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Regional Management of Water Resources (Proceedings of a symposium held during the Sixth IAHS Scientific Assembly at Maastricht, The Netherlands, July 2001). IAHS Publ. no. 268, 2001. 25 Sustainable regional water management in the Yamuna River basin: case study of the Delhi region (India) R. B. SINGH Department of Geography, Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi, Delhi-110007, India e-mail: [email protected] or [email protected] Abstract Considering the importance of water resources in the Delhi region of the Yamuna River basin (India), this paper highlights the multi-dimensional nature of the region and recognizes it as an integral part of the basin's ecosystem. An action plan should ensure the sustainability of the water environment for multiple uses, because policies, investments and regulations in one part of a river basin or in one sector affect activities throughout the basin. A comprehensive framework for regional water management requires incorporation of inter-regional, cross-sectoral and environmental consi­ derations in the design of policies and investments. The general water condition in the rural-urban fringe of Delhi is going from bad to worse because extraction of groundwater for both irrigation and drinking purposes, far exceeds the recharge. The Yamuna basin authority, an institutional, legal and regulatory framework, will facilitate cross-sectoral and cross- governmental participation while delegating responsibility to local governments and people. Keywords drinking water; human response; irrigation; urban fringe of Delhi; Yamuna River INTRODUCTION Water is essential for human life, economic development, social welfare and environ­ mental sustainability. Rapid urbanization and industrialization is placing an unprecedented pressure on water quality and demand. There are numerous other constraints such as inefficient infrastructure, ill-designed urban regulations, weak municipal institutions, inadequate financial services and arrangements for urban development. These factors together induce low productivity, an increase in the number of the poor, and deterioration in environmental quality. Currently, more than one billion people live in cities where the effect of air, water, land and other pollutants on their health is very alarming (Singh, 1999, 2000; Hardoy et al, 1992). The water need in rural Delhi is mainly confined to drinking water supply for its growing population. The water supply in the National Capital Territory (NCT) of Delhi is under severe pressure because the population size as well as industrial activities are multiplying at an increasing rate. The unabated immigration of more people has magnified these problems, resulting in flouting of land-use regulations and deterioration of the green cover. The water supply situation in Delhi provides an ideal subject for study. The average per capita consumption, officially estimated to be 250 litres per household per day, can be compared to consumption levels of developed countries. Most studies in Delhi (urban and rural) report problems related to water 26 R. B. Singh supply in various localities of the city. If one look into the reasons for Delhi's water distribution problems, one may find that the problem lies more in inefficient management of the supply network rather than in scarcity of water resources. Secondly, contrary to most other Indian cities, a larger part of Delhi's population gets water around the clock. So far, studies on the consequences of unreliable water supply have been conducted in cities where the unreliability has affected the entire population. The present study has been based on a comparison of behavioural patterns between households with a regular water supply and households with intermittent and irregular supply (Misra, 1998; Druijven & Singh, 1996; Gurumukhi, 1992). STUDY AREA AND METHODOLOGY As per the 1991 census, the population of Delhi was 9.4 million, and is projected to reach 14.1 million in 2001. An additional floating population of 0.3 to 0.4 million per day is a recurring feature in Delhi. According to a recent survey, more than 50% of Delhi's population live in about 1304 unauthorized colonies, 1080 Jhuggi Jhonpari (slums) clusters, 44 resettlement colonies and 209 rural villages (Fig. 1). From the administrative point of view, the NCT is divided into two districts: Delhi and Mehrauli with 209 villages, 3 statutory towns and 29 census towns. The Delhi NCT comprises both urban and rural population, yet the Delhi urban agglomeration does not include all the urban population of the Delhi NCT. Delhi is one of the largest urban agglomerations in the world with an estimated population of approximately 11 million in 1997. There are 22 census towns and three statutory towns. The urban area consists of the Delhi Municipal Corporation (MCD), the New Delhi Municipal Corporation (NDMC) and the Delhi Cantonment Board (DCB) (Druijven & Singh, 1998). In order to understand the implications of a changing water status on the society, four sample villages were chosen from the Alipur and Najafgarh Development Blocks of rural Delhi. Four villages are selected from the Alipur Block: Qadipur, Hiranki, Bankauli and Sanoth; and another four villages were chosen from the Najafgarh Block: Dichoan Kalan, Kair, Ujwa and Dhansa. A 10% sample of households was taken from each of the selected villages, reflecting the social composition of the local society. The sample population was interviewed on the basis of a pre-printed questionnaire containing questions about the social placement of an individual, literacy, and income levels, and of course the amount and means of water supplied, storage, quality etc. The feudal/traditional caste segregation is still inherent to the areas surrounding the metropolitan Delhi. In a typical Delhi village, Jats and Brahmins are the most dominant castes along with Rajputs, although the Scheduled Castes have significant presence. Water quality has been considered on the basis of household perception. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Access to water concept "Access to water", explained as "access to potable water" varies from region to region. For a rural household, access to water means that a member of the family does not Sustainable regional water management in the Yamuna River basin: Delhi region case study 27 Fig. 1 Map of the study area of rural Delhi. have to spend a disproportionate amount of time for collecting water. This definition, however, lacks clarity as the problem lies more in the cost of the accessibility. From various official sources, the percentage of population with access to potable water was taken into account and was considered a relevant measure to evaluate the level of services available. Though this indicator makes international comparisons possible, the importance to the quality of service provided is not taken into account. This binary approach poses two-fold problems. Firstly, it presumes that there are households with access to water compared to those without water, even though the hurdle is more in the cost of access. Secondly, there exist quantitative approaches, which assume that once the accessibility of water is established, there is hardly any difference between the method of supply and the level of services. Yet, the level of users satisfaction differ according to the mode of supply (individual 28 R. B. Singh connection or collective sources). So, most village surveys usually cover only households supplied by collective sources, thereby neglecting households connected to a network and presumed to benefit from a higher level of services. The reality, however, is more complex. Even for households with an in-house municipal connection, water is not supplied round the clock. Sources of water The total annual rainfall in the NCT of Delhi is 611.5 mm. The amount of rainfall increases from southwest to northeast; about 81 % of the annual rainfall is received as winter rains and as cyclonic rain during pre- and post-monsoon months. There are large variations in rainfall from year to year. In Delhi, the major source of supplied surface water is from the River Yamuna. Delhi is largely dependent upon its neighbours, especially during the summer. Groundwater represents only approximately 11% of Delhi's water resources. Delhi water board has now become Delhi Jal Board. In 1996, the optimum production was assessed as 2728 x 106lday_1 with a daily average of 2634 x lf/lday"1. The fi gures remained the same in 1999. The board made a determined effort to increase the availability of water. Since 1961, water production has multiplied six fold, and despite the growth in population there has been an increase in the average per capita consumption, i.e. 166, 221 and 248 litres per person per day in 1961, 1981 and 1996, respectively. As far as surface water is concerned, Delhi can use only a share released by Haryana from the Tajewala dam situated 250 km upstream from Wazirabad. The construction of three new dams (Tehri, Kishan and Renuka) aimed to augment water resources are either underway or envisaged in the long term, and today Delhi has to depend on neighbouring states to get a higher allocation of water from the Yamuna. Groundwater resources are limited and diminishing. The Central Ground Water Board conducted studies in Delhi, which revealed that subsurface water has become polluted. Moreover, the water table level decreased by 2 to 4 m between 1983 and 1994. Groundwater represent another important source of water for Delhi. In order to increase its production the DJB has planned to increase the number and the yield of its running wells. These studies showed that there is an urgent need to develop a policy for protecting the groundwater resources. It is rather difficult to estimate the annual quantity of pumped groundwater, because of the large number of private tube wells dug by households and the industrial sector for their own supply. Similarly, many tanker and bottled water companies are using and selling groundwater. The lack of regulation related to private or individual extraction of groundwater aggravates this situation.

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