiMochi KiKibosho items 75 Wash sanja sambia 114 Small tutu ngitu
1 point was awarded for any doubtful cognation. For example:
Lexical KiUru KiMashami KiVunjo KiRombo KiMochi KiKibosho items 117 White njiili Ng‟waa ngeeo 145 Who? Owu? Mbowi? Mmawi? Nyiu? Lwyi?
34 0 point was awarded were there was no cognation at all. For example:
Lexical KiUru KiMashami KiVunjo KiRombo KiMochi KiKibosho items 14 Home kany boo 18 Food kyelya shonga
Language pairing
The process of comparing each language variety to another together with the quantification of the data involved fifteen (15) columns of language pairs is presented here below:
1. KiUru / KiKibosho.
2. KiUru / KiMochi.
3. KiUru / KiRombo
4. KiUru / KiVunjo
5. KiUru / KiMashami
6. KiMashami / KiKibosho
7. KiMashami / KiRombo
8. KiMashami / KiMochi
9. KiMashami / KiVunjo
10. KiVunjo / KiKibosho
11. KiVunjo / KiRombo
35 12. KiVunjo / KiMochi
13. KiRombo / KiKibosho
14. KiRombo / KiMochi
15. KiMochi / KiKibosho
The Lexicostatistical Quantification Process:
The quantification of points scored was calculated and the conversion into percentages for each language pair of vocabulary was done. For the given vocabulary (vocabulary from the wordlist), each language pair points scored of 150 items were added up. The total points for each pair were converted into percentage by using 750 points as the denominator for the given vocabulary. These points were arrived at by taking the highest possible figure (for two varieties) which are hypothetically identical in every lexical item which is 5 points × 150 lexical items = 750 points = 100%.
The more the lexical forms in common, the higher the percentage and therefore the closer the genetic relationship of the varieties in the study. The results of points for each language pairs of the given vocabularies were as follows:
36 SN LANGUAGE PAIR POINTS % (X/750) 1 KiUru / KiKibosho. 413 55.1% 2 KiUru / KiMochi. 673 89.7% 3 KiUru / KiRombo 516 68.8% 4 KiUru / KiVunjo 730 97.3% 5 KiUru / KiMashami 441 58.8% 6 KiMashami / KiKibosho 501 66.8% 7 KiMashami / KiRombo 416 55.5% 8 KiMashami / KiMochi 438 58.4% 9 KiMashami / KiVunjo 442 58.9% 10 KiVunjo / KiKibosho 415 55.3% 11 KiVunjo / KiRombo 519 69.2% 12 KiVunjo / KiMochi 669 89.2% 13 KiRombo / KiKibosho 471 62.8% 14 KiRombo / KiMochi 520 69.3% 15 KiMochi / KiKibosho 534 71.2% After conversion of the points scored into percentages for each language pairs of the given vocabulary as outlined above the results were presented into tables of comparisons as it appears below.
37 Table 3: Degree of cognation between 6 varieties
KiUru
97.3 kivunjo 89.7 89.2
kimochi 55.1 55.3 71.2
kikibosho
58.8 58.9 58.4 66.8
kimashami
68.8 69.2 69.3 62.8 55.5
kirombo
Table 4: 1st collapse
Kiuru/kivunjo
89.5Kiuru/kivunjo
Kimochi
71.2
55.2 Kikibosho
58.9 62.6 66.8
kimashami
69 66.1 62.8 55.5 kirombo
38 From table 3 then it can be noted that KiUru and KiVunjo have the highest degrees of resemblance therefore, it is obvious that the two varieties diverged nearly as compared to other varieties.
It is again worth noting that the rate of divergence / departure among these varieties is not uniform. From the table it is possible to note that KiKibosho and KiMashami have the least degree of closeness with the rest of the varieties, while KiUru, KiVunjo, KiMochi and KiRombo are closest varieties respectively when compared to KiKibosho and
KiMashami.
As the results in table 3 shows that KiUru and KiVunjo have the highest degrees of resemblance, the next step was collapsing the two varieties and comparing them as a single entity with each of the other varieties. The process involved adding up the results of the KiUru / KiVunjo compared to other varieties and then finding the average by dividing the results by two. Table 4 presents the findings of this exercise that closest relationship is between KiUru, KiVunjo and KiMochi. A similar process as done after the results of table
4 was repeated by using different figures. The outcome is presented in table 5
39 Table 5: 2nd Collapse
Kiuru/kivunjo/kimochi
63.2 Kibosho
60.8 66.8
kimashami
67.6 62.8 55.5 kirombo
Table 6: 3rd Collapse
Kiuru/kivunjo/kimochi/kikibosho
63.8
kimashami 62.2 55.5
kirombo
40 Table 7: 4th Collapse
Kiuru/kivunjo/kimochi/kikibosho/k imashami 60.4
kirombo
The results of table 5 show that the closest relationship is between KiUru, KiVunjo, and
KiMochi. The process was repeated as in table 5 and the outcome is what is presented in table 6 where the closest relationship is between KiUru, KiVunjo, KiMochi, and
KiKibosho.
In table 7 the closest relationship is between KiUru, KiVunjo, KiMochi, KiKibosho, and
KiMashami against KiRombo.
Phonological differences
Through a word list, a researcher found that most of the words are pronounced the same except some few words especially from KiMashami which are aspirated.
Observe the following words:
41 Table 8: Some of the aspirated words from KiMashami
English Kiswahili KiMashami Water Maji Murha Tree Mti Mnrhi Chair Kiti Khiri Say Sema Rhera Draw water Chota maji Rhaia murha
Nouns
Chagga nouns are pronounced with stress on the second syllable. In case of a verb stress is also applied mostly on the second syllable though it is not consistent as some verbs are stressed on the last syllable. In this situation, it becomes contradictory in differentiating nouns from verbs. The following table provides a clear evidence of what have been put forth:
Table 9: A list of Chagga Nouns showing a point of stress
SN English Kiswahili KiUru KiMasham KiRombo KiMochi KiKibosh KiVu i o njo 1 Canal Mfereji Mfo`ng Mfo`ngo Mfo`ngo Mfo`ngo Mfo`ngo Mfo`n o go 2 Wash Osha Sa`nja Sa`nja Sa`nja Sa`mbia Sa`nja 3 Man Mwanaum Mndu` Ndu`mii M`soro Mndu`mi Mndu`mii Mndu` e mii i mii 4 Dog Mmbwa Kite Ki`te Ki`te Ki`te Ki`te Ki`te 5 Child Mtoto Ma`na Mu`na Mwa`na Ma`na Mu`na Ma`na
Verbs
42 Table 10: A list of Chagga verbs showing a point of stress
S Englis Kiswahili KiUru KiMasham KiRombo KiMochi KiKibosho KiVunj N h i o 1 Give Nipe Njini`n Shini`nga Ni`nga Njiine`nga Ngini`nga Njni`ng me ga a 2 Stand Simama Oro`ka Sa`lala To`tona Oro`ka Oro`ka Oro`ka up 3 Lough Cheka Se`ka Se`ka Se`ka Se`ka Se`ka Se`ka 4 Look Ona A`mbu Lo`lya Lo`lya A`mbuya Lo`la A`mbuy ya a 5 Love Penda Ku`nda Ku`nda Ku`nda Ku`nda Ku`nda Ku`nda
Syntactic differences
The findings from the reading passage contended that sentences from KiUru, KiMashami,
KiRombo, KiMochi, KiKibosho and KiVunjo have the same structural pattern. This pattern corresponds to the structure of Kiswahili. They follow SVO structure.
A list of Chagga sentences to show their similarities in structure is placed in appendix 2.
4.1.3. Why do Chagga people from different areas in Kilimanjaro speak differently?
Despite what has been advocated that Chagga people understand each other when communicating through mother tongue, the findings from the free conversations
(sociolinguistic interview) exposed the differences in speaking put forth by the differences in some vocabulary among them.
Through sociolinguistic interview, the study put forward what is believed to be the cause of this situation.
Geographical location
Nerbone, (2008) pointed out that the variation of language can be found especially geographically or socially conditioned.
43 As the area of Kilimanjaro region is mountainous and considering that most of the Chagga people by then were immobile, thus there was no or little contact among them hence it became difficult for them to be uniform in speaking. As far as one of the characteristic of a language is the development of new vocabularies, the Chagga people from different parts developed their own vocabularies separately. This is supported by what has been quoted from one of the interview participants saying, “Wachaga tumesambaa sana bwana. Unajua wakati ule ilikuwa vigumu sana kwa wazee wetu kukutana toka sehemu hadi sehemu na kama walikuwa wanakutana basi ilikuwa kwa nadra sana.Wengi wa wazee wetu walibaki kwenye maeneo yao wakijishughulisha zaidi na shughuli za kilimo,hali haikuwa kama sasa ambapo tunakutana sana kwa ajili ya shughuli za kibiashara.” (Chagga people are so scattered. You know by then it was very difficult for our elders from one place to another to meet and if they were to meet then it was so rare. Most of our elders used to remain in their areas and they were engaged mostly in Agricultural activities, the situation was not like the way it is recently as we normally meet for business activities.)
Figure 4: A photo showing the way areas surrounding Mount Kilimanjaro can be viewed from Moshi town.
Source: Google maps.
44 Figure 5: A photo showing surveyed areas of the study which clearly support that the land of Kilimanjaro is mountaneous.
This is the area of Machame where KiMashami is spoken
Source: Field Survey, 2013
45 Figure 6: A photo to show the area of Vunjo, where KiVunjo is spoken
Source: Field survey, 2013
46 Figure 7: A photo to show the area of Rombo where KiRombo is spoken (this is Mkuu – Rombo)
Source: Field survey, 2013
47 Figure 8: A photo to show the area of Uru where KiUru is spoken (Mruwia – Uru East, Moshi rural district)
Source: Field survey, 2013
The photos above clearly show how the area of Kilimanjaro is mountaneous and that majority of people are living in these areas. As it could be viewed that all the areas under this study have a very steep slope whereby most of the Chagga settlements are located towards the peak
In this case people became immobile as it was difficult to move from one area to another, and therefore there was no or little contact among them.The only place where Chagga people could meet was Moshi town; the capital city of Kilimanjaro region, and they used to meet here for business activities. However, not all people could visit Moshi town regularly; therefore, they stayed in their homes where they could have no interaction with the Chagga from other geographical locations.
48 Origin
Originally, Chagga came from different Bantu groups who migrated from other parts of
Africa to settle in Mount Kilimanjaro. Early migration of the Bantu from the Niger –
Congo led the Chagga to settle in the North Pare Mountains; home of the ancestral
Chagga. As the population increases, some people started looking for a new place to live.
They later settled in the southern and eastern slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro which was a thick forest then.
All these movements contributed to the addition and reduction of some lexicon. Thus a certain group could coin some new lexicon while other groups remained intact.
Socialization (contacts)
In the free conversation the researcher realized that there is no common socialization among the Chagga. Chagga people contact with different groups hence they develop different vocabulary basing on the languages of their socialized groups. For example, the divergence of KiRombo lexicon from other Chagga groups is due to their socialization with the people from Taveta. This socialization is based on the business activities among them. In this case KiRombo received some of the lexicon from the Taveta. Example words like “sumbai, mwai, watoi, muu and others to mean down, farm, grandmother, and the sun respectively.
On the other hand the people from Machame (those who speak KiMashami) are in a common socialization with the people from Meru in Arusha region. In this regard there are some common lexicons in Kimashami and KiMeru and these lexicons are pronounced somehow different in other Chagga groups mainly KiUru, KiRombo, KiMochi, and
49 KiKibosho. For instance words like nyinda, and osho meaning a banana tree and come respectively.
Hostility
This was one of a very interesting issue in this study. The researcher became very excited with the story about enmities existed in the past. In trying to show that one of the reasons for the Chagga from different parts in Kilimanjaro to develop different lexicon is the hostility existed among them in the past, one of the interview participant started by narrating the story about why Chagga people and the Pare live in isolation, that is why there are some districts where Pare live different from the districts where majority of the
Chagga live.
It is said that Chagga people and the Pare used to live in the same places in the past but unfortunately a conflict arose among them hence they fall into fighting. Chagga people under their leaders seemed to be powerful over the Pare thus Pare people decided to escape from the Chagga. The Chagga people chased the Pare up to the mountains which are currently known as the Pare Mountains and while running the Chagga used to shout a
Chagga word wapare meaning beat them and this is the origin of the name Wapare in plural or Mpare in singular which are also translated as „beat‟ in English language. This has been a reason as to why the Chagga and the Pare speak two different languages despite the fact that they live in the same region.
Based on the same scenario, the study proposed that the Mashami and the Kibosho developed different lexicon due the enmity which existed among them. In this state there could be no possible interaction between them as the situation is so tense till today where the Mashami never direct the doors of their buildings to Kibosho.
50 Political unrest and the Mangi rule
It was reported that a state of political unrest emerged among the Chagga in Kilimanjaro region something which led to their disintegration. This is an historical phenomenon which can then be explained as follows:
The Mangi were great chiefs that governed largely clan-based states. The Mangis controlled Chagga affairs even during colonial times. For instance, the Mangi Sina and the
Mangi Rindi had developed large armies by the end of the nineteenth century. When the
Germans arrived in the 1880s and imposed colonial rule, they sided with Rindi to defeat
Sina. Rindi had already negotiated and signed a treaty with the Germans in 1885, resulting in Moshi becoming their colonial capital.
In 1952, the Chagga held an election to elect Mangi Mkuu, the "Paramount Chief", to look after their affairs and speak with colonial administrators on behalf of the Chagga. Thomas
Marealle of Marangu won the election, defeating divisional chiefs M. H. Abdiel Shangali of Hai and John Ndaskoi Maruma of Rombo. Another divisional chief, Petro Itosi
Marealle of Vunjo, withdrew from consideration before the election.
Marealle consolidated power from the other three Chagga divisional chieftains, thus making the Chagga more powerful and in control of their own affairs. His capital was in
Marangu. But Marealle's downfall occurred during Tanganyika's struggle for independence, for two main reasons:
First, He lost support among western educated people. When Chagga students
at Makerere University criticized him in their college magazine, he publicly
humbled them when they came home, in an "old" tribal way. He placed his faith in
Petro Njau, the elderly astute party organizer who had put him in. From 1958 Njau
51 set himself the task of enlisting the support of the old conservatives and the clan
elders. This was a spurious return to the great tribal past. But Mangi Mkuu
believed and trusted implicitly in him, and in the exaggerated accounts of
popularity which Njau reported.
Second, Mangi Mkuu crossed swords with T.A.N.U on his home ground of
Kilimanjaro. He still supported the national aims of T.A.N.U for Tanganyika. He
continued to support Julius Nyerere personally, as the national leader long after he
had begun to deal summarily with local T.A.N.U critics at home, perhaps because
these critics did not need to be taken seriously, since they were insignificantly
unrepresentative of the people. In 1957-58 the British Administration were
belatedly trying to organize a council of Chiefs in Tanganyika as a delaying tactic
against T.A.N.U, Mangi Mkuu wrote the governor asking that Nyerere himself
should be invited to address the chiefs. The request was refused. It was not until
1959, when he was fighting for his political life, that Mangi Mkuu cut across
Nyerere personally and cut across the national movement as such. In January 1959,
by which time he was sharply on the defensive at home, Mangi Mkuu criticized
Nyerere's visit to Moshi to hold an open-air TANU meeting in the town. A few
months later he took the chiefs on the mountain, threatening to sack them if they
supported TANU.
In the local field of Chaga politics, however the break came earlier. It did not come from
TANU branches as such which, though they had started in 1955 on the mountain, had made little headway among the people. It came from Machame, from the chiefly rival whom Mangi Mkuu had supplanted in 1951. Chief Abdieli Shangali threw the weight of his authority behind his son-in-law, Solomon Eliufoo, and this was the decisive factor.
52 Eliufoo, a commoner from one of the oldest clans in Machame, and a Lutheran-trained teacher, was abroad in the United States and Great Britain from 1953 to 1956. In 1957, he returned as a teacher and joined the TANU branch in Machame. In 1958, he entered politics; he became a nominated member of the Chagga Council, being nominated by Hai divisional council of which his father-in-law, Chief Abdieli Shangali, was chairman. The same year, he was elected member of the legislative council in Dar es Salaam on the
TANU ticket. From 1958 onwards, he was engaged in central politics becoming minister of health from 1959 to 1960, and in 1962 minister of education, a post which he held up to
1967. At the local level, he organised and led opposition to the Mangi Mkuu and by 1959 he called for the resignation or abdication of the Mangi Mkuu and the democratization for the local governments, forming a new party called the Chaga Democratic Party.
Towards the end of 1959, the opposition of the Chagga Democratic Party forced a deadlock in the Chagga Council. A vote was taken in the council as to whether a referendum should be held in Kilimanjaro to decide whether the Chagga wanted a
Paramount Chief for life or a periodically elected president. The vote was carried by a narrow majority, and the Mangi Mkuu was abolished. After independence, through
Nyerere's socialism and integration policies, the rule of chiefs was diminished.
All these movements led to the separation among the Chagga hence different groups moved sideways in attempt to do away with their rivals. This became as such since these groups did not migrate for good sake rather to escape from their rivals (superior / the most powerful group (s)). In this, different groups migrated to the mountain slopes to hide themselves and therefore they tend to develop their own lexicon depending on their socialized group(s).
53 For example, having moved to Rombo where the interaction was mostly with the Kikuyu,
Kamba, and Taita people, KiRombo received a lot of vocabulary from these people. These vocabularies could not be spoken uniformly to other areas like Uru since the two areas
(Rombo and Uru) are not only in a quiet distance from each other but also they happened to be involved in a battle.
This is then accompanied by the Chagga‟s struggle against the Germans when the
Germans were trying to impose their rule in Kilimanjaro region. The Chagga fought against the Germany intensively and during this period they became unsettled running here and there. As a result, they disintergrated and later on they settled in different geographical location within Kilimanjaro region. This situation led to the development of some vocabulary which recently marks a distinction between the language spoken in one geographical area and the other.
4.1.4 Do Chagga varieties constitute different languages or dialects of the same language?
Hudson, (1996) established a theory of mutual intelligibility as a criterion used in distinguishing language from dialects in that if two speakers are able to understand one another; we can assume that they are speaking different varieties of the same language.
This theory can then give a ground to reach a logical decision on whether the Chagga varieties constitute different languages or they are just varieties of the same language.
From the study, the researcher realized that Chagga people speak forms of the same language and they have similar marriage, burial, and other rites. This seems to be contrary to what was raised by Maho in the expansion of Guthrie‟s work; in his classification of the
Bantu languages, Maho classified Chagga under E60 and he considered all other varieties as separate languages.
54 It is argued that language is part and parcel of culture as culture is said to be a total way of life. Chagga people therefore have the same cultural practices including the economic activities, celebrations, and all other life conducts.
For example, there are common plants grown for food such as maize, sweet potatoes, yams, beans, peas, red millet and bananas. The chagga brew a delicious drink called
Mbege, which is made of millet and bananas and left to ferment for 10 days prior to cultural festivities and rites of passage.
Figure10: Mbege, a traditional chagga brew
Source: http: // en. Wikipedia.org / wiki / file: Mbege -being -poured.jpg
55 Figure11: Ngata for protecting the head when carrying bananas
Source: http: // en. Wikipedia.org / wiki / file: Ngata.jpg
The two photos above evidence things which are common all over the region, Chagga people tend to refresh with „mbege‟- their tradional brew made of millet and bananas and left to ferment for ten days prior to cultural festivities and rites of passage.
Ngata is used in protecting the head when someone wants to carry bananas from one place to another. The researcher noted that bananas were cultivated in all the areas with Chagga settlements for two main reasons; one is for home consumption, and two is for business as it has been a tendency of Chagga to carry bananas from the rural areas to urban areas particulary Moshi town for selling, something which gives them income for their survival.
Again, Chagga people had the tendency of building their houses in a communal way. For instance, in those days they used to build a kind of house known as „msonge‟. However, these buildings do no longer exist since the Chagga recently tend to build modern houses.
56 A contradiction arises mainly in identifying what is considered to be an accent, dialect, or a language. These contradictions can then be cleared by having a look on the following views:
An accent is a way of pronouncing certain words. Some people say "cot" and "caught" the same way. This is an accent.
A dialect may also come with different pronunciations, but usually the words are significantly different. People in the south US say "spigot" when people in the North US say "faucet." This is a difference in dialects.
Chinese is famous for its dialects. Different regions have different words for things, but many words are also pronounced completely differently. But they are written the same.
This makes for a dialect, not an accent, which is severely different. It would be like if
"horse" were pronounced "rider" in Texas, while still referring to an actual horse and being spelled "horse."
Speakers with different accents should be able to understand each other. Speakers of different dialects may or may not. British English and American English have many different words (dialects) which are pronounced differently (accents), but are mutually intelligible. Speakers of the Wu dialect of Chinese, spoken in Shanghai, and speakers of
Mandarin (based on Beijing) can understand each other.
In this regard, the data obtained through the wordlist and the reading passage provides a ground for justifying that the mentioned cases should not be considered as different languages but rather varieties (dialects) of the same language as they have a similar sentence structure, very slight difference in pronunciation as well as a good number of common vocabularies and the speakers understand each other.
57 Again, a reading passage supported the same, where the sentences were found to have the same structure with a lot of common vocabularies. It is therefore rational that these people speak the same language with diffent dialects as what is happening in English language. In
English, for example, the British English (BrE) and American English (AmE) seem to differ in a number of vocabularies as well as pronunciation but yet they are considered to be dialects of the same language.
The same is evidenced in other countries where English language is spoken, thus, these variations are still termed as the dialects of the same language, which is English language.
Examples of English dialects include: BrE, AmE, Australian English, Indian English,
South African English, New Zealand English and so forth. Despite these variations which are found from one country to another, the variation is also experienced countrywise. For
Example, within England there are varieties such as Northern, Cheshire, Cumbrian,
Geordie, East midlands, Northumbrian, Lancashire, Yorkshire, West midlands, RP,
Cockney, to mention just a few.
Chambers and Trudgill, (1998) advocated that the difference between language and dialect is based on size and prestige.
In case of size, a language is bigger (has more speakers) than a dialect since a language is considered to be the sum of its dialects. Dialects are therefore considered to be sub categories of a language, so if we take English as a language we might consider varieties such as Cockney, Yorkshire, Australian English, and so forth as dialects of the language
English.
If that being the case it should also be logical to consider KiRombo, KiMashami,
KiKibosho, KiUru, KiMochi, and KiVunjo as the varieties (dialects) of the same language namely Kichagga since they are small in size as they are spoken in a single (specific)
58 geographical area. For instance KiKibosho is spoken in Kibosho ward only, KiUru is spoken in Uru ward only. Therefore, each variety has a few numbers of speakers to consider it as an independent language.
Incase of differences in speaking, Mngadi (2000) studied this in South Africa among the
Zulu as they speak differently from place to place. Mngadi studied the Zulu varieties and concluded that these varieties constitute a single language with different dialects. The mentioned Zulu varieties are: The Central KwaZulu Variety, The KwaZulu Coast Variety,
The Natal Coast Variety, The Lower Natal Coast Variety, The South-West Natal Variety,
The Northern-Swati Border Variety, The Natal- Eastern Cape Border Variety and some urban varieties. The same case is happening among the Chagga where there is a slight difference in speaking from place to place but speakers understand each other.
Cultural differences give rise to different vocabulary, phrases, and different development in grammar. Americans and British have very different cultures yet they are said to speak varieties of the same language. It is then cognitive that since the Chagga have the same culture as it has been discussed, they therefore speak dialects of the same language.
Lukula (1991) conducted a similar study among Insular Jita in Ukerewe, and through the application of lexicostatistics, Lukula identified that there is 52.75 percentage of resemblance among the Insular Kara, Kerewe Kara, Musoma Jita, Insular Jita against the
Kerewe, yet these are termed as varieties of the same language. Therefore it very rational to consider Chagga varieties as varieties of the same language namely KiChagga since their percentage of resemblance stands at 60.8. That is KiUru, KiVunjo, KiMochi,
KiKibosho, and Kimashami, against KiRombo. This is observed in the findings from the application of Lexicostatistics
59 CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1. Introduction
This chapter presents the summary of the findings and discussion from the
previous chapter as well as the recommendations for further research in this
particular area of study.
5.2. Summary of the findings
This study aimed at finding out the source of language variation among Chagga
people as well as investigating the extent to which language variation exist among
the Chagga proportionally with examining the areas (aspects) that show /indicate
language variation among Chagga people
This study was guided by four major questions:
i. To what extent does language variation exist among the Chagga?
ii. In which aspects do Chagga people differ when they speak?
iii. Why do Chagga people from different areas in Kilimanjaro speak
differently?
iv. Do Chagga varieties constitute different languages or varieties of the same
language?
The study has exposed that despite the difficulties that Chagga people from different parts in Kilimanjaro may experience when communicating through their mother tongue, they understand each other. For instance what most of the respondents claimed was that when
60 they communicate through their mother tongue, one cannot speak a sentence or two sentences without understanding what s/she means.
Again, the study revealed that Chagga people from place to place in Kilimanjaro region differ in some of the lexicon (vocabulary). That means the main difference in speaking among the Chagga is based on the differences in some vocabulary as far as the data obtained from the word list and the reading passage put forth.
Through the application of lexicostatiscs, the study identified that there is a good percentage of lexical resemblance among these varieties and the final analysis whereby other varieties converge to KiRombo stands at 60.4%
Further, the study set out the reasons as to why Chagga people seem to differ in some vocabulary as follows:
Geographical location
As the land in Kilimanjaro region is mountainous and that there is no or less contact (their contacts are not frequent) due to distance from one part to another, Chagga people develop different vocabulary.
Origin
Originally, Chagga people came from different Bantu groups who migrated from other parts of Africa to settle in Kilimanjaro. These movements contributed to the addition and reduction of some lexicon.
Socialization (contacts)
Since there is no a common socialization (contacts), Chagga people develop different vocabulary basing on the languages of their socialized groups.
61 Hostility
One of the respondent claimed that their differences in lexicon is based on the enmity existed among them something led them to live in isolation with no contact among them.
Political unrest and the Mangi rule
A state of political unrest was reported among the Chagga and it was brought about by the essence of the Chagga leaders struggling for power as well as a fighting with the Germans.
This situation contributed much to the movements of Chagga as different Chagga groups were trying to find a better place (safe place) for them so that they can live in peace, love, and harmony without being interfeared by other groups. As a result of this scenario, these groups developed their independent vocabularies as far as the characteristics of a language are concerned.
Finally, the study set forth that despite some slight differences in vocabulary, Chagga people understand each other when communicating through their mother tongue. They have the same sentence structure as well as a good percentage of the similar vocabularies.
Therefore the, the study suggested that these varieties constitute the same language as it is evidenced by the data from the wordlist and analysed through lexicostatistics
5.3 Conclusion and Recommendations
As stated in the previous chapters, this study explored the source of language variation among the Chagga in accompany with finding out the extent to which language variation exists among them, the aspects that marks their differences in speaking as well as determining whether Chagga varieties should be considered as different languages or dialects of the same language.
62 The findings obtained in this study enlighten what is happening in Kilimanjaro region among the Chagga especially when communicating through their mother tongue.
As the study revealed, despite the differences in some of the vocabulary, still Chagga people from one place to another in Kilimanjaro region understand each other. This situation could give me a way to recommend that all the mentioned cases, that is KiUru,
KiMashami, KiVunjo, KiRombo, KiMochi, and KiKibosho should not be considered as different languages rather they are dialects of the same language namely KiChagga.
However, this provides a room for other researchers to conduct related researches in this place so as to see if the same results can be obtained.
Moreover, in the study a researcher identified some of the Chagga groups that have not yet been under study, for example, KiNarumu, KiSiha, and Kikahe to mention just a few.
Therefore I suggest some studies to be conducted in these cases to see if they qualify to be grouped among the dialects of KiChagga.
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66 APPENDICES
Appendix 1: Acompiled wordlist of 150 words from all the cases under the study
S English Kiswah KiUru KiMasha KiVunjo KiRombo KiMochi KiKibosh N ili mi o
1 Water Maji Mringa Murha Mringa Mringa Mringa Muda
2 Tree Mti Ikiri Mnrhri Ikiri Ikdi Ikidi Mji
3 Man Mwana Mndumii Nndumii Msoro Msoro Mndumii Mndumii ume
4 Banana Mgomb Nnda Nyinda Ng‟inda Nnda Nnda Nnda tree a
5 Child Mtoto Mana Muna Mana Mwana Mana Muna
6 Leopard Chui Irung‟u Chui Irung‟u Ifisi Chui Chui
7 Get Owa / Alika/ Oha/ aliko Alika/ Alika / Alika / Alika / married Olewa aliko aliko aliko aliko aliko
8 Fall Kuugua Iluo Ilwee Iluo Ilwee Iluo Iluo sick
9 Canal Mfereji Mfongo Mfongo Mfongo Mfongo Mfongo Mfongo
1 Dog Mbwa Kite / Kite Kite Kite Kite Kite 0 ikite
1 Give Nipe Njininga Shininga Ngineng Ninga Njiinenga Ngininga 1 me a
1 Chair Kiti Kitima Khiri Kitima Kidengu Kitima Kitima / 2 kidi
1 How Habari Mbon Mbon tafo Mbon Habari Mbony Shimboni 3 are you zako zavo zavo yafo tsafo shafo
1 Home Nyumb Kany Boo Kany Kaa Kanyi Kany / 4 ani boo
1 Sit Kaa Ramia Kaa Ramia Damia Damia Damia
67 5
1 Sun Jua Mmbari Mwi Mmbari Mu Mmbari Mmbari 6
1 Woman Mwana Mndumk Mka Mndumk Mfele Mndumka Nndunka 7 mke a a
1 Food Chakul Kyelya Shonga Kyelya Kiayo Kyela Kyelya 8 a
1 Lough Cheka Seka Seka Seka Seka Seka Seka 9
2 Stand Simama Oroka Salala Oroka Totona Oroka Oroka 0 up
2 Down Chini Wanda Rembo Wanda Sumbai Wanda Shumbai 1
2 Father Baba Papa Baba Papa Baba / tata Baba Baba 2
2 Look Ona Ambuya Loliya Ambuya Lolya Ambuya Lola 3
2 Pour Mwaga Zunduo Busuo Pusuo Bulwa Pusuo Busuo 4
2 Head Kichwa Mro Mhwe Mro Mdo Mdo Ndwe 5
2 Face Uso Kiamu Kisangu Kiamu Kiamu Nyamu Kishangu 6
2 Eye Jicho Iriso Iriso Iriso Iriso Iriso Iriso 7
2 Ear Sikio Ikuru Yawi Ikuru Kidu Ikudu Kadu 8
2 Mouth Mdomo Kana Kana Rumbu Idumbu Idumbu Kana 9
3 Arm Mkono Uwoko Uwoko Kuwoko Koko Uwoko Uwoko
68 0
3 Leg Mguu Irende Uhende Kurende Kidende Udende Udende 1
3 Walk Tembea Chumia Tembea Chumia Dambuka Chumia Wajia 2
3 Run Kimbia Richa Risha Richa Disha Dicha Dicha 3
3 Mad Kichaa Msuko Ukwale Msuko Msukwa Msuko Nsuko 4 person
3 Stupid Mjinga Itondo Itondo Itondo Itondo Itondo Itondo 5 person
Get Pona Chia Shia Chia Chia Chia Chia well / recover
3 Vomit Tapika Raika Haaka Raika Daika Daika Daaka 6
3 Stomac Tumbo Ndeu Ndeu Ndeu Ndeu Ndeu Ndeu 7 h
3 Born Zaliwa Feo Ionika Feo Feo Feo Onika 8
3 Mdogo Young Mtutu Mnyoo Mtutu Kona Mtutu Ntu 9
4 Wise Mjanja Irango Ndango Irango Mrango Mrango Nrango 0
4 Teach Fundish Losha Funda Losha Losha Losha Fundisha 1 a
4 Remem Kumbu Kumbuo Kumbuo Kumbuo Kumbwa Kumbuo Kumbuo 2 ber ka
4 Forget Sahau Rekio Rekio Rekio Dumule Hadima Dekyo 3
69 4 Angry Hasira Nyashi Hasira Nyashi Nyashi Nyashi Nashi 4
4 Cry / Lia Fira Lia Fira Lia Fihira Fiira 5 Weep
4 Fear Uwoga Uwou Uweri Uwou Uwowa Uwou Ouwo 6
4 Hate Chukia Suo Suo Isuo Sua Suo Suo 7
4 Love Penda Kunda Kunda Kunda Kunda Kunda Kunda 8
4 Refuse Kataa Lea Dema Lea Lya Leha Lea 9
5 Fail Shindw Lemo lemo Lemo Lemwa Lemo Lemo 0 a
5 Shy Aibu Sonu Aibu Sonu Sonu Sonu Aibu 1
5 Danger Hatari Hatari Hatari Hatari Hatari Hatari Hatari 2
5 Name Jina Irina Irina Irina Irina Irina Irina 3
5 Husban Mume Mmi Mmi Mmi Mmi Mii Mmi 4 d
5 Wife Mke Mka Nnka Mka Mfele Mka Mka 5
5 Neighb Jirani Jirani / Jirani Jirani Jirani Warasa Jirani 6 our Wamrasa
5 Enemy Adui Adui Adui Adui Adui Adui Adui 7
5 Thief Mwizi Mwiwi Inyinyi Mwiwi Mwiwi Miwi Mwisi 8
70 5 Sorcere Mchawi Msawi Nsawi Msawi Msawi Msawi Nsawi 9 r (man) / Witch (female )
6 Say Sema Amba Amba Amba Amba Amba Amba 0
6 Request Omba Terewa Therewa Therewa Terewa Terewa Terewa 1
6 Insult Tukana Sesa Hhuma Sesa Lailiya Ruma Arara 2
6 Cheat Dangan Lemba Lemba Lemba Lemba Lemba Lemba 3 ya
6 Cook Pika Kora Kora Kora Kora Kora Kora 4
6 Plate Sahani Sahani Sahani Sahani Sahani Sahani Sahani 5
6 Bowl Bakuli Bakuli Bakuli Bakuli Bakuli Bakuli Bakuri 6
6 Spoon Kijiko Kiliko Kijiko Kiliko Kiliko Kiliko Kiliko 7
6 House Nyumb Mmba Mmba Mmba Mmba Mmba Mmba 8 a
6 Bed Kitanda Kitara Kitara Kitara Kitara Kitara Kitara 9
7 Ladder Ngazi Ngasi Ngasi Ngasi Ngasi Ngasi Ngasi 0
7 Bridge Daraja Daraja Daraja Daraja Daraja Daraja Daraja 1
7 Firewoo Kuni Nngu Ngwi Nngu Nngu Nngu Nngu 2 d
71 7 Regret Juta Sara Juta Sara Shaa Sara Sara 3
7 Sweep Fagia Aiya Aiya Aiya Aiya Aiya Aiya 4
7 Wash Osha Sanja Sanja Sanja Sanja Sanja Sambia 5
7 Draw Chota / Raia Rhaia Raia Raia Daia Da muda 6 Water teka mringa mringa mringa Mringa maji
7 Cultivat Lima Rema Rhema Rhema Dema Dema Dema 7 e
7 Hoe Jembe Ikumbi Kiranga Ikumbi Iembe Ikumbi Ikumbi 8
7 Harvest Vuna Sambuo Vuna Sambuo Vuna Sambuo Funa 9
8 Take Chuku Onduo Iboo Onduo Ambiliya Onduo Onduo 0 wa
8 Hen Kuku Nguku Nguku Nguku Nguku Nguku Nguku 1
8 Chicken Vifaran Shialea Fiwana Shialea Vifaranga Shialea Kirana 2 ga
8 Chase Fukuza Funa Rishaa Funa Dishira Funa Dichira 3
8 Knife Kisu Kiandu Kiandu Kiandu Kishu Kisu Kiandu 4
8 Slaught Chinja Shinja Shisha Shinja Shisha Shinja Sicha 5 er , kill (animal s for butcheri n)
72 8 Buy Nunua Ura Ura Ura Ula Hura Ura 6
8 Sell Uza Kumba Kumba Kumba Kumba Kumba Kumba 7
8 War Vita Shira Fira Shira Fida Shida Fida 8
8 Sword Panga Ipanga Upanga Ipanga Ipanga Ipanga Ubanga 9
9 God Mungu Ruwa Ruwa Ruwa Mungu Ruwa Ruwa 0 (suprem e being)
9 Witchcr Uchawi Usawi Usawi Usawi Usawi Usawi Usawi 1 aft
9 Bewitch Loga Lowa Loga Lowa Lwa Loha Loo 2
9 Cow Ng‟om Mmbe Ng‟ombe Mmbe Mmbe Mmbe Ng‟umbe 3 be
9 Goat Mbuzi Mburu Mbhuru Mburu Mburu Mburu Mburu 4
9 Sheep Kondoo Ichondi Iari IIchondi Iorima Ichondi Ichoondi 5
9 Rat Panya Ikokoi Ikokoi Ikokoi Ikokoi Ikokoi Ikokoi 6
9 Mornin Asubuh Otuko Ngama Otuko Shuru Ngamenyi Otuko 7 g i
9 Evening Jioni Kiukwan Nkwaani Kiukwan Kashini Kyukani Kikowini 8 i i
9 Noon Mchana Kingoto Nsani Kingoto Kwaya Mfiri Nsanini 9
1 Night Usiku Kio Nkio Kio Kio Kio Kio 0
73 0
1 Jump Ruka Runduka Kija Runduk Ruka Ruka Tola 0 1
1 Indicate Onesha Lora Khora Lora Lora Lora Orisa 0 / point 2
1 Wake Amka Kwirie Kuboo Kwirie Amka Kwirie Kurie 0 up 3
1 Arrive Fika Shika Shamfika Shika Shika Shika Fika 0 4
1 Go Nenda Enda Enda Enda Enda Enda Enda 0 5
1 Return Rudisha Wira Wira Wira Ulya Wihira Wira 0 6
1 Change Badili Alacha Badilisha Alacha Badilisha Alacha Alacha 0 7
1 Hide Ficha Rika Suruma Rika Rika Rika Suruma 0 8
1 Lose Poteza Reza Hetaa Reza Desa Desa Deta 0 9
1 Big Kubwa Ing‟anyi Inini Ing‟anyi Induwe Ing‟anyi Ing‟ane 1 0
1 Enlarge Fanya Ng‟anyir Tana Ng‟anyir Fanya Ng‟anyira Ng‟anyira 1 kubwa a kinini a induwe
74 1
1 Long Ndefu Leshi Kyasha Leshi Ileyi Leshi Ilee 1 2
1 Short Fupi Fui Kifii Fui Fui Fui Fui 1 3
1 Small Ndogo Tutu Kinyoo Tutu Dogo Tutu Ngitu 1 4
1 Hot Joto Mrike Nhrike Mrike Mrike Mrike Irike 1 5
1 Cold Baridi Mbeho Mbeho Mbeho Mbeho Mbeho Mbeho 1 6
1 White Nyeupe Njiili Shelo Njiili Ng‟waa Njiili Ngeeo 1 7
1 Red Nyekun Kimande Dodoru Kimande Kimande Kimande Yasamu 1 du 8
1 Black Nyeusi Njiu Nchuu Njiu Nnhuu Njiu Ngyuu 1 9
1 One Moja Imu Kimwi Imu Imu Imu Imwi 2 0
1 Two Mbili Iwi / ziwi Fiwi Iwi Iwili Kawi Iwi 2 / kawi 1
1 Three Tatu Iraru / Firaru Iraru Iradu Kararu Isadu 2 kararu
75 2
1 Four Nne Ina Fina Ina Ina Ina Iinya 2 3
1 Five Tano Tanu Fihhanu Tanu Tanu Tanu Tanu 2 4
1 First A Ya Kyambee Ya Ya Ya kuwoka Ya 2 kwanza kwanza kwanza kwanza kwanza 5
1 Second A pili Ya kawi Kya kawi Ya kawi Ya kawi Ya kawi Ya kabi 2 6
1 Third A tatu Ya Ya kararu Ya Ya karadu Ya kararu Ya kadadu 2 kararu kararu 7
1 Fourth A nne Ya kana Ya kana Ya kana Iina Ya kana Ya kana 2 8
1 Fifth A tano Ya Ya Ya Ya katanu Ya katanu Ya tanu 2 katanu khahanu katanu 9
1 Increase Ongeza Engera Engera Engera Engera Engera Ongera 3 0
1 Whole Nzima Nsima Nsima Nsima Nsima Nsima Ngisima 3 1
1 Everyb Kila Kila Kila mndu Kila Kila mndu Kila mndu Kila ndu 3 ody mtu mndu mndu 2
1 Everyth Kila Kila Kila kindo Kila Kila kindo Kila kindo Kila kindo 3 ing kitu kindo kindo
76 3
1 Everyw Kila Kila Kila andu Kila Kila andu Kila andu Kila andu 3 here mahali andu andu 4
1 You Wewe Woiyo Nyee Woiyo Wawe Oiyo Ewe 3 5
1 He / she Yeye Oo Mbwe Oo Oo Oo We 3 6
1 I Mimi Oweny Nyii Oweny Nyaanyi Niinyi Niny 3 7
1 We Sisi Osu Nyise Osu Swaaso Osu Esi 3 8
1 Here Hapa Iya Nyaa Iya Aawo Iya Yaa 3 9
1 There Pale Alya Nyalya Alya Alalya Alya Alya 4 0
1 Near Karibu Afui Ufii Afui Karibu Hafui Kufui 4 1
1 Far Mbali Aleshi Kwasha Aleshi Aleyi Kuleshi Kwaacha 4 2
1 This Huyu Ichu Nyuu Ichu Asho Ichu Etu 4 3
1 That Yule Ulya Nyalya Ulya Ulya Ulya Ulya 4
77 4
1 Who? Nani? Owu? Mbowi? Owu? Mmawi? Nyiu? Lwyi? 4 5
1 What? Nini? Kiki? Kyoki? Kiki? Nyi ikyo? Kiki? Kyoki? 4 6
1 Which Kipi? Kiya? Kingaki? Kiya? Kiya? Kiha? Kingaki? 4 one? 7
1 Where? Wapi? Ku? Nkwi Ku Ku Ku? Kwi 4 8
1 Why? Kwa Kitewe? Nkiki Kitewe Nyi ikyo Kitewe? Kiki 4 nini? 9
1 Yes Ndiyo Iye Hee Iye Iye Iye Ee 5 0
78 Appendix 2: A compiled list of 50 sentences from all the cases under the study that is sentences from Kiswahili to KiUru, KiMashami, KiRombo, KiVunjo KiKibosho and KiMochi. These sentences are translated in English.
1. Kiswahili: Baba amekuja English Daddy has come KiUru Papa nacha KiVunjo Papa nacha KiKibosho Baba ancha KiMashami: Baba ansha KiRombo Papa asha KiMochi Papa nacha 2 Njoo nikuambie English Come I will tell you KiUru Ncho nkuwie KiVunjo Ncho nkuwie KiKibosho Ocho nkuwie KiMashami: Osho nkuwie KiRombo Shoo nkuwie KiMochi Ncho nkuwie
3 Mama analima mahindi English A mother is farming shambani KiUru Mama nakerema maemba shambeny KiVunjo Mama nakerema maemba shambeny KiKibosho Mama nedema meemba shambeny KiMashami: Mama akherema maimba shambeny KiRombo Mama edema maemba shambeny KiMochi Mama nadema maimba shambeny
79 4 Mlima Kilimanjaro ndiyo mlima English Mount Kilimanjaro is the mrefu kuliko yote Afrika highest mountain in Africa KiUru Mlima Kilimanjaro fo mlima mleshi kota yose Afrika KiVunjo Mlima Kilimanjaro fo mlima mleshi kota yose Afrika KiKibosho Mlima Kilimanjaro nyo mlima ulee kuliko yose Afrika KiMashami: Mlima Kilimanjaro fo muasha nangota tose Afrika KiRombo Mlima Kilimanjaro fo mlima mlei kuliko yose Afrika KiMochi Mlima Kilimanjaro nyi mlima mleshi kuliko yose Afrika
5 Mjomba wangu amepata mtoto English My uncle has got a baby wa kike daughter KiUru Mjomba oko napata mana wo waka KiVunjo Mjomba oko napata mana wo waka KiKibosho Njomba ako napata mna a waka KiMashami: Mjomba wakwa apata mwana wa kika KiRombo Mjomba wakwa apata mwana wa kifele
80 KiMochi Mjomba ako Napata mana o waka 6 Huyu mtoto hapendi shule English This child doesn‟t like the school KiUru Mana chu nakundi shule vo KiVunjo Mana chu nakundi shule vo KiKibosho Muna etu nakundiye shule KiMashami: Mwanetu akunde shule vo KiRombo Mwana shu akundi shule ku KiMochi Mana chu akundi shule fo
7 Elimu ni ufunguo wa maisha English Education is the key of life KiUru Elimu nyi uvunguo lo maisha KiVunjo Elimu nyi uvunguo lo maisha KiKibosho Kisomo / elimu ufunguo lo maisha KiMashami: Elimu ni funguo lo maisha KiRombo Elimu nyi ufunguo wa maisha KiMochi Elimu ni ufunguo wo maisha
8 Mungu wetu ni mkubwa sana English Our God is so great KiUru Ruwa oru nang‟anyi sana KiVunjo Ruwa oru nang‟anyi sana KiKibosho Ruwa odu nyangane sana KiMashami: Ruwa weru ni nnini mno KiRombo Mungu wedu emduwe
81 sana KiMochi Ruwa odu nyi ang‟anyi
9 Ni jambo jema sana kwenda English It is a very good thing kanisani going to church KiUru Ni kindo kicha sana ienda misa KiVunjo Ni kindo kicha sana ienda misa KiKibosho Ni kindo kincha sana ienda kaniseni KiMashami: Ni mbony muhimu ienda kaniseni KiRombo Ni kindo kinsha sana ienda misa KiMochi Ni kindo kincha sana ienda misa 10 Nitakileta usiku wa leo English I will bring it tonight KiUru Njikiende kio kya inu KiVunjo Njikekiende kio kya inu KiKibosho Ngikiende kio kye enu KiMashami: Nkiende nkio kya kianu KiRombo Ngikiende kio kya inu KiMochi Njikiende kio kya inu
11 Ukifika niambie English When you reach, tell me KiUru Koshika njiwia KiVunjo Koshika njiwia KiKibosho Konfika kungye KiMashami: Komfika shiuya KiRombo Ukashika ngiwia KiMochi Koshika njiwia
82 12 Kama hautawezakuja unitaarifu English If you can not come mapema inform me earlier KiUru Koka kulakerimaicha kunjiwie owini KiVunjo Koka kulakerima icha kunjiwie owini KiKibosho Ako kulachidima icha kungye mapema KiMashami: Kama ushidimeesha shiwia mapema KiRombo Kama ukejimeisha fo ungwie buru KiMochi Koshika njiwia
13 Tumekubaliana kwenda kazini English We have agreed to go to job KiUru Lokubaliana ienda kasini KiVunjo Lokubaliana ienda kasini KiKibosho Lokubaliana ienda kasini KiMashami: Dwakubaliana ienda kasini KiRombo Dwakubaliana ienda kasini KiMochi Lokubaliana ihenda kasini 14 Ni vizuri watoto wacheze English It is a good thing for pamoja children to play together KiUru Necha wana watawane kimu KiVunjo Necha wana watawane kimu KiKibosho Kincha wana watawane kimwi KiMashami: Kisha wana watawane kimu KiRombo Nesha wana wateme kimu
83 KiMochi Kicha wana wateme kimu
15 Kupigana ni tabia mbaya English Fighting is a bad habit KiUru Ikapana tabia iwicho KiVunjo Ikapana tabia iwicho KiKibosho Ikabana tabia ngiwicho KiMashami: Ikabana tabia shikasha KiRombo Ikabana tabia iwisho KiMochi Ikapana tabia iwicho
16 Wachaga wengi hupenda English Most of the Chagga people kurejea nyumbani wakati wa prefer to come back home sikukuu during holidays KiUru Wachaka wafoi wakundi uya kanyi keri kya sikukuu KiVunjo Wachaka wafoi wakundi uya kanyi keri kya sikukuu KiKibosho Wachaka wafye wakundye iuya bo keri kya sikukuu KiMashami: Wachaka wafoi wauya boo keri kya sikukuu KiRombo Wachaka wengi wakundi uya kaa keri kya sikukuu KiMochi Wachaga wafoi wakundi wuya kanyi kheri kya sikukuu
17 Msimu wa mavuno huwa ni English During harvesting, it hatari sana kutokana na kuwepo becomes so dangerous due kwa wanyama wengi hatari hasa to the presence of tembo na chui dangerous animals especially elephants and leopards
84 KiUru Keri kye sambuo nyi hatari mnu kifa kuore wanyama wafoi hatari hasa njofu na irung‟u KiVunjo Keri kye sambuo nyi hatari mnu kifa kuore wanyama wafoi hatari hasa njofu na irung‟u KiKibosho Keri kya mafuno nyi hatari sana kutokana wanyama wafye hatari waiyo hasa tembo na chui KiMashami: Msimu wa mavuno nyi hatari kutokana na wanyama wengi hatari hasa tembo na chui KiRombo Keri kye funa ki hatari mnu kifa kude wanyama wengi hatari hasa shofu na ifisi KiMochi Kiheri kya isambuo ni kya hatari sana kifa ya wanyama hatari...
18 Mkoa wetu ndiyo wenye shule English Our region has many nyingi za sekondari kuliko secondary schools than mikoa yote Tanzania any other region in Tanzania KiUru Mkoa foru fo fuore shule zifoi za sekondari kota mikoa yose Tanzania KiVunjo Mkoa foru fuore shule zifoi za sekondari kota
85 mikoa yose Tanzania KiKibosho Mkoa odu nyo uode shule tifye ta sekondari kuliko mikoa yose Tanzania KiMashami: Mkoa weru ndiyo utire shule tingi sa sekondari kuliko mikoa tose sa Tanzania KiRombo Mkoa wedu ude shule nyingi za sekondari kuliko mikoa yose ya Tanzania KiMochi Mkoa fodu fo fuwode shule tsifoi za sekondari kuliko yose Tanzania
19 Watu wengi hupenda kufunga English Many people prefer to ndoa mwezi wa kumi na mbili have wedding ceremonies in December KiUru Wandu wafoi wakundi ivunga uwali meri fo kumi na mbili KiVunjo Wandu wafoi wakundi ivunga uwali meri fo kumi na mbili KiKibosho Wandu wafye wakundye ifunga ndoa mwiri o kumi na kabi KiMashami Wandu wengi wakunda ivunga harusi mwiri wa kumi na kawi KiRombo Wandu wengi wakundi funga uwali mweri wa kumi na kawi
86 KiMochi Wandu wafoi wakundi funga woli mmeri fo kumi na kawi
20 Kucheza mpira wa miguu siyo English Playing football is not an kitu muhimu kwa wachagga. important thing for the Wachaga wengi hupenda Chagga. Many Chagga kujishughulisha na shughuli za prefer to engage kibiashara themselves in business activities KiUru Ichesa mpira fo marende chi kindo muhimu sana kwa wachaka vo. Wachaka wafoi wakundi jishughulisha na kasi za biashara KiVunjo Ichesa mpira fo marende chi kindo muhimu sana kwa wachaka vo. Wachaka wafoi wakundi jishughulisha na kasi za biashara KiKibosho Ichesa mpira che kindo kya muhimu ko wachaka. Wachaka wafye wakundye ijishughulisha na shuhuli ta biashara KiMashami Icheza mpira wa marende chi kindo muhimu kwa wachaka. Wachaka wengi wajishughulisha na shuhuli za biashara KiRombo Itema mpira wa maddened
87 shi kindo muhimu kwa wachaku ku. Wachaka wengi wakundi ijishughulisha na shuhuli za biashara KiMochi Ichesa mpira fo marende chi kindo muhimu sana kwa wachaka vo. Wachaka wafoi wakundi jishughulisha na kasi za biashara
21 Msimu wa masika mvua huanza English In spring time, the rain kunyesha kuanzia mwezi wa showers from March to tatu hadi mwezi wa saba July KiUru Keri kya kisie mvuo ilekeanza kapa kuanzia meri fo kararu hadi meri fo saba KiVunjo Keri kya kisie mvuo ilekeanza kapa kuanzia meri fo kararu hadi meri fo saba KiKibosho Keri kya masika mbo nyiansa ikaba mwiri o kadadu mpaka o saba KiMashami Kheri kya kisie mbwa kaba kuansia mweri wa khahahu hadi mweri wa saba KiRombo Keri kya kisie mfua iansa kaba kuansia mweri wa karadu hadi KiMochi Kiheri kya masika mvuo
88 ikeanza mmeri fo kararu hadi fo saba
22 Huku kwetu msimu wa kiangazi English In our place, summer time huanza mwezi wa nane begins in August KiUru Kunu koru keri kya kiangazi kilekeanza meri fo nane KiVunjo Kunu koru keri kya kiangazi kilekeanza meri fo nane KiKibosho Kunu kodu keri kya kiangasi kiansa mwiri o nane KiMashami Kunu kweru kheri kya kiangazi kiansa mweri wa nyanya KiRombo Kunu kwedu keri kya kiangazi kiansa mweri wa nane KiMochi Kunu koru keri kya kiangazi kilekeanza meri fo nane
23 Wachaga wengi hupenda kula English Many Chagga prefer to eat ndizi kama chakula cha jioni banana as a dinner KiUru Wachaka wafoi wakundi ilya maru kama kyela kya kiukwany KiVunjo Wachaka wafoi wakundi ilya maru kama kyela kya kiukwany KiKibosho Wachaka wafye wakundye
89 ilya mbwe kelya kya kikowini KiMashami Wachaka wengi wakunda ila shonga sha mishare kama shonga ya nkwani KiRombo Wachaka wengi wakundi ilya maru sha kelya kya kiukwani KiMochi Wachaga wafoi wakundi la maruhu kama kyela kya kyukani
24 Vijana wengi hunywa pombe English Many youth drink alcohol wakati wa asubuhi during the morning KiUru Vijana wafoi walekenyo wari keri kya otuko KiVunjo Vijana wafoi walekenyo wari keri kya otuko KiKibosho Vijana wafye wane wari utuko KiMashami Fijana wengi wane wari muda wa ngama KiRombo Vijana wengi walekenywa wari keri kya shuru KiMochi Vijana wafoi wakundi nyo wari ngamenyi
25 Mwaka huu tutamchagua raisi English This year we shall elect mwingine another president KiUru Maka fu luchaguo raisi ungi KiVunjo Maka fu luchaguo raisi ungi
90 KiKibosho Mooka tu luchako raisi ungi KiMashami Mwaka iwu dusauwa raisi ungi KiRombo Mwaka fu dushakuwa raisi ungi KiMochi Maka fu luchaguo raisi ungi
26 Viongozi wetu hujali maslahi English Our leaders mind their yao wenyewe own affairs KiUru Viongozi woru walekejali maslahi yao waweny KiVunjo Viongozi woru walekejali maslahi yao waweny KiKibosho Viongozi odu wajali maslahi yao weenie KiMashami Viongozi weru wakejali maslahi yao weni KiRombo Viongozi wadu wajali maslahi yao weweny KiMochi Viongozi wadu wajali maslahi hao waweny
27 Kucheza ngoma siyo kitu English Dancing is not an muhimu kwetu important thing to us KiUru Ichesa ngoma chi kindo kya muhimu koru vo KiVunjo Ichesa ngoma chi kindo kya muhimu koru KiKibosho Ichesa ngoma che kindo kya muhimu koru Kimashami Ichesa ngoma siyo kitu kya
91 muhimu kweru KiRombo Ichesa ngoma shi kindo kya muhimu kodu KiMochi Ichesa ngoma chi kindo kya muhimu koru
28 Asante Mungu English Thank you God KiUru Aika Ruwa KiVunjo Aika Ruwa KiKibosho Aika Ruwa Kimashami Ike Ruwa KiRombo Aika Ruwa KiMochi Aika Ruwa
29 Chui anakimbiza kondoo English The leopard is chasing the sheep KiUru Irung‟u likerichira ichondi KiVunjo Irung‟u likerichira ichoondi KiKibosho Chui nyidichira ichoondi KiMashami Chui nakerisha ihari KiRombo Ifisi lidishira ishoondi KiMochi Irung‟u likerichira ichoondi
30 Ng‟ombe hukimbia kwa English Cows run by jumping kurukaruka KiUru Mmbe zilekericha ko irundukarunduka KiVunjo Mmbe zilekericha ko irundukarunduka KiKibosho Ng‟umbe idicha itolatola KiMashami Ng‟ombe akedisha ko
92 kilyakilya KiRombo Mmbe idisha itolatola KiMochi Mmbe idicha ko irukaruka
31 Mwenyekiti alifungua kikao saa English A chairperson opened the tatu kamili asubuhi meeting at nine o‟clock in the morning KiUru Mwenyekiti nalevunguo kikao saa ziraru kamili otuko KiVunjo Mwenyekiti nalevunguo kikao saa ziraru kamili otuko KiKibosho Mwenyekiti alefunguo kikao saa isadu kamili otuko KiMashami Mwenyekiti alevunguo kikao saa isaru kamili... KiRombo Mwenyekiti alefutua kikao saa isadu kamili shuru KiMochi Mwenyekiti alefunguo kikao saa tatu kamili ngamenyi
32 Funga mlango English Close the door KiUru Shinga mlango KiVunjo Shinga mlango KiKibosho Shinga nlango KiMashami Funga nlango KiRombo Funga mlango KiMochi Funga mlango
33 Mlango umefunguliwa English The door is opened
93 KiUru Mlango forulio KiVunjo Mlango forulio KiKibosho Nlango nyunrwe KiMashami Nlango wanruo KiRombo Mlango wafutuliwa KiMochi Mlango fufunguo
34 Nyumba hii ina panya wengi English This house has many rats KiUru Mmba hii iore makokoi hafoi KiVunjo Mmba i iore makokoi hafoi KiKibosho Mmba i nyiode makokoi afye KiMashami Mmba ii tire makokoi mengi KiRombo Mmba i ide makokoi hafoi KiMochi Mmba i iwode makokoi hafoi
35 Mbwa wetu anaitwa somji English Our dog is called somji KiUru Kite kyaru kiwango somji KiVunjo Kite kyaru kiwango somji KiKibosho Kite kyedu kiwango somji KiMashami Kite kheru kiwango somji KiRombo Kite kedu kikelawa somji KiMochi Kite kyadu kinyelaho somji
36 Kesho nitaanza ujenzi wa English Tomorrow I shall start the nyumba yangu construction of my house KiUru Ngama njikeanza ujenzi wo mmba yako
94 KiVunjo Ngama njikeanza ujenzi wo mmba yako KiKibosho Desi ngichaansa ujenzi wo mmba ako KiMashami Ndesi nshaanza itana mmba yakwa KiRombo Ngama ngiansa ujensi wa mmba yakwa KiMochi Ngama nianza ujenzi wo mmba yako
37 Watoto wanne wamepita hapa English Four children have passed here KiUru Wana waana waira iya KiVunjo Wana waana waira iya KiKibosho Wana waana wamiida iya KiMashami Wana waana wamwira iya KiRombo Wana waana waida aaji KiMochi Wana waana waida iya
38 Mwaka jana tulilima mahindi English Last year we cultivated ekari miambili two hundred hectares of maize KiUru Maka fulesia lulerema maemba eka mia mbili KiVunjo Maka fulesia lulerema maemba eka mia mbili KiKibosho Mooka uleeda luledema meemba eka mia iwi KiMashami Mwaka wa isho werhema maemba eka manawi KiRombo Mwaka waida duledema maemba eka mia iwi
95 KiMochi Maka fulesia luledema maimba heka mia mbili
39 Ng‟ombe hupenda sana majani English Cows prefer much the ya aina hii grasses of this kind KiUru Mmbe zikundi sana mare ya aina ii KiVunjo Mmbe zikundi sana mare ya aina ii KiKibosho Ng‟umbe tikundye sana mare wa aina ei KiMashami Ng‟ombe ekunda mare ya ngate ii KiRombo Mmbe zikundi sana mare ya aina ii KiMochi Mmbe tsikundi mare ha aina ii
40 Mboga hizi ni tamu English These vegetables are so sweet KiUru Mboka tsi zikelora sana KiVunjo Mboka tsi zikelora sana KiKibosho Mboka ti tiloda sana KiMashami Mboka iti zikekhola nnu KiRombo Mboka si ziloda sana KiMochi Mboka tsi zikelora sana
41 Tumbo inauma English The stomach is paining KiUru Ndeu ikewawa KiVunjo Ndeu ikewawa KiKibosho Ndeu nyiwawa KiMashami Ndeu ikewawa KiRombo Ndeu iwawa
96 KiMochi Ndeu iwawa
42 Anaumwa tumbo English He / she has a stomach pain KiUru Nakewawiyo ndeu KiVunjo Nakewawiyo ndeu KiKibosho Nyawaiyo ndeu KiMashami Akewawiyo ndeu KiRombo Ewawiwa ndeu KiMochi Nawawio ndeu
43 Sipendi chakula hiki English I don‟t like this food KiUru Njikundi kyela ki vo KiVunjo Njikundi kyela ki vo KiKibosho Ngakundye kelya ki n KiMashami Nkunde shoo i fo KiRombo Ngikundi kelya ki ku KiMochi Njikundi kyela ki fo
44 Kuja kwake kumetufurahisha English His / her coming made us happy KiUru Icha lyake lyaluchira KiVunjo Icha lyake lyaluchira KiKibosho Icha lyake lyadushira KiMashami Isha kwani lwaforha KiRombo Isha lyake lyadushira KiMochi Icha lyake lyaluchihira
45 Tumefurahishwa kuja kwake English We have been happy with his / her coming KiUru Lochiro na icha lyake KiVunjo Lochiro na icha lyake
97 KiKibosho Lulekunda na icha lyake KiMashami Lwaforha isha kwake KiRombo Dwashiwa na isha lyake KiMochi Lochiro na icha lyake
46 Nimekuta watu wawili English I met two people fighting wanapigana KiUru Ngakoya wandu wawi wakekapana KiVunjo Ngakoya wandu wawi wakekapana KiKibosho Ngakoya wandu wawi wakabana KiMashami Shakoya wandu wawi wakabana KiRombo Ngakolya wandu wawi wekabana KiMochi Ngakoya wandu wawi wakapana
47 Fungeni macho tuombe English Close the eyes to pray KiUru Vungeni mariso luterewe KiVunjo Vungeni mariso luterewe KiKibosho Rumben meso luterewe KiMashami Fungireni mariso luterewe KiRombo Fungeni meso duterewe KiMochi Fungeni meso luterewe
48 Kaeni chini tuzungumze English Sit down to talk KiUru Ramieni wanda lurere KiVunjo Ramieni wanda lurere KiKibosho Damieni shumbai ludede KiMashami Keeny rhembo durhere
98 KiRombo Damieni sumbayi ludede KiMochi Damieni wanda ludede
49 Kucheka kwake English His / her laughing amazed kumetushangaza us KiUru Iseka lyake lyalushangaza KiVunjo Iseka lyake lyalushangaza KiKibosho Iseka lyake lyalushangaza KiMashami Eseka kwake kyadushangaza KiRombo Iseka lyake ladushangasa KiMochi Iseka lyake lyalushangaza
50 Tumeshangazwa na kucheka English We are amazed with his / kwake her laughing KiUru Loshangazo na iseka lyake KiVunjo Loshangazo na iseka lyake KiKibosho Loshangazo na iseka lyake KiMashami Dwashangazwa na iseka kwake KiRombo Dwashangaswa na iseka lyake KiMochi Loshangazo na iseka lyake
99 Appendix 3: Research tools: Word list
S English Kiswahili KiUru KiMasham KiVu KiRomb KiMoc KiKibos N i njo o hi ho
1 Water Maji Mringa
2 Tree Mti Ikiri
3 Man Mwanaume Mndumii
4 Banana Mgomba Nnda tree
5 Child Mtoto Manaa
6 Leopar Chui Irung‟u d
7 Get Owa / Alika/ married Olewa aliko
8 Fall Kuugua Iluo sick
9 Canal Mfereji Mfongo
10 Dog Mbwa Kite / ikite
11 Give Nipe Njininga me
12 Chair Kiti Kitima
13 How Habari zako Mbony are you zavo
14 Home Nyumbani Kany
15 Sit Kaa Ramia
16 Sun Jua Mmbari
17 Woman Mwanamke Mndumk a
100 18 Food Chakula Kyela
19 Lough Cheka Seka
20 Stand Simama Oroka up
21 Down Chini Wanda
22 Father Baba Papa
23 Look Ona Ambuya
24 Pour Mwaga Zunduo
25 Head Kichwa Mro
26 Face Uso Kiamu
27 Eye Jicho Iriso
28 Ear Sikio Ikuru
29 Mouth Mdomo Kana
30 Arm Mkono Uwoko
31 Leg Mguu irende
32 Walk Tembea Chumia
33 Run Kimbia Richa
34 Mad Kichaa Isuko person
35 Stupid Mjinga Itondo person
Get Pona Chia well / recover
36 Vomit Tapika Raika
37 Stomac Tumbo Ndeu h
101 38 Born Zaliwa Feo
39 Mdogo Young Mtutu
40 Wise Mjanja Irango
41 Teach Fundisha Losha
42 Remem Kumbuka Kumbuo ber
43 Forget Sahau Rekio
44 Angry Hasira Nyashi
45 Cry / Lia Fira Weep
46 Fear Uwoga Uwou
47 Hate Chukia Suo
48 Love Penda Kunda
49 Refuse Kataa Lea
50 Fail Shindwa Lemo
51 Shy Aibu Sonu
52 Danger Hatari Hatari
53 Name Jina Irina
54 Husban Mume Mmi d
55 Wife Mke Mmka
56 Neighb Jirani Jirani / our Wamrasa
57 Enemy Adui Adui
58 Thief Mwizi Mwiwi
59 Sorcere Mchawi Msawi r (man)
102 / Witch (female )
60 Say Sema Amba
61 Request Omba Terewa
62 Insult Tukana Sesa
63 Cheat Danganya Lemba
64 Cook Pika Kora
65 Plate Sahani Sahani
66 Bowl Bakuli Bakuli
67 Spoon Kijiko Kiliko
68 House Nyumba Mmba
69 Bed Kitanda Kitara
70 Ladder Ngazi Ngasi
71 Bridge Daraja Kitara
72 Firewo Kuni Nngu od
73 Regret Juta Sara
74 Sweep Fagia Aiya
75 Wash Osha Sanja
76 Draw Chota / teka Raia Water maji mringa
77 Cultivat Lima Rema e
78 Hoe Jembe Ikumbi
79 Harvest Vuna Sambuo
80 Take Chukuwa Onduo
103 81 Hen Kuku Nguku
82 Chicke Vifaranga Shialea n
83 Chase Fukuza Funa
84 Knife Kisu Kiandu
85 Slaught Chinja Shinja er , kill (animal s for butcheri n)
86 Buy Nunua Ura
87 Sell Uza Kumba
88 War Vita Shira
89 Sword Panga Ipanga
90 God Mungu Ruwa (suprem e being)
91 Witchcr Uchawi Usawi aft
92 Bewitc Loga Lowa h
93 Cow Ng‟ombe Mmbe
94 Goat Mbuzi Mburu
95 Sheep Kondoo Ichondi
96 Rat Panya Ikokoi
97 Mornin Asubuhi Otuko g
98 Evenin Jioni Kiukwan
104 g i
99 Noon Mchana Kingoto
10 Night Usiku Kio 0
10 Jump Ruka Runduka 1
10 Indicate Onesha Lora 2 / point
10 Wake Amka Kwirie 3 up
10 Arrive Fika Shika 4
10 Go Nenda Enda 5
10 Return Rudisha Wira 6
10 Change Badili Alacha 7
10 Hide Ficha Rika 8
10 Lose Poteza Reza 9
11 Big Kubwa Ing‟anyi 0
11 Enlarge Fanya kubwa Ng‟anyir 1 a
11 Long Ndefu Leshi 2
11 Short Fupi Fui 3
105 11 Small Ndogo Tutu 4
11 Hot Joto Mrike 5
11 Cold Baridi Mbeho 6
11 White Nyeupe Njiili 7
11 Red Nyekundu Kimande 8
11 Black Nyeusi Njiu 9
12 One Moja Imu 0
12 Two Mbili iwi 1
12 Three Tatu iraru 2
12 Four Nne ina 3
12 Five Tano Tanu 4
12 First A kwanza Ya 5 kwanza
12 Second A pili Ya kawi 6
12 Third A tatu Ya 7 kararu
12 Fourth A nne Ya kana 8
106 12 Fifth A tano Ya 9 katanu
13 Increas Ongeza Engera 0 e
13 Whole Nzima Nsima 1
13 Everyb Kila mtu Kila 2 ody mndu
13 Everyth Kila kitu Kila 3 ing kindo
13 Everyw Kila mahali Kila 4 here andu
13 You Wewe Woiyo 5
13 He / she Yeye Oo 6
13 I Mimi Oweny 7
13 We Sisi Osu 8
13 Here Hapa Iya 9
14 There Pale Alya 0
14 Near Karibu Afui 1
14 Far Mbali Aleshi 2
14 This Huyu Ichu 3
107 14 That Yule Ulya 4
14 Who? Nani? Owu? 5
14 What? Nini? Kiki? 6
14 Which Kipi? Kiya? 7 one?
14 Where? Wapi? Ku? 8
14 Why? Kwa nini? Kitewe? 9
15 Yes Ndiyo Iye 0
108 Appendix 4: Reading passage
The following sentences were pronounced by the informants from Uru, Rombo,
Kibosho, Machame, Old Moshi, and Vunjo. (These sentences are in Kiswahili).
1. Njoo nikuambie
2. Baba amekuja
3. Mama analima mahindi shambani
4. Mlima Kilimanjaro ndiyo mlima mrefu kuliko yote Africa.
5. Wachaga wengi hupenda kurejea nyumbani wakati wa sikukuu
6. Msimu wa mavuno huwa ni hatari sana kutokana na kuwepo kwa wanyama wengi
hatari hasa tembo na chui.
7. Mkoa wetu ndiyo wenye shule nyingi za sekondari kuliko mikoa yote Tanzania.
8. Watu wengi hupenda kufunga ndoa mwezi wa kumi na mbili.
9. Kucheza mpira wa miguu siyo kitu muhimu kwa Wachaga. Wachaga wengi
hupenda kujishughulisha na shughuli za kibiashara.
10. Msimu wa masika mvua huanza kunyesha kuanzia mwezi wa tatu hadi mwezi wa
saba.
11. Huku kwetu msimu wa kiangazi huanza mwezi wa nane.
12. Mjomba wangu amepata mtoto wa kike.
13. Huyu mtoto hapendi shule.
14. Elimu ni ufunguo wa maisha.
109 15. Mungu wetu ni mkubwa sana.
16. Ni jambo jema sana kwenda kanisani.
17. Nitakileta usiku wa leo
18. Wachaga wengi hupenda kula ndizi kama chakula cha jioni.
19. Vijana wengi hunywa pombe wakati wa asubuhi.
20. Mwaka huu tutamchagua raisi mwingine.
21. Viongozi wetu hujali maslahi yao wenyewe
22. Kucheza ngoma siyo kitu muhimu kwetu.
23. Ukifika uniambie.
24. Kama hautawezakuja unitaarifu mapema.
25. Tumekubaliana kwenda kazini.
26. Ni vizuri watoto wacheze pamoja.
27. Asante Mungu.
28. Chui anakimbiza kondoo.
29. Ng‟ombe hukimbia kwa kurukaruka.
30. Mwenyekiti alifungua kikao saa tatu kamili asubuhi.
31. Funga mlango.
32. Mlango umefunguliwa.
33. Nyumba hii ina panya wengi.
110 34. Mbwa wetu anaitwa somji.
35. Kesho nitaanza ujenzi wa nyumba yangu.
36. Watoto wanne wamepita hapa.
37. Mwaka jana tulilima mahindi ekari mia mbili.
38. Ng‟ombe hupenda sana majani ya aina hii.
39. Mboga hizi ni tamu sana.
40. Tumbo inauma
41. Anaumwa tumbo
42. Sipendi chakula hiki.
43. Kuja kwake kumetufurahisha.
44. Tumefurahia kuja kwake.
45. Nimekuta watu wawili wanapigana
46. Kupigana ni tabia mbaya.
47. Fungeni macho tuombe.
48. Kaeni chini tuzungumze
49. Kucheka kwake kumetushangaza.
50. Tumeshangazwa na kucheka kwake.
111 Appendix 5: Reading passage - translation. (Kiswahili to English)
Kiswahili English Njoo nikuambie. Come, I will tell you Baba amekuja Daddy has come
Mama analima mahindi shambani A mother is cultivating Mlima Kilimanjaro ndiyo mlima mrefu Mount Kilimanjaro is the kuliko yote Africa. highest mountain in Africa. Wachaga wengi hupenda kurejea nyumbani Most of the Chagga people wakati wa sikukuu prefer to come back home during holidays. Msimu wa mavuno huwa ni hatari sana During harvesting, it becomes kutokana na kuwepo kwa wanyama wengi so dangerous due to the hatari hasa tembo na chui. presence of dangerous animals especially elephants and leopards. Mkoa wetu ndiyo wenye shule nyingi za Our region has many sekondari kuliko mikoa yote Tanzania. secondary schools than any other region in Tanzania Watu wengi hupenda kufunga ndoa mwezi Many people prefer to have wa kumi na mbili. wedding ceremonies in December. Kucheza mpira wa miguu siyo kitu muhimu Playing football is not an kwa Wachaga. Wachaga wengi hupenda important thing for the Chagga. kujishughulisha na shughuli za kibiashara. Many Chagga prefer to engage themselves in business activities. Msimu wa masika mvua huanza kunyesha In spring time, the rain showers kuanzia mwezi wa tatu hadi mwezi wa saba. from March to July. Huku kwetu msimu wa kiangazi huanza In our place, summer time mwezi wa nane. begins in August. Mjomba wangu amepata mtoto wa kike. My uncle has got a baby
112 daughter. Huyu mtoto hapendi shule. This child does not like the school. Elimu ni ufunguo wa maisha. Education is the key of life. Mungu wetu ni mkubwa sana. Our God is so great Ni jambo jema sana kwenda kanisani. It is a very good thing going to church. Nitakileta usiku wa leo I will bring it tonight. Wachaga wengi hupenda kula ndizi kama Many Chagga prefer to eat chakula cha jioni. banana as dinner. Vijana wengi hunywa pombe wakati wa Many youth drink alcohol asubuhi. during the morning. Mwaka huu tutamchagua raisi mwingine. This year we shall elect another president. Viongozi wetu hujali maslahi yao wenyewe Our leaders mind their own affairs. Kucheza ngoma siyo kitu muhimu kwetu. Dancing is not an important thing to us. Ukifika uniambie. When you arrive, tell me. Kama hautawezakuja unitaarifu mapema. If you cannot come, inform me earlier. Tumekubaliana kwenda kazini. We have agreed to go to job. Ni vizuri watoto wacheze pamoja. It is good for the children to play together. Asante Mungu. Thank you God Chui anakimbiza kondoo. The Leopard is chasing the sheep. Ng‟ombe hukimbia kwa kurukaruka. Cows run by jumping. Mwenyekiti alifungua kikao saa tatu kamili A chairperson opened the asubuhi. meeting at nine o‟clock in the morning. Funga mlango. Close the door. Mlango umefunguliwa. The door is opened.
113 Nyumba hii ina panya wengi. This house has many rats. Mbwa wetu anaitwa somji. Our dog‟s name is somji. Kesho nitaanza ujenzi wa nyumba yangu. Tomorrow I shall start the construction of my house. Watoto wanne wamepita hapa. Four Children have passed here. Mwaka jana tulilima mahindi ekari mia Last year we cultivated two mbili. hundred hectares of maize. Ng‟ombe hupenda sana majani ya aina hii. Cows prefer much the grasses of this kind. Mboga hizi ni tamu sana. These vegetables are so sweet. Tumbo inauma The stomach is paining. Anaumwa tumbo He / she has a stomach pain. Sipendi chakula hiki. I don‟t like this food. Kuja kwake kumetufurahisha. His / her coming made us happy. Tumefurahia kuja kwake. We have been happy with his / her coming. Nimekuta watu wawili wanapigana I met two people fighting. Kupigana ni tabia mbaya. Fighting is a bad habit. Fungeni macho tuombe. Close the eyes to pray. Kaeni chini tuzungumze Sit down to talk. Kucheka kwake kumetushangaza. His / her laughing amazed us. Tumeshangazwa na kucheka kwake. We are amazed with his / her laughing.
114 Appendix 6: Sociolinguistic interview (Free conversations)
Interview guide 1. Kiswahili: Unaposikia wachaga kutoka sehemu mbalimbali za mkoa wa
Kilimanjaro wakizungumza kwa lugha yao (lugha ya kabila) huwa unaelewa
wanachozungumza? Ndiyo / Hapana. Ni kwa kiwango gani?
English: When you hear Chagga people from different parts of Kilimanjaro region
speaking through their mother tongue, do you understand what they speak? Yes /
No. To what extent?
In this question, the researcher will give a chance for respondents to express the
extent to which they understand their fellows’ language.
It is through this discussion that the researcher will identify the varieties of
Chagga spoken in Kilimanjaro region.
1 Kiswahili: Unafikiri ni kwa nini Wachaga kutoka sehemu tofauti za mkoa wa
Kilimanjaro huzungumza tofauti?
English: What do you think is the reason (s) as to why Chagga people from different
parts of Kilimanjaro region speak differently?
This question intends to get the source of the existing language variation among the
Chagga. It is the main target of using sociolinguistic interview as one of the methods
of data collection; therefore the researcher will give a room for a wide discussion.
A researcher also used this method to collect biographical information of the
informants. These include age, gender, marital status, and place of origin in
Kilimanjaro region.
115