<<

According to records from the Ministry of Public Works (2007), has benefited from various water development projects in the form of poly tanks, rainwater catchments, hand pumps and several solar pumps. Generally, all islands have benefited in one way or the other in the various water development projects that include installation of hand pumps, provision of rainwater tanks and establishment of water systems. The hand pumps were installed in the households, with solar pumps and water tanks installed in the schools, the churches and the community. In total there are 83 hand pumps, 24 poly tanks and 8 solar pumps. The purpose of these projects is to improve water accessibility and provide clean drinking water to the population. The hand pump project was the first phase of the UNCDF project and the solar pumps were installed under the second phase of the UNCDF where rain catchments also are funded from “quoted from Nonouti Water Resource assessment, by Marc Overmars, SOPAC preliminary report”.

By and large, most wells located near to the coastlines are rarely freshwater sites and thus normally used for daily water needs but not drinking. Drinking water is fetched from fresher wells that are normally found further inland and Nonouti is no exception. However, there are still freshwater sites that are found close to the coastline such as in the old wells found at Tenanoraoi, in the village of Taboiaki. Despite the effects of prolonged droughts on water, there are freshwater sites for all of the villages that are at times very far considering that one has to carry the buckets home on foot. Some of these sites have been buried when water piping systems were introduced to the island.

The islets of Tebuange and Abamwakoro suffer from brackish wells all the time but the worst water supply of all is on the village of Abamwakoro whose water is also abundant throughout the year but tastes salty. The people on this latter islet are so used to this kind of brackishness that they do not get sick anymore and are actually healthy as anyone can be under the circumstances. In fact, it is said that when they drink freshwater from other parts of Nonouti, they get running stomachs and vice versa for mainlanders drinking Abamakoro water. Rainwater tanks have also been provided to the islet but are not used for the purpose of storing rain so the community can have an alternative means of water supply. According to a resident Abamwakoro man, ‘the people seem to get so excited when rain falls and fills the tanks that they will transport all the rain into household containers until the tanks are again empty. And what do they do with the rain collected from the tanks? They use it for cooking, bathing, washing and mix it with their well water for drinking until it is all used up at which point, they again return to their community well to await the next filling of the rainwater tanks. Relocation suggestions have only met with refusal from the community who do not see the status of their water as an issue but a part of their life that they have adapted to.

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2.8.2 Status of Water Supply

The supply of water is dependent on a number of factors the more important of which are population, climate and topography. Rainwater serves as the major source of drinking water, which can be obtained by collecting it in poly water tanks or through open wells dug into the ground where rainwater accumulates after rains. Nonetheless, Nonouti is not like those islands located on the north where rain annually falls, provided with the dry weather only at start of the year or end that Nonouti receives rain and even sometimes a year goes without having rain. The most recent and common water supply the island has is underground fresh water. According to the study undertaken by SOPAC, Nonouti had an estimated underground water lens of 9.56 kilometer squared that is approximately 1,722 cubic meters per day, as calculated by Falkland(2003) based on estimates by Shalev “Nonouti Water Resource Assessment, distributed by SOPAC, page 5”.

Abamwakoro, Tebuange and Matabou(Benuaroa) are facing saline intrusion into their underground freshwater lens in periods of no rain or drought (quoted from Nonouti - Water Resources Assessment, SOPAC, 2003). Plans have been laid ahead in helping these islands of the north with accessible water however none have been done up until now.

2.8.3 Other Issues

As far as water supply is concerned most of the installed hand pumps, solar pumps do not last long where only 38% of solar pumps are working while the rest have been damaged mostly do not have spare parts leaving them deteriorate over time. The other issue that the 83 hand pumps 25% are still working and the rest have been deteriorated over time. Nonouti is threatened by saltwater pollution through surface intrusion. Already the freshwater from the northern side is affected around drought seasons, most of all if population increase rapidly the underground water lens will not last that long. Surface intrusion of seawater leaves the groundwater reservoir completely vulnerable to pollution, which slowly spreads out to affect the entire island water supply.

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Energy

The traditional form of fuel is firewood, mainly in the form of coconut husk, dry coconut leaves and common wood. In the olden days dried coconut meat was burned to provide lighting in the homes at night, while woven coconut leaves were used in night fishing. Nowadays people are resorting to the use of modern technology to provide energy to meet their private and public needs. The new technologies however use fuel which must be imported from overseas through the Oil Company Limited (KOIL). 200000 KOIL imports fuel from ULP ADO DPK overseas and distribute it 180000 to all the islands in Kiribati. 160000 Kerosene, benzene and diesel provide energy for 140000 cooking, lighting and transport. The 2005 120000 census recorded that out of 100000 540 households 4 owned 80000 power generators and 440 metric tons have pressure lamps. 60000 There were also 2 trucks, 128 motorcycles and 41 40000 outboard motor engines. 20000 Electrical appliances include 378 radios, 5 0 computers and 13 CB 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 Year radios. All these equipment and machinery require fuel or energy for their operation. The chart below shows the volume (in liters) of three major types of fuel sent to Nonouti by the year 2001 to 2006.

In terms of volume, unleaded petroleum (commonly known as benzine) has been the most commonly used fuel on the island, followed by kerosene and diesel. The chart shows that the volume of fuel sent by KOIL to Nonouti Island between 2001 and 2006 has generally increased, with unleaded petroleum constituting 67% of total requirements, kerosene 23% and diesel 103% (average of combined fuel requirements from 2001 to 2005). It is anticipated that the proportion of unleaded fuel will increase as the use of automotive machines and equipment (portable generators, outboard engines, motorbikes, etc.) becomes more widespread. Conversely, around the year 2006 Nonouti had a very less share of only 532 tons of benzene, 220 for Kerosene and 108 tons for

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diesel, reasons underlying the circumstances are particularly unknown.

To reduce dependency on fossil-based fuel Government has been promoting the use of solar energy on the outer islands, through its company – the Kiribati Solar Energy Company Limited (KSECL). Over the last 3 years KSECL, with funding from the European Union, has installed more than 2000 stand alone solar photovoltaic systems throughout the country. The objective of this “Outer Island Electrification Project” is to enhance economic activity and improve children performance in school through the provision of affordable and efficient lighting, as well as to provide an alternative environment-friendly energy source that does not pollute the air.

From the 2000 solar systems made available under this EU-funded project 215 of them were installed on Nonouti. Of the 215 installed, 140 were still operational in 2007 including the 5 others that were installed in mwaneabas while 70 of the 215 installed were not operational. More similar systems are expected to be made available under the second phase of the project which is presently being negotiated with EU.

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CHAPTER 3: TE RAOI – SOCIAL CAPITAL, COMMUNITY LIFE AND GOVERNANCE

3.1 Local Institutions and Social Change

3.1.1 The Maneaba System and Unimwane Association

The mwaneaba was and remains the most important institutional symbol and foundation of community life in Kiribati. Its importance is related to its function as the center of social life, where matters pertaining to the social, economic and political life of the community are discussed and resolved with the leadership of the Unimwane.

Beside the traditional function as a community hall, court of judgment/reconciliation, and sanctuary for all, the purpose of the mwaneaba has considerably widened to include shelter for the sick, storage facility for copra, fundraising venue, medical ward and more. Despite the additional uses invented for this culturally important structure, the system of governance and leadership that developed and revolves around the mwaneaba has remained largely intact. This was the result, first of colonial support, and later on of Government’s recognition of the importance of traditional leadership vested in the Unimwane. In all Island Councils including Nonouti, there is a seat for a representative of the Unimwane Association, who embodies the highest traditional authority on the island.

Figure XX: Structure of traditional authority

The Unimwane Association on Nonouti known by the name of “Buroon Nonouti” has representatives from the different wards on the island, of which there are practically 11 and only one is selected to represent the ’unimwane’ in council meetings, most of the e time, the chairperson. The chairman for the Unimwane Association is elected on a rotational basis, starting from wards of the north down to the south ward, for duration of 1 year. The Association meets once a month, also on a rotational basis among the four wards of the island. Membership of the Unimwane Association ranges from 30 to 40 at any time, and the Chairman represents the Association in the Island Council.

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The Association discusses a wide range of issues relating to the welfare of the islanders. What is agreed in the Association is brought to the attention of the Island Council, for further advice and/or assistance. Normally the Island Council will return to the Association issues that it cannot resolve, but will provide assistance to those which it or central government can resolve.

The Unimwane association is more powerful and respected compared to the Island Council, due to the fact that they are the head of their community and command the respect of their people. Because of this the decisions taken by the Unimwane, though sometimes may not be legal, are usually followed without question since going against such decisions can bring down the wrath of the whole community on them. The central government appreciates the importance of the Unimwane as a powerful political institution which functions more according to customary rules.

3.1.2 Women Organizations

AMAK (‘Aia mwaea ainen Kiribati), is the mother organization for all women groups in the country and is therefore the initial body to register under for general women issues such as capacity building in skills. The long-term goal of the AMAK is to increase the social and economic development activities of women and to provide them with more recognition and participation in the island’s development that are expected to be achieved by:

a) improvements through training on leadership and management capabilities of women to strengthen women’s organizations; and b) promotion of income-generating activities for women to provide extra sources of income

Even though there are women groups all over the island, none of them have registered their groups with the Island Council and thus the island council only recognizes the mother women’s organization known as ‘Te Marewe’ and supports them only. In turn, ‘Te Marewe’ is made from representatives of individual village women groups especially those belonging to the ‘Itoiningaina’ (Roman Catholic) and the ‘Reitan Ainen Kiribati’ (KPC). The latter KPC women’s group is better known as the RAK. These individual village groups register their interest with the umbrella organization who then involve them in the umbrella activities.

In general the women associations on Nonouti share the following objectives:

ƒ To enhance their skill, capacity, capability and understanding of both traditional and new knowledge; ƒ To promote the sharing of ideas and knowledge of traditional art and craft; ƒ To promote healthy living for all families; ƒ To work together to generate income, and lastly ƒ To enhance integration among women.

Some of the problems facing women associations on Nonouti include declining membership due to financial difficulties, lack of funds to implement their development plans, and the need for training to better equip women to cope with family responsibilities and to enable them to contribute positively to the development of Nonouti.

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3.1.3 Youth Associations

Like the women organizations on the island, the youth organizations and umbrella body is not registered with the council but the umbrella body known as the Nonouti Youth Association is still recognized by the Island Council. This association represents various religious youth associations listed, with their membership and activities, below:

Table XX: Youth associations on Nonouti Name of group Members Activities Nonouti Youth Unknown Workshops, fund raising, association KPC Youth unknown Choir practicing, fund raising, fellowships, sports RC Youth Unknown Fellowships, social gathering, fund raising, village working, and sports Source: Nonouti Island Council, 2007

Youth associations in the villages are mostly those belonging to either the Roman Catholic or Kiribati Protestant. These youth groups have one basic role which is, to support their churches activities whether it is for services, fundraising or other. They also give support to the Nonouti Island Council when required as approved by their parents or leaders. Their most popular means of fundraising is the ‘kaboo taeka’ (pay to say something) that involves having a ‘policeman’ (elected from the youth members) who collects money from those wanting to say or request something, and announces it to the gathering. The request has to be fulfilled otherwise those not wanting to fulfill it have to pay more than was initially collected to annul the request. Youth fundraising activities depend to a great extent on how supported they are from their church members or committees.

3.1.4 Sport Associations

There are no sports associations on the island however, the youth engage in national football and volleyball competitions. The islanders are familiar with 5 types of sport – soccer, table tennis, volleyball, athletics and a traditional game that is unique to the island, ‘te katua’. The latter game was a game played for as long as the old men can remember that also stopped in the early 2000s but was again picked up in 2008 and since, has gained momentum. It is by far the most popular game and a man’s game at that even though small girls can be seen playing the game with their peers. This game would seem to be a traditional complicated version of the shot-put that uses an oval shaped, heavy stone (pictured right), shaped by axes and smoothened by sandpaper or other stones. Instead of measuring the distance the stone is thrown, it has to be thrown from a certain distance to a coconut log and points are awarded to how and where the stone lands on the side of the log. The scoring is quite complicated that comprises three sets with two games in the sets. At the end of the three sets, the points are added up to

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determine the winner(s). The game terms are even more confusing to newcomers and according to one of the locals, the game is more fun and emotional than dancing. The game stone is called the ‘kai ni katua’ and is known to have been handed down for generations from fathers to sons. It is no wonder that the game stones are so recognized that once, a man lost his game stone only to be told that it had been seen 7 villages away. Young to old men play the game competitively with prizes that include coconuts or money. Rules and scoring are complicated and requires a local from Nonouti to clarify them to completely understand and appreciate the game.

Soccer is also a male-dominated sport in Nonouti. As such all of the games of soccer played on Nonouti are by males. The island however has plans to establish a female team to represent Nonouti during the national championships that are carried out every 2 years. During these championships, football, volleyball, boxing, weightlifting, ‘oreano’ (traditional game) and others are featured with big prizes that individual islands have to compete for. There are plans by some to include ‘te katua’ in the annual independence celebrations for promotion of this tradition game to the general public.

3.2 Religion

3.2.1 Main religious denominations

Chapter 2 also discusses the composition of population by religious denomination. According to the 2005 population census 50.3 % of Nonouti’s 3179 inhabitants are Roman Catholic followers, 46 % belong to the Kiribati Protestant Church while the rest 4 small churches, Seventh Day Adventist, Bahai, Church of God and Mormons share the remaining 3.7 %. It is clear that the population of Nonouti is predominantly Christian as with the rest of the islands in the country, and likely to remain so well into the unforeseeable future.

Betero and Tiiroi, the first Nonouti locals to introduce Roman Catholic to the island are so revered that the Roman Catholic community have a certain gathering and function that is called the ‘Betero Tiiroi’. Their main gathering site is at Umwantewenei, where the first catholic church in the country was built and also where the first local mwaneaba ever built by a foreigner was erected and called the ‘Aake’, the Ark. This mwaneaba is made from local materials but the wooden frame design that holds it up is very different from the local designs. The Ark and church were built by Father Joseph Leray soon after his arrival on Nonouti with his other colleagues in 1888, probably in 1889 or 1890. Over the years to this day, the decayed wooden frames of the Ark have been continuously replaced by the Roman Catholic congregation on the island and thus still stands proudly in it’s original form.

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3.3 Political Authority and Governance

3.3.1 Traditional political system – description and status

The traditional ruling system differs from island to island and comprises the chiefly ruling system and the Unimwane (mwaneaba) system. The chiefly ruling system was common in the central and northern Gilberts, while the Unimwane (mwaneaba) system was used in the southern Gilberts. In the chiefly system one person enjoys the powers and privileges over his subjects and resources. In pre-colonial times the islands from to were ruled by families of “Uea” (high chiefs), who were based on , , and Abemama. The southern islands from Nonouti to were ruled by councils of Unimwane who, discussed and addressed all kinds of social, economic and governance issues in the mwaneaba. The decisions made by the Unimwane were believed to be the best because they are the outcome of careful deliberation among the oldest, wisest and most experienced members of the community.

The chiefly system of the central and northern Gilberts gradually disappeared because it was incompatible with the new Christian belief and democratic form of Government that were introduced into the country in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. On the other hand, the ‘Unimwane (mwaneaba)’ system, due to its similarity with the western democratic model, was encouraged and has continued to be the dominant traditional form of authority throughout the country.

However, the ‘unimwane’ control over the development of the island is slowly being taken over by the Island Councils that are now responsible for administration and management of island development and in whose meetings, a chair has been reserved for a member of the ‘unimwane’. Even so, the unimwane, still have clear cut roles in maintaining traditional customs such as in upholding the peace, mwaneaba and other island traditions. The Island Council and ‘unimwane’ association have to work hand in hand and where the island council is provided support and grants from the Government, the ‘unimwane’ association still has the traditional respect from the people and a knowledge of the resources and ways of the island.

3.3.2 Local government system

The government system in Kiribati is made up of the central government, based in , and Island Councils based on each island. Nonouti Island Council was established on March 28, 1967 under a warrant which outlines the purpose, responsibilities, authority, powers and laws which governed the existence of Councils. The functions of the Island Council were spelled out in the Local Government Ordinance 1966 which had been revised a few times, the most recent being in 2006.

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The Island Council is made up of representatives from each village/ward who are elected every 4 years. There are also nominated and ex- officio members who, together with elected members meet every month to discuss matters pertaining to the operation of the Island Council and issues affecting the various wards and the island as a whole. Among its core functions as stipulated in the Local Government Act 2006, the Island Council is also responsible for the following general areas:-

ƒ Agriculture, livestock and fisheries, ƒ Buildings and village planning, ƒ Education, ƒ Forestry and trees, ƒ Land, ƒ Relief of famine and drought, ƒ Markets, ƒ Public health, ƒ Public order, peace and safety, ƒ Communications and public utilities, ƒ Trade and industry

All Island Councils have management and support staff that are seconded by central government and stationed on the outer islands. These staff include the Council Clerk, the Treasurer, the Assistant Treasurer, the Island project Officer, and the Assistant Social Welfare Officer. In addition to this administrative and support team who work directly with Councils, there are also other government personnel who are placed on the islands to assist in other important areas, such as police officers, agricultural assistants, fisheries assistants, medical assistants, and teachers.

Nonouti Island Council has 10 elected members, each from Temotu, Taboiaki North, Taboiaki South, Matang, Autukia, Rotimwa, Temwanoku, Teuabu, Benuaroa, and Abamwakoro. There are 3 special members who represent the Unimwane representative on a rotational basis for every council meeting, primary school teacher’s representative and Women associations’ representative.

The revised Local Government Act 2006 is aimed at transferring to Island Councils more autonomy and responsibility, to enable them to shoulder the burden of running the country with increased confidence and sense of stewardship. But the revision of the Act is just a part of the wider plan to improve services to people on the outer islands. In addition central government is committed to undertake, among others, the following:

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1. improve key development infrastructures (transport, communication, health, education, etc.) through sustained development financing, 2. promote participatory planning and decision-making especially in relation to matters pertaining to the island as a whole, 3. streamline operation and output of Island Councils through human resource development and stricter management where appropriate, 4. develop new income generation initiatives, and secure new employment opportunities overseas, etc..

While Island Councils may welcome new initiatives of central government to assist them and their people, it may take a long time to build the financial capability of Councils so that they could operate with minimum support from central government.

Central Government still provides support to the Island Councils through what is known as “Support Grant”. According to sources from the Local Government Division of the Ministry of Internal and Social Affairs, central government provided a total of $1.24 million to Island Councils in 2007. From this grant Nonouti was given $76,571.30 (6.1% of total grant) to assist its recurrent budget.

3.3.3 Interface between Local Government and Traditional Political System

The leadership role of the Unimwane is well appreciated and continues to be respected by the society and hence central government. The modern legal system is indeed crucial to the maintenance of peace and order in Kiribati, but there are many instances where modern law fails to provide a solution to certain situations, and this is where the community under the leadership of the Unimwane intervenes to provide the solution. To avoid confrontation between central government and the traditional leaders, it is therefore resolved that the Unimwane association must be represented in local government, not as an elected councilor but as a nominated member who assists, advises and in many instances instructs Council to make the required decisions.

Councils and other institutions cannot disengage themselves from the Unimwane who basically hold the power in his hands when it comes to community support and/or resources. On Nonouti and every island of Kiribati the Unimwane association is particularly strong and influential in decision-making in the mwaneaba and in gathering community support and resources. Although the Unimwane association is represented by a single member on the Council, such a member has the full support of the Unimwane Association of Nonouti.

3.4 Crime and Justice System

A Court Clerk from the Judiciary in Tarawa is also stationed on Nonouti to administer the court system on the island. Duties of the Court Clerk include recording minutes of the magistrate court proceedings, executing the order of the court, collecting court fees, and processing claims and appeals to the High Court located in South Tarawa. There are eight magistrates on Nonouti, including the presiding magistrate who must sit in all court sessions. The Chief Justice who is stationed in Tarawa visit the outer islands from time to time, to preside on cases which are beyond the ability of the magistrate court to resolve.

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As mentioned earlier in this chapter the modern justice system sometimes fails to correct a situation, perhaps due to insufficient cause or because an act has not violated any law. This is where traditional authority may intervene to solve the issue, in many cases to the relief the whole community and the formal legal system

Generally, the highest most re-occurring crimes on the as further portrayed in the following chart are those of:

i) Drinking and disorderly ii) Driving without a driving license iii) Straying pigs iv) Untidy premises v) Driving vehicles without license plates

The rest of the crimes are common throughout the country particularly the outer islands as the urban islands (Tarawa and ) have electricity, better roads and use of other vehicles such as cars, trucks and motorbikes, and are so overpopulated that there is a much higher assortment and risk of crimes.

There is only one single Island Magistrate who presides over two courts, namely, the Island Lands Court and the Magistrate Court that deals with criminal and civil cases. This however has not stopped people from getting lawyers from South Tarawa to appeal their cases in the lower court before appeals are made to the higher court. Appealed court cases on the island are accumulated and reported to central court headquarters in Betio. The High Court Judge then visits the island to further judge appealed cases.

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CHAPTER 4: TE TABOMOA – ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES, INFRASTRUCTURE AND UTILITIES

A. ISLAND ECONOMY

4.1 Subsistence Economy

A subsistence economy is one where people perform traditional activities to meet their individual and group needs for security, and have no reason to accumulate wealth except to ensure their future survival. In such a system, the concept of wealth does not exist hence there is a high degree of reliance on renewal and reproduction within the natural environment. The nature of the subsistence economy is reflected in the social organization of families, who join together to form large kinship groups (kaainga) which survives according to a set of rules and roles. Each member of a kaainga performs a different set of activities which are assigned on the basis of sex and age. It is important for the survival of the group that each member fulfils the roles and responsibilities assigned to him/her.

Typical subsistent activities include fishing, toddy cutting, cultivation and harvesting of food crops mainly coconut, pandanus, breadfruit and bwabwai. These activities are performed by the adult members of a family, while the younger members are expected to collect firewood and fetch water, clean the kaainga’s compound, and assist the adult members to do the easy part of their chores.

Most of the fishing is done for subsistence but where there is a surplus this is either given freely to relatives or sold to others. Due to the increasing dependence on imported goods which are sold to the general public by small stores, the importance of cash as a medium of exchange is well appreciated by the population. However the lack of infrastructure prevents most people from engaging seriously in selling surplus produce like fish in order to make money. Furthermore, as a subsistence economy everyone is expected to be well skilled and knowledgeable in many things in order to survive in the harsh island environment. While some people may be more skilled in one thing compared to others, the concept of specialization which is a strong feature of cash- based economies is absent on the islands.

The customs of borrowing (tangobwai), or asking (bubuti), are still very much alive, but not occasionally on Nonouti island where people are more reserved and does not require a neighbors help if not an immediate family member when compared to their brothers in the northern

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islands. The sharing of wealth and property is quite common, especially among close relatives.

4.2 Production

4.2.1 Copra cutting

Copra production remains the most important commercial activity on Nonouti, which provides a reliable and sustainable source of income for many of the islanders. Figure 15 describes the annual copra production for Nonouti for the past 16 years, showing that in general there has been a slow increase in copra production during that period. Looking back 16 years one could observe the marked fluctuations in production level. These are the result of several factors among which are the changes in copra price and climatic conditions which affect production. As an example, production soared to a record high of nearly 1700 tons in 2004 when a new Government came to power and increased the price of copra to AUD$0.60 cents a pound. In contrast, the sharp decline of production in 1993 was caused by a nationwide drought which lasted for more than a year.

Copra prices 1800 0.7 Copra production Copra cutting is an important activity that provides a steady 1600 0.6 source of income for many

1400 people on Nonouti. At $0.60 0.5 cent per kilogram the total 1200 revenue from copra was approximately $240,000 in 0.4 1000 2003, $1,020,000 in 2004 and $120,000 in 2005. This means 800 0.3 that from copra production each Prices in cents

Production in tons in Production 600 household generates on 0.2 average a total of $472.40 in 400 2003, $2007.90 in 2004 and 0.1 $222.20 in 2005. 200

0 0 Out of 5408 households on

2 3 Nonouti (2005 census), 456 or 91 92 93 9 00 01 0 0 0 0 004 1990 19 19 19 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 199 20 20 2 2 2 2005 84% have rights to family- year owned lands. This means that Source: Statistics Office, MFED, 2007

most people have access to land and thus can earn an income from cutting copra. In reality however, only 263 households (51.8% of the total) were engaged in copra cutting in 2005. The decrease in copra - 65 -

production from 1700 tons in 2004 to just 200 tons in 2005 may

have to do with a shift to other economic activities besides copra cutting. By looking at the graph on copra production and price, there is a discernible relationship between price and production, for which it can be said in general that copra production fluctuates when price is low, but rises steadily when price increases. In 2005 however there was a sudden fall in production, which may be explained by a combination of factors such as shortage of copra funds, coupled with the increase in development activities, which provided employment for a significant number of locals.

Table XX: Copra production and revenue 2003-2005 Year Tons Total income Income Per H/hold 2003 400 $ 240,000.00 $472.15 2004 1700 $ 1020000.00 $2007.90 2005 200 $ 120,000.00 $222.20 Source: National Statistics Office, 2007

Nonouti is one of the largest islands in Kiribati that is more likely to produce more copra compared to other small islands like Makin, Butaritari and other comparatively small islands. The average annual copra production for Nonouti over the past 16 years from 1990 to 2005 was 734.5 metric tons, compared to 196 tons for Butaritari and 277 tons for Makin. The lowest production figure for Nonouti was 147 tons in 2000, and the most productive year was 2004 when it soared to 1700 tons. The jump in production was caused by a rise in copra price introduced in 2004.

Apart from copra in other words coconut, there are other types of crops of which outer island people also cultivate as their necessity means of their diurnal food supplier. Such food crops include breadfruit, pawpaw, sweet potatoes, pandanus, cabbage, tebero and babai. The figure below gives well defined number of food crops that are grown on Nonouti with their estimated amount.

Fig.XX: Access to food trees and vegetables 2005

600 489 500 427 400 360 349 353

300

200 113 136 100

Number of households 16 15 0

a y w es n es ruit o ero i g dd F b ka o Babai tat e T ad o T Te re Pawpa P Coconut B et Cabba we S Food crops nearby

Source: 2005 Census of Population

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Based on the last census it is found that almost all households on Nonouti (over 90%) own coconut and breadfruit trees which are two of the most important traditional food crops. Many households (60-80%) also grow pandanus, banana, and pawpaw trees, while babai, te bero, kumara and cabbages are grown but by a small percentage of families. Among the food crops mentioned here, only coconut is sold to generate income. However unlike copra production which is done on a large scale and well organized with a special government agency (Copra Board) to oversee its operation.

4.3 Employment

The Island Council serve as the biggest employer for Nonouti islanders, employing about 20 islanders as village wardens, village nurses, drivers, hotel keepers, and office assistants. Depending on the need, Council may from time to time engage contractors to undertake short carpentry or auto-mechanical jobs. Seasonal employment is usually available when Government or large Council projects are undertaken, especially those which require the service of casual laborers. The most common projects which generate jobs for the young men of Nonouti include construction of buildings and road and other large infrastructure.

Manual labor is also regularly needed in the stevedoring of visiting supply boats, which make monthly or more regular runs to Nonouti carrying food, fuel, timber, and other general goods. On their return from Nonouti they are loaded with copra, empty fuel drums and some local produce like banana. Stevedoring provides an alternative way to earn income.

Apart from a handful number of jobs offered by the Island Council in its limited service, the opportunity for paid employment for the islanders is otherwise non-existent. There are government employees stationed on Nonouti in the form of teachers and medical staff, but the number is small and the jobs they do are not available to the islanders. Even in South Tarawa jobs are very difficult to find due to the small size of the private sector. To solve the high unemployment problem in the country Government is now increasing its effort to look for and exploit overseas labour markets especially the Pacific-rim countries of Australia, New Zealand, Japan and the United States. Just recently the Ministry of Labour conducted a pre- selection process for potential fruit pickers who would be sent to work on fruit farms in New Zealand. The pre-selection exercise was conducted on Nonouti resulting in the selection of several proportion(depending on the population & criteria for selection) young people to join a national work- ready pool who can be deployed after a request for laborers is received from farmers in New Zealand.

4.4 Trade and Commerce

As a small island with undeveloped infrastructure, under-utilized resources, and a dualistic economy characterized by a high dependency on imported consumables, the size of trade and commerce on Nonouti is rather big and complicated. The most common form of imported items consists of food, tobacco and fuel, which are normally shipped to Nonouti on boats. Among the imported food rice, flour, sugar and tinned food make up the bulk of the supply.

4.5 Cooperative and Local Finance

In 1995, the Village Bank project was initiated by Government to serve as a micro credit facility for village

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communities in the outer islands. The objective of the project is to enable families to have easy access to a credit facility from which they could borrow money to start a small business. Funding for this project was provided by Government and shared among the islands and its village communities on a population basis. In the village a committee, consisting of a chairman, a secretary and a treasurer, is established to manage and administer the Village Banks funds. The Island Project Officer based at the Island Council provides auditing and monitoring services to this project to ensure proper use of funds and sustainability. The operations of the Village Banks are governed under the Village Bank Act.

Table 7 illustrates the distribution of funds that have been made to Nonouti’s Village Banks under this project. Altogether Nonouti has received to a total of $30231.33 (total of the first, second, and third shares) between 1995 and 2007. A team from the Rural Planning Division of the Ministry of Internal and Social Affairs visited Nonouti recently as part of a national exercise to review the performance of the Village Banks. Based on this review Government will be able to decide what step(s) need to be taken next. Not all of the villages have a share of the village bank funds except for those villages with names listed on the table below. Matang village has by far the highest first and third share, while Autukia has the least amount in the first & third share. Therefore the table implies that the bigger the ward the bigger the village bank funds.

Table 7: Village Bank share per district 2ND 25% 3RD Village Name Village Bank 1ST 75% SHARE SHARE SHARE PAID PAID PAID Temotu Bonnano 2800.71 933.57 369.3 Autukia Baenaeta 1968.81 656.27 259.6 Taboiaki Maiaki Tourake 4464.5 1488.87 588.75 Taboiaki Meang Kimatore 1894.87 Matang Atateta 7071.09 932.45 Teuabu Reiti Ni Iango 4880.44 Temwanoku Marewen Buota 1377.25 544.85 Total 21185.55 6350.83 2694.95 Source: RPD MISA 2007

4.6 Remittances

With limited employment and income-generating activities, many people on Nonouti depend to a great extend on remittances sent to them by relatives working in Tarawa or overseas. Remittances from I- Kiribati phosphate miners working in and Nauru had dwindled to nothing when phosphate mining on Banaba ended in 1979 and Nauru ran out mining areas. The general flow of seafarer’s remittances into the country is continuous and has increased over the years with more engaged in seafaring employment. There are now two major employers of seafarers from Kiribati; 1. South Pacific Marine Services (SPMS) and; 2. The Kiribati Fishing Services (KFS).

In the year 2000 the nearly 2,000 seamen working on foreign ships made remittance payments in excess of AUD10 million (USD7.6 million). At the end of 2005, 1,200 of the seamen were working for German shipping companies and making annual remittances of around USD5 million. NZAID supports the Kiribati Marine Training Center to ensure the competitiveness of Kiribati seamen in the international labor market. Seafarers are employed as general deck workers on German ships through SPMS while Japanese fisher

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employees are employed on Japanese fishing vessels through KFS. The seafarer’s salaries are paid straight into the individual accounts in Kiribati or family accounts. Money is also sent back to churches depending on individual seafarer obligations. Families are dependent on decisions made by their seafarer husband or son on how much remittance they will receive (M. Borovnik 2006).

Whitley (1980) reported that the amount of remittance sent back to Kiribati in 1974 was AU$800,000 with an additional AU$200,000 brought back in the form of leave pay at the end of contracts. Remittances grew to $1.3 million in 1979, $9.7 million in 1998 and $12.29 million in 2003 (MFED 1987). Of this $12.29 million, 86% came from those employed by SPMS while 14% came from those employed by KFS.

Remittances sent to parents and wives differ. Parents usually receive more money from their son when he is not married yet but once married, the son generally sends more money to his wife and family than his parents. There is also a tendency for smaller amounts being sent to the outer islands as most families tend to move to South Tarawa especially the wife and children while the parents are more happy to stay back home. Remittances can be sent directly to families or they can be given after a special request (bubuti) to other extended family members for sudden needs such as ‘botaki’s (feasts) or for school fees. These kinds of requests usually vary and directed to straight to the members of the family employed by SPMS or KFS. A lot of these remittances have also been invested in homes (permanent buildings), cars, motorbikes businesses, home equipment (TV, media players, instruments) and to a big extent, school fees. Overseas remittances to outer island folk are sent by the ANZ bank as initially sent by family workers on German, Japanese sea vessels or other parts of the globe. However, there are also local remittances sent in from relatives working for the Government of Kiribati and whereas remittances from seamen are sent every month in a fixed amount, Government employed relatives send money whenever they can or when requested from relatives on the outer islands. Amount 2008 Received Transfer of money in and out of the island is done through telmo January $122,764.35 thus does not come or go in the form of cash. However, there are February $95,274.15 those bring in and take out cash but the main contributors to the March $133,599.80 flow of cash on the outer islands other than the Government and April $117,760.65 Council are the floats, big companies and wholesalers such as May $142,926.05 Boobootin Kirbati Limited (BKL) and Taotin Trading Company June $120,716.55 (TTC). TTC have their own shipping vessels that call at most July $192,702.60 islands supplying its branches on the island and taking back the August $34,573.65 cash profits leading to cash flow difficulties on the island. Councils September $102,061.25 are now putting in cash flow systems where such big earning October $150,273.40 companies have to also telmo out their earnings instead of November $72,314.00 shipping the hard cash back to headquarters. December $85,204.55

$1,370,171.00 Given that the figures are correct the amount for the whole year totaled over a million dollars that came as:

1. Remittance from overseas and government/company employed relatives 2. Government employee salaries on the island 3. Copra funds 4. Sea cucumber funds 5. Other

According to a survey conducted in 2006 by the Kiribati Statistics Office on the annual income and

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expenditure of households it was found that a household on Nonouti receives a certain proportion average of remittances and gifts. With 540 households on Nonouti, this means that over thousands of money may flow into the island’s economy every year, from money and gifts sent back by families and friends living and working outside Nonouti

Data on remittance is by far not available at the time of the writing of this profile. Sources like household income expenditure survey had remittance and gift data but only on some selected islands not including Nonouti. The figure below illustrates two forms of remittances such as seamen remittance and other (other money sent to outer islands excluding seamen allotments). It clearly defines that there is quite a large proportion of households receiving all sorts of telmo for birthday party money, school fees, and many others. (The diagram shows remittance distribution by island and the villages of Nonouti)

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B. ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES

4.8 Agriculture

By Kiribati standard, Nonouti is one of a biggest number of islands that have the greatest potential for agricultural development. This is due to the island’s high annual rainfall and good soil. Beside coconut, a good variety of fruit and vegetable crops such as breadfruit, pawpaw and pandanus also grow well on the island.

Recent projects carried out on the island by the Agricultural Division include coconut rehabilitation and the cross- breeding of stud boar with local sows. The former met with little success but the later has an overwhelming demand by the islanders who have asked for more stud boars to the island to mate with their local sows. Pigs have cultural importance as they are the main dish in large family and village functions, where the size of a wholly cooked pig, predetermines the success of a function.

The predominant food crops on Nonouti are breadfruit; banana, pandanus, and coconut. Each family has its own bwabwai pits, breadfruit and toddy trees. Home gardening is not common but some households have their own vegetable gardens where they grow tomato, cabbage, cucumber and eggplant mainly for home consumption. Some people sell their local crops to business agents in Tarawa.

The main animals reared by the islanders are pigs and chickens, for home consumption. In 2005 the total number of pigs on Nonouti was 2293, with 93 % of households owning at least 4 pigs on average. There were approximately 3471 local chickens. The people of Nonouti believe that they can produce more meat and vegetables for export to Tarawa if the problem of transport, communication and marketing are resolved. They also believe that training on vegetable and livestock production is important if trade in these primary produce is going to be undertaken.

Pictured right is an exotic sow with her litter at the livestock unit in Tanaea, South Tarawa.

The figure in the following page illustrates the distribution of the common food crop of households throughout the country including Nonouti. It gives a brief elaboration on the most common food crops specifying it percentage, by island and by the nine villages of Nonouti.

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4.9 Fisheries

Since Nonouti is big with a real big lagoon and reef area, fishing is not restricted to the ocean flat and deep ocean only but provides two category option of fishing choices, the ocean and lagoon. The 2005 census records show that out of 540 households on Nonouti where 249 (74.3%) fish on the ocean flat while 315(62.1%) venture in small canoes and boats to fish in the lagoon surrounding Nonouti.

A traditional canoe within lagoon of Nonouti A wooden boat conveniently docked by the sea. (Pictures extracted from www.angelfire.com/bc/adennett.index.html)

Canoes, boats and skiffs are the necessity means of fishing in most of the islands of Kiribati. Nonouti itself have accessed to various types of canoes and boats of which offers a proportion of alternatives as to have a boat for fishing or a canoe. Fishing does not requires the accessibility to canoe or boats, also when low tide occurs a canoe would not be necessarily needed since that you can collect on the large area of lagoon mudflat or reef area.

The table below gives brief description of the fishing pattern on Nonouti. Each village household and the places where they normally go fishing, Taboiaki has the highest proportion of lagoon fishing, ocean fishing, collecting on lagoon flat, and collecting on ocean flat, signifying that most people in this village are keen in fishing.

Table 6 Households by Village and the location of fishing 2005 Village Collecting on Collecting on Name Ocean Flat Lagoon Flat Ocean Lagoon Abamakoro 13 12 18 15 Benuaroa 8 8 10 8 Teuabu 38 51 35 38 Temanoku 5 11 7 21 Rotima 34 52 11 67 Autukia 2 21 2 24 Matang 46 55 50 57 Taboiaki 77 78 85 104 Temotu 26 27 6 28

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Considering the fact of big lagoon area and reef area Nonouti’s offshore tuna resources are plentiful as well as within the lagoon. Unfortunately a survey carried out in 1995 by the Fisheries Division is one of the kinds of data that we were not able to get hold off, under the circumstance of the right officer dealing with it have been away for workshop during the time of collecting the information on fish landings. Harvesting the sea in one way or another is for domestic sale and to satisfy their subsistent needs

The Ministry of Fisheries and Marine Resource Development supports fisheries development on the outer islands through:

ƒ the provision of technical staff for training, advisory and resource monitoring/evaluation purposes; ƒ research and trialing of new fishery-related projects; ƒ the sourcing of funds for implementation of national projects (such as cold storage, etc.) ƒ the provision of affordable fishing gear.

Many outer islands have benefited recently from a national project on the installation of Fish Aggregating Devices (FADs) hoping that Nonouti will become one of the islands to experience the benefits of FAD if the islands see the importance of it. In another effort to develop fisheries on the outer islands MFMRD is currently building cold storage facilities on selected islands, with the objective of preserving fish for the market. Nonouti is not included in this phase of the project, but it is hoped that such a facility will be built on the island within the next few years, as the project expanded to cover other islands.

4.10 Handicrafts

The making of handicrafts for commercial purposes remains insignificant, mainly due to the lack of a market to sell them. Tourism, which is often the reason for handicraft production, is virtually non-existent. The most common handmade local products are those that have daily use, such as mats, strings, and various forms of baskets. These are normally given away as gifts to visitors, in particular mats made from pandanus leaves.

A few years ago Government established the Kiribati Handicraft and Local Produce Company (KHLP) to encourage people to make handicrafts and local products for commercial purposes. The company buys materials from the outer islands and then re-sells them to the urban population, as well as foreigners. However, despite the existence of KHLP, the level of production is still very small. Among other reasons, KHLP faces staffing and funding difficulties that results in its inability to adequately absorb production from the outer islands.

(pictures extracted from http://arctracer.com/photos/kiribati/Nonouti/index.html)

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C. INFRASTRUCTURE

The establishment and maintenance of development infrastructure on the island is the responsibility of government. The central government normally takes responsibility of implementing new development projects while the local government is given the responsibility of maintaining such projects upon completion. Local government authorities are allocated some money every year under a “Support Grant” to enable them perform this role.

4.11 Transportation

4.11.1 Land Transport

The main transport infrastructure on Nonouti is made up of 24.79 kilometers of road. The road is normally 3 to 4 meters in width, enough for the use of small to medium size vehicles. Roads on the outer islands are unpaved, with the surface overlaid with coral mud that dries and hardens in the sun. The same mud however quickly softens during heavy rains, resulting in the creation of small and large potholes on the road. Because Nonouti is not quite a wet island, but still its road is subject to constant damage and it is a huge burden to the Island Council to maintain it, especially without proper equipment and insufficient funds. To assist in the maintenance and repair work on the road, the central government have provided a small backhoe and tipper truck to Council, but these have now become the problem of Council to maintain.

Every few years the central government undertakes a national program to repair the roads on the outer islands. The way this is done is that a team of engineers, machinery operators and mechanics go around the islands with a set of heavy equipment. They remain on one island until their work is done, before they are transported with their equipment to the next island. The project is done this way to maximize the use of limited manpower and equipment; however it takes time and incurs very high costs to transport people and equipment from island to island. It has been quite a while since the roads on the outer islands have been repaired.

The most common form of land transport is the bicycle, of which there were 290 in 2005. Motorcycles ranks second in popularity, with a total of 128 motorcycles recorded in 2005. Due to the high cost of four- wheeled vehicles, and small size of the island, there were only 15 cars on Nonouti during the census survey. One of the cars owned by the Island Council is two 4-ton trucks donated by the people of Taiwan, for the purpose of transporting primary and junior secondary pupils to and from school. Council charges a small fare for pupils in order to raise funds to meet the truck’s operational cost and future maintenance. Apart from this, the truck could be hired out to meet the need of the public.

The overall common transport is a bicycle under the condition that it is cheap and very portable to carry on ships. Motorcycles also play a crucial part as the second major transport that every person can afford besides bicycle. The figure below gives a brief description of the land transport type distribution over the islands of Kiribati as well as the villages of Nonouti itself.

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4.11.2 Sea Transport and Shipping

Inter-village travel between Nonouti and the isolated islets is done through the use of canoes and small boats, since the villages are separated by sea. It is possible to walk between the islets during low tide but the distance is the main deterrent. The separation of Nonouti and several other islets affects children the most, in particular those who are old enough to attend junior secondary school. Whereas there is a primary school on Abamwakoro, the junior secondary school is located on Matang islet, and children must travel every day to attend school. Those who do not have access to transport either miss a lot of classes or just simply drop out of school. In 2006 central government provided a skiff and outboard engine to the community to use it specifically to serve the need of JSS pupils.

Canoes, boats, and skiffs can be used both as transport and for fishing. According to the latest statistics, the proportion of household owning a canoe is apparently high compared to other types of sea vessels. Nonouti has 25% of the household owning a canoe. In comparison, those owning a skiff are typically low in number having 3.15% while there are 5% owning boats.

The map below provides brief detail on the proportion of sea transport types especially canoe, boats and outboard engine or skiff, however the figure below only gives detail rate on the common and most widely used sea transport over all the islands of Kiribati. The most common sea transport that every island possesses and that every village of Nonouti is a canoe. The expenses of such boat and outboard engine boats are the main constraints hindering most people to have where canoe is one of their own arts of creation regarding no money.

Peace corps out tour to the bird islet (Noumwatong) on an outboard engine boat: ( www.anglefire.com/bc/adennett/index.html)

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4.11.3 Air Service

The need for inter-island travel is served either by oceangoing vessels or by small planes. is the state-owned airline based in the capital Tarawa which provides domestic flight service to all islands in the Gilbert group with the exception of Banaba. Nonouti is serviced once a week on Wednesday. The adult fare between Tarawa and Nonouti is $84.00. Students are charged 75% of adult fare, children aged 2-11 years pay 50%, while infants are charged 10%.

The airstrip is located between Rotima and Temwanoku village, has a length of approximately 0.64 miles and is built from compacted coral mud. The maintenance of the airstrip is the responsibility of the Civil Aviation Authority based within the Ministry of Transport. The Island Council looks after the air-terminal while the agent for Air-Kiribati is responsible for reservations, ticketing, check in and maintains communications and safety for airline crew and passengers.

4.11.4 Issues facing Transportation

Inter-village travel on Nonouti is hindered by the physical nature of the island, which is divided by open sea passages. The main mode of transport between Nonouti and its isolated islets is by skiffs or boats which are powered by outboard motor engines. Should a traveler wish to walk he/she must wait for the low tide in order to cross the passages, and must wear shoes to protect ones feet from sharp coral.

4.12 Communication

Kiribati is a nation of fragmented islands dispersed over a vast ocean area that extends almost 3,000 kilometers across the central Pacific, bordering the Marshall Islands in the east and French Polynesia in the west. This fragmentation and vastness of ocean give rise to major communication and transport problems that have been, and will continue to be the greatest development challenge for government. Shipping is a critical service that needs to be provided and maintained between Tarawa and the outer islands, in order to facilitate the transportation of supplies to and from the islands. Government has been - 80 -

the major shipping operator since colonial times, and still continues to dominate this service, although private businesses have secured an increasing share of the market. Still, central government attempts, through its shipping line – Kiribati Shipping Services Limited (KSSL) – to serve all islands in the country near and far. Nonouti, like other islands, is visited at least once a month by a KSSL ship, which brings replenishments of food, fuel and other assortments of supplies.

The improvement of airport and seaport facilities across the country is a priority development objective of central government, with focus to be given to islands which hold the potential for viable economic operations. The northern islands of the Gilbert group which include Nonouti are fertile and have great potential for agricultural development.

Until a few years ago, the main mode of communication between the islands was through the use of HAM radio communication systems operated by TSKL. Each island has one such system based at the Island Council headquarter on the island. Members of the general public normally use this for inter-island communication, as does the Island Council and central government in Tarawa. However, despite the fact that the system has been dependable and effective, there were a few problems relating to its use, among which are:

1. the system is not safe for sharing of private information, since the frequency used can be assessed by anyone, and the radio equipment is operated by a TSKL agent. 2. the use of the radio is dictated by a schedule, hence only available for 1-2 hours daily, and only from Mondays to Fridays. 3. the radio operator lacks the skill to undertake major repair works if the radio breaks down. Communication with the island could be cut for at least one week during which the radio is sent to Tarawa for repairs. 4. since there is only one radio, people from distant villages must take long journeys in order to use it.

In order to address these problems TSKL has decided to slowly introduce a new technology, a satellite-based telephone system which connect directly to the telephone system in Tarawa. The new system also supports the use of facsimile and internet, and therefore was considered to be a major accomplishment as far as progress is concerned. After its installation the old radio communication system was decommissioned and removed, and direct telephoning replaced it. But it was not very long after the new system was in operation before new problems surfaced. First it was found that the new technology costs more to use compared to the radio; connection is vulnerable to rough weather conditions, and people still need to travel to Council headquarters to make a call.

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