Surf Tourism and Sustainable Development in Indo-Pacific Islands

Surf Tourism and Sustainable Development in Indo-Pacific Islands. 1. The Industry and the Islands

Author Buckley, R

Published 2002

Journal Title Journal of Sustainable Tourism

DOI https://doi.org/10.1080/09669580208667176

Copyright Statement © 2002 Multilingual Matters & Channel View Publications. Reproduced in accordance with the copyright policy of the publisher. Please refer to the journal website for access to the definitive, published version.

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Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Surf Tourism and Sustainable Development in Indo-Pacific Islands. I. The Industry and the Islands

Ralf Buckley International Centre for Ecotourism Research, School of Environmental & Applied Sciences, Griffith University, PMB 50, Gold Coast Mail Centre Southport Qld 9726, Australia

Commercialsurf tourism is recent in origin but isnow asignificantcomponent of the worldwide adventuretourism sector. There are over 10 million surfers worldwide and athirdof theseare cash-rich, time-poor and hencepotential tour clients.Most travelling surfersvisit mainland destinations and arenot distinguishedfrom other tourists. Specialistsurfing boat chartersand lodges aremost prevalent in Indo-Pacificislands. Inthesmaller reef islands, growth in tourismcarries risks to drinking waterand subsistencefisheries. There risks are easily overcome, but only ifappropriate waste and sewagemanagement technologies are installed. In thelarger rock islands,nature and adventuretourism may provide aneconomicalternative to logging and plantationagriculture.Cultural impacts can occur in eithertype of island.As with most types of adventuretourism, the commercial surf tourism industry in theIndo-Pacific is strongly linked totheclothing, fashionand entertainmentindustries, and marketedthrough specialistsurfing magazines and surfingmedia. From atourismdevelopment perspective,the trend is towards integrated ocean sports destinations which attractentire familiesas well as individual surfers.Currently, however, marketing crossovers with otherspecialist ocean sports such as diving arefar smaller than with other boardsports such as snowboarding.

Introduction and Methods Itis only recently thatcommercial surf tourismhas reached any appreciable economicscale. Currently, however,it is bringing tourismdevelopment, withits associatedeconomic, social and environmental costs and benefits, toisland communitiesthroughout the Indian andPacific Oceans. Surf tourismin Indo-Pacific islandsprovides a strikingexample ofthe waveof adventure tourismdevelopment whichis now sweeping worldwide.In particular,it is almostcompletely tied tohighly specific featuresof the naturallandscape; it is largely disjunctfrom the culturesof host communities; and it has strong economic links to the global fashion and entertainment industries. In addition,in manyislands, growth in commercialsurf tourismquickly tests the limitsof recreationalcapacity, in the particularsense thatcrowding between commercialclients reduces the value ofthe experience forthe tourists,and hence the potentialprice availableto operators.Surf tourismon smallislands hence providesa strongcase for managed access to limit both crowding of clients andcultural impacts on host communities. This, however, commonly brings conflicts:between touroperators; between commercialtour clients and

405 406 Journal of Sustainable Tourism independent travellers;and in somecases between different factionswithin host communities. The commercialsurf tourismindustry does not seem tohavebeen described previously in the tourismliterature. This analysis, therefore, startswith an overview ofthe historyand current structure of the sector,with minimal use of specialistsurfing terminology.Information for this review isderived from personalexperience in the sector;interviews with commercial surf touropera- torsand agents; direct observations at surf destinationsand on surf tours;surfing andadventure tourism magazines; commercial publications in the surfing industry,such as productcatalogues and investment prospectuses; and websites forcommercial surf tourismoperations. It is an overviewfrom a tourismdevel- opmentperspective anddoes not attempt to provide acomprehensive historyof recreationalsurfing. Such historiesare available in, for example, Bartholomew (1996), Hynd (1991) and Young (1994). Thisanalysis is presented fromthe perspective ofan environmentalscientist workingin tourismwho is also a surfer withten yearsexperience. Itis an intro- ductoryoverview intended todemonstratethat surf tourismhas become asocial phenomenon ofsufficient economic,social and environmental significance to justify academicattention. As suchit has a strongdescriptive and practical focus. One ofitsaims is to stimulate more detailed analyses of specific destinations. There isapparently no previous academic literature on surf tourism,and refer- ence ishence necessarilymade to non-academic sources, and to personal observations over the past decade. Surf tourism,along with other forms of adventuretourism and outdoor recreation,may alsoprovide opportunitiesto testestablished theories of humansocial behaviourrelating to crowding, home-versus-holiday norms, cross-cultural interactions,and peer-group dynamics.These theoreticalframeworks, however, arebeyond the expertise ofthe present author,and beyond the scopeof this contribution. The surfing industryisworldwide, but concentratedin particularareas. Commercialsurf tourismrelies heavily onislandnations in the Indian and Pacific Oceans.Many ofthese islandshave relativ ely smalland often aid- dependentcasheconomi esgraftedonto a traditionalsocial framewo rkand subsistence economy.Forthese islands,surf tourismhas become asignifi- cantadditio nalfactor influenc ing economic,socia landenviron mental patternsandprocesses.Hence,thefocusofthisanalysisisintheIndo-Pacific regions,though instancesfromother parts of the worldare included where relevant. The islandsof the Indo-Pacific region haveparticular natural and social char- acteristicswhich influence their opportunitiesfor sustainable development, and these aresummarised as the contextfor surf tourismspecifically. Dataare derived fromreviews of island economies by multilateralfinancial institutions andbilateral development assistance(AIDAB, 1991a,b,1992a– d); interviews withgovernment personnel in the countriesconcerned, in tourismand environ- mentalportfolios, and their privatesector counterparts; personal experience in researchand consulting in Indo-Pacific islandnations over the pastquarter- century; and relevant websites. Surf Tourism in the Indo-Pacific 407

The Surf Tourism Industry

History and structure Only in Hawaiiis surfing anancient tradition. Modern surfing hasbeen in existence forbarely half acentury, andthe nowubiquitous 3-fin foam-and-fibre- glassshortboard, known as a thruster,was first ridden in 1981(Hynd, 1991; Young,1994). Accessories such as legropes, wetsuitsand board covers, and design featuressuch as detachable fins, are even morerecent in origin.Sailboards were invented inthe 1970s,and kitesurfing notuntil the 1990s.Commercial surf tourism,as opposedto the independent travellingsurfer, has come into promi- nence only in the lastdecade. Surfboards of softplastic construction similar to bodyboards,which have rendered learning tosurf largely risk-free andhave led toaboomin backpackersurf schools,have become widely availableonly in the last five years. There arenow estimated to be over10 millionsurfers worldwide, increasing at 12–16% p.a., and surfing isnow a multi-billion dollarglobal industry. Its worldwide value wasestimatedat over US$2.5 billion p.a.in the mid-1990s(Raymond, 1998).There areapparently no published calculationsof itstotal current value. There areperhaps three maincomponents. Sales ofsurf-branded clothingare dominatedby afew largelabels and can be estimatedfrom annual reports and associatedstock exchange datafrom major surfwear companies (McKnight, 2002),at around US$6.3 billion in total(Anon, 2001).Manufacturing of surfboards,wetsuits and accessories is much morediffuse. Anaverageexpenditure estimateof $300– $500 per surfer per yearis not unreasonable, allowing for second-handsales. Travel costs are most difficult toestimate, especially if local travelfrom home to beach isincluded, but areprobably similar.Overall, US$10 billion p.a.is perhaps notan unreasonable approximation for the current economic scale of the surfing industry, and may be conservative. In termsof economic statistics, surfing becomestourism as soon as surfers travelat least40 km andstay overnight with surfing asthe primarypurpose for travel.This may be consideredin twocomponents, namely recreationalsurf travel,and commercial surf tourism.In recreationalsurf travel,surfers plan their owntrips,use their owntransport and equipment, andstay in localaccommoda- tionor their owntents. Trips may be long orshort, local or international, but expenditure per personper dayis typically low. Recreational surf travelis as old as surfing itself. In commercialsurf tourism,tour operators plan andpackage all the logistic aspectsof the trip,generally including transport,accommodation and food. Clientsbring only boardsand personal gear, and pay apredetermined price for the tour,as for any other kind oftour. Commercial surf toursinclude, e.g. low-budget bus safariswith flexible itineraries;high-budget boattours with localflexibility but fixed portsand dates; and visits to fixed-site surf camps, lodgesand resorts with open orsometimes exclusive accessto particularly famoussurf breaks.There arealso combinations, charter operations, travelling competitions, and freestyle surf film crews. Forpurposes ofdefinition, therefore, commercialsurf tourismmay be consid- ered aspurchasableholiday packages where clientstravel more than 40 km from 408 Journal of Sustainable Tourism home,stay overnight, and intend todevotetheir activeleisure timeprincipally to surfing. Surf tourismthus has close parallels to other types ofadventure tourism. Adventure tourismstarted with hunting andfishing outfittersover a century ago,and progressed to photosafaris, sport fishing, mountaineering,rockclimbing, andmore recently scubadiving, whitewaterkayaking, and backcountry skiing andsnowboarding. Each of these originatedas a privaterecreational activity, andgradually grew intoa componentof the tourismindustry as individual exponents grew olderand either (a) changed tolifestyles withmore money but lesstime, or (b) establishedbusinesses asfull-time guides andoutfitters. In each case,private recreation has grown in parallelwith commercial tours, and equip- mentmanufacturers rely onbothequally. During the pastdecade or so,however, there seemsto havebeen asignificantsocial change inthe developed Western nations,where young but relativelywealthy urban residentshave begun totreat these activitiesas purchasableholiday experiences ratherthan individual life- timeskills (Buckley, 2000a).Of course,the twoarelinked, since relevantskills are needed toenjoy anadventure tourism holiday; even there, however,clients arrivewith lower and lower individual experience, expecting higher andhigher levels of instruction, assistance and safety from tour guides and operators. Itis not only the growthin ‘cash-rich,time-poor’ tourists which hasfuelled the growthin adventuretourism, including surf tourism.The increasingnumbers of people whotake part in these activities,encouraged by clothingadvertisements andassociated television programmes, has led toconsiderable crowding at local climbing cliffs, whitewaterrivers and surf breaksnear Western cities. Those who canafford to do so, therefore, wantto travel to high-quality uncrowdedsites. At the sametime, television programmes, videos and specialist magazines fuel the demandby illustratingthese destinations,usually withprofessional athletes performing in perfect conditions.The number ofoutdoorsport, recreation and adventuremagazines has increased very rapidly in recent years.There areat leasta dozendifferent surfing magazinescurrently onsale, for example, including thoseaimed specifically atlongboarders, bodyboarders, female surfersand travelling surfers (Google, 2002; Surf Info, 2002).At least one ofthese magazines (Tracks)hasbeen in productionfor over 30 years, but manyof the morespecialised publications are only one ortwo years old. There arealso a number of e-zines devoted to surfing (Google, 2002). Itis only in the lastdecade or sothatthe firstgeneration of modernsurfers, a generationlarge enough tosupport a retailindustry, has become sufficiently wealthyto pay forsurf chartersand surf lodges,and sufficiently busy toprefer a packageproduct to independent travel.About 30%of the world’s surfersare nowestimated to be over30 yearsold (Raymond, 1998). At the sametime, the greatlyincreased number of surfersin younger generationshas crowded well-known surf breaksto the pointwhere these older,cash-rich time-poor surfersare prepared topay forhigh-quality, uncrowdedwaves during their brief holidays.It is these surferswho support the bulk of the moreupmarket surf tourismsector, the surf charterboats and island surf lodgesand resorts. Clients ofthese surf toursare by nomeans all old: many of themare in their 20’s and30’ s, successfulin their trade,business orprofession;for others, a surf holidayis an occasionalbig-ticket expense. Withsurf charterboats commonly costing around Surf Tourism in the Indo-Pacific 409

US$100–275 per personper day,or up toUS$2750for a typical10-day charter, plus airfaresand extras (Atoll Travel, 2002; Great Breaks International, 2002; Indies Trader,2002; Surf TravelCompany, 2002, World Surfaris, 2002), the majorityof surfers in their teens andyoung 20sarehence unlikely totakepart in tours of this type. Tocater for younger surf tourists,a number ofcompanies now offer surf safaris,generally acharterbus whichtravels along a mainlandcoastline stop- ping atwell-known surf breaks,with accommodation typically in backpackers’ hostelsand similar establishments (Surfaris, 2002;Surf Info, 2002).Finally, in popular surfing destinationsthere arenow surf schoolswith their ownmini- buses, whichsell learn-to-surfclasses, including equipment rental,with touring backpackersas a majormarket (e.g. Surfing Australia,2002; Surf Info, 2002; Waves Surf School, 2002). One further componentof the surf tourismindustry, though relatively small-scaleto date, is the constructionof artificial indoor wave pools such as thosenow existing in someJapanese cities.The mostrecent development in this field isthe Swatch®Wave, which is in factnot a wavebut aflume, where pumps directa thin sheet ofwaterat high velocityover a solidwave-shaped structure. Apparently, however,riding the wave-shapedsection of thisflume, onaspecial board,requires quite different skillsfrom riding arealwave on a surfboard (Swatch, 2002). The age structureof the currentsurfing populationworldwide suggests that the demandand ability to pay forsurf tourswill continue toincreasesubstan- tiallyfor at least the next twoor three decades.In addition,as surfing becomes easierto learn, it seems likely thatits popularity will continue toincrease in future generations.

Geography Exceptfor the wavepools and flumes mentioned above,surfing requires surf, whichoccurs consistently in only someparts of the globe (Bartholomew,1996; Surf History,2002; Surf Info, 2002;Young, 1994). A wide range offactors influence the qualityand consistency of surf,including swellheight, fetch andwave length; seabed profile andnearshore seafloor shape andstructure; tide andwind regimes; andsoon. In addition,difficult access,particularly cold water, and lack ofinformationhave historically kept surfersaway from some areas, even though they mayhave high-quality surf.These barriersare now becoming lesssignifi- cantas travelling surfers seek outnew opportunities.In particular,since surfing itself cancommonly involve a significantdegree ofphysicalrisk, it appears that even oldersurf touristsmay be lessconcerned thantourists in general in regard toothertravel risks, such as tropicaldiseases or political instability (R. Cameron, pers. comm., 2000). Many surferstravel within or between the majorcontinental surfing destinations,such as Australia,west-coast USA, south-coastEurope, Braziland Central America,and South Africa.This travel is generally notdifferentiated specifically assurf tourism,so its total economic scale and value currently remainunknown. Forexample, asignificantproportion of the younger Japanese andBrazilian visi- torsto Australia’ s GoldCoast make the tripspecifically tosurf (Stone, pers. comm.,1999), and many also buy new surfboards,sometimes several (Hyman, 410 Journal of Sustainable Tourism pers.comm., 1998). In addition,many visitors to the GoldCoast, including those whodo notsurf, buy surf clothingand accessories (Billabong, 2002c;Quiksilver, 2002;Rip Curl,2002), which currently appearto be particularlyfashionable in Europe (McKnight, 2002).The townshipof Jeffrey’s Bayin South Africareceives asignificantpart of its income from surfers who travel there tosample its legendary waves.Coastal townships such as Hossegorin Franceor Mundaca in Spain areinternationally-known surfing locationsas well asdestinations for domesticbeach tourism.The islandsof Oahu and Maui in Hawaii,and the coast- line aroundRio in Brazil,are large-scale international destinations for a wide varietyof tourists,and whilst surfers may make up only asmallcomponent in proportionalterms, their totalnumbers aresufficient tomake a significant economic contribution. The mostclearly differentiated sectorsof the surf tourismindustry, however, arethe relativelyrecent but rapidly growingboat charters and lodges on the reef-fringed islandsof the Pacificand Indian Oceans(Surf Info, 2002).These islandreef breakshave been visitedfor decades by asmallnumber of independent travellingsurfers, but accesshas been difficult andtime-consuming, andlocal transport and accommodation uncertain. As information about these waveshas gradually been spreadthrough surf magazinesand videos, the surf tourismindustry has arisen to supply logisticsand expert localknowledge. Initially,the focuswas on boatcharters, typically for groups of 6to12 surfers withno non-surfing passengerson board. The individual boatsneed only stayin the charterarea as long asthey havebookings: if the seasonfor good surf lasts only partof the year,they canmove elsewhere during the off season.Once tour operatorsbegin tobuild lodges,however, with year-round staffand mainte- nancecosts, they need awider marketto maintainviable operationsyear-round. Many ofthemhave therefore begun tooffer arange ofwatersports and other activitiesthat do notrequire the sameskill level assurfing, in orderto attract couples andfamilies with some non-surfing members (Blanche, pers.comm., 1998). Currently, therefore, the principal geographic focusof the specialistsurf tourismindustry is in the islandsof the Indo-Pacific region,with air access as a criticalconstraint. The world’s mostwidely-known surf ison the NorthShore of the islandof Oahuin Hawaii.The nearby islandof Maui isalso world-famous for big-wave windsurfing, kitesurfing andtow-in surfing (Extreme SportsMaui, 2002).Hawaii is a majortourism destination irrespective ofsurfing, however, witha principal focuson the beach resortsof Waikiki.Surfing, andparticularly surf competitions,probably contributesmore to the Hawaiiantourist economy asspectatorsports than as adventuretourism. Surfers worldwidewant to surf in Hawaii,but they doso aspart of the mainstreammass tourism industry rather thanthe specialistsurf tourismindustry. Crowding and localism are intense, driving manytravelling surfers to other destinations. Similar considerations apply forTahiti. An archetypalSouth SeasIsland destination famous for scenery andblack pearl, it also has internationallyfamous surf breakssuch as Teahupoo. Fiji isfamous for the surf resortat Tavarua,and more recently fornew resorts atNagigia,Namotu and Yanuca (Amazing Fiji, 2002;Fiji Escapes,2002). Western Samoahas two surf resortson the islandof Upolu, Salaniand Samoana (Salani Surf Resort,2002; Sa’ Moana Resort, 2002); and asurf safarioperatoron the island Surf Tourism in the Indo-Pacific 411 ofSavaii, Savaii Surfaris. There isalso a smallsurf resorton the islandof Tongatapuin Tonga(Ha’ atafu Beach Resort, 2002), and a beach resortwhich advertisessurfing (OtuhakaBeach Resort, 2002). For French-speaking surfers, Noumeais a famousSouth Pacificdestination, and Reunion in the Southern Indian Oceanis well-known forthe surf break atSt Leu (Wannasurf,2002). Nearby Mauritiusalso attracts travelling surfers, and further north,the Maldives havebecome aninternational surf tourismdestination. Other Indian Ocean islanddestinations such as the Seychelles andthe AndamanIslands are also visitedby touringsurfers, though lesswell known.The AndamanIslands were apparently first surfed in 1998 (South East Asia Liveaboards, 2002).

Marketing Specialistsurf touroperators in the Indo-Pacific region marketprincipally though specialistsurfing magazines,specialist surf travelagents, and directly viathe internet (AtollTravel, 2002; Surf Info, 2002;World Surfaris, 2002). Some operateat only asingle location,whereas others offer toursto a wide varietyof different countriesand destinations. Some surf lodgesand surf charterboats sell their productsthrough many different agents,whereas others have exclusive agency agreementswith particular agents in individualcountries. Anecdotal evidence suggeststhat most surf touristsselect their preferred destinationfirst, before they searchfor a touroperator to take them there. Touroperators which offer multiple destinations,in contrast,aim for repeat business,where anindi- vidualsurfer will takea seriesof surf holidaysto different destinationsbut using the sameoperator. Overall patterns of new andrepeat business fordifferent destinationsand operators have not been analysed,and may well be changing rapidly. Aswith most forms of adventure tourism at present, marketingin the surf tourismindustry is driven by specialistmagazines, and to a lesserextent websites,videos and television programmes. All ofthese feed off aprofessional competitioncircuit supported principally by sponsors.The majorsponsors are largeinternational surf clothingcompanies such as Billabong, Quiksilver and Rip Curl,with total share capitalisation measured in billions ofdollars (McKnight, 2002;Quiksilver, 2002; Rip Curl,2002). Individual professional surfersare sponsored by these andsmaller surfwear companies, and also by surfboardand sunglass manufacturers .The majorsurfwear brands have helped topopularise Indo-Pacific islandsurfing destinationsthrough marketing campaignssuch as ‘ The Search’(Rip Curl,2002), ‘ The Crossing’(Quiksilver, 2002),and ‘ The Odyssey’which has apparentlyfeatured in the July 2002issue of fashion magazine Vanity Fair (Billabong, 2002a). There isan internationalcompetition circuit, the WorldChampionship Tour (WCT), forthe world’s top44professionalsurfers, with individual eventsnamed aftervarious sponsors. There isalso a second-tierworld circuit, the WorldQual- ifying Series, which feeds intothe WCT.In addition,the majorsurfwear manufacturerssometimes sponsor individual competitions outside the WCT andWQS, in orderto gain additional marketing opportunities. Examples are providedby Quiksilver Airshow(Quiksilver, 2002);and the BillabongBoost (Billabong, 2002b).Unlike WCTandWQS events,which arejudged onawide varietyof movesand factors, the Airshowis judged solelyon eachcompetitor’ s 412 Journal of Sustainable Tourism single mostspectacular, difficult andsuccessful aerial manoeuvre. It is not coin- cidentalthat aerial manoeuvres, particularly inverted airs,make especially arrestingadvertisements and television footage. Again, this pattern is commonplace in many of the freestyle and extreme adventure and adrenaline sports. Froma large-scaleeconomic perspective, therefore, surf tourismis a smallpart ofasurfing industrywhich uses athletes, competitions, sponsorships and enter- tainmentmedia in orderto sell clothingand accessories. From this perspective, sportand adventure, surfing included, havebecome partof the ragtrade (Buckley, 2000a,b);or morebroadly, since adventureis also used tosell every- thing fromcars to cigarettes (Trent, 2000), part of the fashionindustry. For example, one ofthe world’s firstand most-famous surf lodges,Tavarua in Fiji, hasrecently become asubsidiaryof anew andlarger corporation, the Tavarua Surf Clothingand Island Resort Company. As regards tourism marketing specifically,there seemsto be astrongtrend to present every tourismproduct either as an‘ adventureexperience’ or as ‘ luxury pampering’– orsometimes, as both simultaneously.

Magazines Asmore and more people worldwidehave learned tosurf, specialist surfing magazineshave increased in number anddiversity. The majorityof surfing magazinesare still aimed at young malesurfers, but there arealso numerous magazinesspecifically forbodyboarders, and several for longboarders. Over recent yearsa number ofsurfing magazinesaimed specifically atfemale surfers havealso started production, with titles such as Wahine,Chick and Surfer Girl. No doubtit is only amatterof timeuntil someonestarts a magazinecalled Mambo Goddess. Chick hasnow expanded beyond surfing. Majorsurfwear companies alsohave separate websites or subsites specifically forfemale clients(Billabong, 2002c).There isalso at leastone surf magazine, Surf Adventures ,aimedspecifi- cally at surf tourists and travelling surfers. All ofthese magazinesnow carry advertisements for surf tours,surf safaris, surf lodgesand surf schoolsas well assurfboards, wetsuits and surfwear. The number ofdifferent surf tourismproducts advertised in surf magazineshas increasedconsiderably over recent years.The number ofsurf tourismproducts advertisedin the mainstreamAustralian surfing magazine Tracks,forexample, hasincreased steadily during recent decades(Stone, 2000).Most of these adver- tisementsare for surf toursand lodges in Indo-Pacific islanddestinations. Much ofthe editorialcontent of these magazines,including articles,interviews and competitionreports, refers tothe samedestinations; and all of themare illus- tratedlavishly with professional photographs of near-perfect waves.All ofthese combine to boost demand for surf tourism products. Atthe sametime, the majorsurfwear manufacturers now issue annual prod- uctscatalogues with an increasingfocus on urban female fashion.The year-2000 cataloguefrom Rip Curl,for example, devotedover half itsglossy full-colour pages toclothing and accessories for women, and included asectioncalled ‘UrbanEdge’ , withan emphasison streetwearrather than surfwear. Even in the maleclothing sections, the marketingmessages are based as much onsex as on surf,though withan approachwhich isbackhanded and humorous rather than blatant.The moreblatant approach, however, is used by footwearmanufacturer Surf Tourism in the Indo-Pacific 413

Reef®,which sellssandals for surfers. The Reef advertisementshave retained a remarkablyuniform theme andpictorial design overmany years, to the point where they have become legendary amongst the surfing community.

Crossovers and links Many surfersare also snowboarders or skateboarders,and there isadegree of cross-marketingbetween these sports.Companies such as Quiksilver make snowboardclothing as well assurfwear,and sponsor events where participants competeboth in the surf andon the slopes(Quiksilver, 2002).Similarly, some touroperators run tripsto the snowas well astosurf destinations(Go Tours, 2002).Snowboard tours, and sometimes also snowboard videos, are often advertisedin surfing magazines,and vice versa.A similarcross-over occurs with skate- boarding.There seemsto be relativelylittle advertising crossover, however, between surfing andother surf sportssuch as bodyboarding, surfskis, sail- boardingor surf lifesaving, eachof whichhas its own specialist magazines. A few individualsmay be involvedin manyof these individualsports, but amore common pattern is for devotees of each to look down on the others. One interesting andsomewhat surprising new trendis that some surfing magazineshave begun tocarry occasional advertisements for golfing equipment.This seems to havehappened because one ortwoof the topprofessional surfersbegan toplay golf, andothers followed suit, in agraphicdemonstration ofhowsports are influenced by fashion.Surfers in general, however,do not seem tohavetaken to golf in significantnumbers, sothiscrossover remains small. This contrastswith the skiindustry, which nowhas a very high crossoverwith golf. Thishas reached the pointwhere manyUS skicorporations have been renamed asskiand golf corporationsduring recent years,and some of the largerski equip- mentretailers have expanded tobecome skiand golf equipment retailers. Examplesare provided by the Telluride Ski andGolf Co. (Telski, 2002),and the ColoradoSki andGolf retail chain in Denver Colorado(Colorado Ski andGolf, 2002). Many ofthe Indo-Pacific islands,such as the Maldivesand the Solomon Islands,are famous and popular destinationsfor dive tourism(Dive Discovery, 2002).Despite the stronggeographic linkage withisland surf tourism,however, there seemsto be relativelylittle marketing crossover. Like surfing, diving hasits ownspecialist magazines and tour operators. Certainly, there aresurfers who arealso divers, and vice versa.When itcomes to spending money onan expen- siveisland tour, however, perhaps mostsurfers would prefer twosurf tripsto one surf and one dive trip; and vice versa for divers. One ofthe broad-scalesocial trends which has boosted adventure tourism overthe pastdecade, is that people aretending totreatoutdoor recreation more asapurchasablepackage holiday than as alifetime skill (Buckley, 2000a).Both diving andsurfing require arelativelyhigh level ofspecialistskill, particularly in the conditionsthat apply in moreremote areas such as manyof the Indo-Pacific islands.Both diving andsurfing, however,along with many other types of outdoorsport and adventure recreation, are becoming much easierto learn, with single-day introductorytraining courses now offered foreach (Dive Discovery, 2002;Surfing Australia,2002). At the sametime, the growthin competitions, magazinesand media programs which feature multiple adventuresports, may 414 Journal of Sustainable Tourism well be increasingthe degree of crossoverbetween the variousadventure tourism activities in future.

Social constructs and conflicts in surfing Toaspecialisttour operator, surfing maybe anadventuretourism activity; but todifferent surfers,surfing isacompetitivesport, a professionalcareer, a recreationalactivity, a lifestyle, and/oran obsession. These perceptions are significantfor surf tourismbecause surf touristsare surfers first and tourists second,so social constructs within the surfing communityaffect howsurfers behave within the tourism industry (author, pers. obs., 1991–2002). Ata crowdedsurf break,many surfers are waiting for each wave, but ulti- matelyonly one canride it.Which individualsurfer takeseach individual wave isdetermined notpurely by overallskill, but by split-seconddecisions regulated by astrongbehavioural code which determines priority(author, pers. obs., 1991– 2002;Bartholomew, 1996; Young, 1994). Without this priority code, nobody wouldget anygood rides, and manypeople wouldprobably be injured. Associ- atedwith this basic wave-priority code, which is strongly and widely held by nearly allsurfers worldwide, there arevarious additional codes, fashions and socialpressures which are less widespread, and sometimes contentious. Some of these codes are especially relevant for Indo-Pacific island tourism. In particular,individual surfersdisagree strongly as towhether commercial entitiesshould be able topurchaseaccess rights to particularsurf breaks,and exclude othersurfers (English, 2002).This is of considerable practical signifi- cancefor surf tourism.Currently, mosteasily accessible surf breaksare crowded, andmost uncrowded surf breaksare inaccessible.To provide bothrapid access anduncrowded conditions, a surf touroperator needs tobe able torestrict numbers by somemechanism, either director indirect. If suchrestrictions are perceived ascontraryto surfing ethics,however, this may restrict the operator’s abilityto maintaina supply ofclients.This is hence amarketingissue ratherthan alegal one:the questionis not so much whether the touroperator actually has the right,within local statutory or customarylaw, to restrictaccess; but morecriti- cally,whether sucha restrictionhas negative repercussionsamongst the broader surfing communitywhich makeup their clientele (Buckley, 2000b).It, therefore, becomesimportant for the surf tourismindustry whether acreed ofopen access toall surf breaksby allsurfers is seen asa fundamentaltenet similarto the wave-prioritycode; or whether itis seen asa localvariable which hasto be ascer- tainedat eachbreak, with some breaks being open-accessand others restricted- access. The open-accessissue is not restricted to commercialsurf tourism.There are individual surf breaksin developed countrieswhere surf magazinesconsistently reporta particularlyhigh degree oflocalaggression to visiting surfers, to the extent where itmay be physically unsafe tosurf there withoutan introduction froma local.Well-known localsare commonly accorded particular privileges at allsurf breaks,however, so a break withaccess for local surfers only maybe seen simply asanextensionof this.It may also be seen asaninternalissue between surfers,not related to money.Besides, superstrong localism is tolerated perforce by travellingsurfers, rather than accepted willingly (author,pers. obs., 1991– 2002). Surf Tourism in the Indo-Pacific 415

General accessto particular surf breaksis commonly also restricted during surfing competitions,and this also causes conflict, particularly if the break concerned isthe bestin the vicinity,or the competitiontakes place during a period ofparticularly good surf. Competition organisers commonly have to obtaina permit fromlocal authorities such as municipal councilsor traditional owners,and they use these asanexcuse topolice the waterand drive awayother surfersduring acompetition.This only works,however, because surfersin general recognise the significance of competitions,admire the professional surferswho are competing, and want to see themperform. Hence individual surferswho paddle intoa contestzone during acompetitionare not merely defying alocalauthority, which might not concern them, but alsorisking oppro- brium fromtheir fellow surfers,many of whom are probably watchingthe competition (author, pers. obs., 1991–2002). Surfers whohave visited Indo-Pacific islandnations will alsohave learnt that in mostof these countries,unlike the mainlandsurfing nationswhere nearshore watersare managed by acentralgovernment authority, individual reefs and beaches arecommonly owned by the nearestvillage. The villagersare used to havingexclusive accessfor fishing, andthis approach commonly carries over to otherboats, including thosecarrying surfers (author pers. obs. Solomon Is, 1998, Samoa 2001; Fiji Surf, 2000). When commercialtourism entrepreneurs takepaying surferson charterboats oroceanfront lodges in Indo-Pacific islands,therefore, there isnecessarily an interactionbetween atleastfour different cultures:the commercialand competi- tiveethic ofthe touroperator; the desiresand codes of the individualsurfers; the traditionaland modern perspectives oflocalresidents; and the requirements of governmentofficials, formal or otherwise. It is these interactions,as much asthe design oftourpackages and the technologiesused, which influence the roleof surf tourism in sustainable development of Indo-Pacific island economies.

Sustainable Development and Surf Tourism in Indo-Pacific Islands

Tourism in developing nations Tourismis becoming anincreasingly importantcomponent in the economies ofmany developing nations,but notwithout controversy (Hall & Lew,1999; Honey, 1999;Mowforth & Munt, 1998;Stabler, 1997). In particular,some developing nationshave promoted themselves as internationaltourism destinations asameansof attractingforeign investmentand incoming cashflow. The shape andpath of tourismdevelopment hasdiffered considerablybetween countries, depending notonly ontheir naturalattractions, but alsoon accessibility, infrastructure,government policies, and market moves by majorinternational tourismoperators. Very broadly,for example, the Caribbean hasbecome known forits coastal resorts, and east and southern Africa for their wildlife. South-east Asia,Australia and Latin America are known for a combinationof natural, cultural and adventure activities. Tourismgrowth in these nationshas indeed increasedeconomic, entrepre- neurial andemployment opportunities.It has both social and environmental costs: but lessso in practice,perhaps, than many other industry sectors. Social costs (Honey, 1999;Mowforth & Munt, 1998;Robinson, 2000) may include: disruption 416 Journal of Sustainable Tourism oftraditional cultural activities, social structures and subsistence economies; increasinginequities between individualswho profit directly from tourism and thosewho do not; and on occasion, forced relocation of entire communities. Socialbenefits mayinclude improvededucation and health facilities, infrastructure andeconomic opportunities, as well asemployment. Environmentalcosts mayinclude directimpacts such as vegetationclearance and sewage discharge, andindirect impacts such as the introductionof weeds andpathogens, and increasedpoaching and collecting of rare plants and animals (Buckley, 2000b; Fennell, 1999;Harrison, 2000, McLaren, 1998; Newsome et al.,2002;Singh & Singh, 1999; Weaver, 2001). Many developing nationshave seen substantialgrowth in adventuretourism, often coupled withnature and cultural tourism (Fennell, 1999).Nepal, for example, long knownas a destinationfor high-altitude mountaineering, ice-climbing andtrekking, isnow also a majordestination for whitewater rafting (Knowles &Allardice,1992) and wildlife viewing. Indianow offers Himalayan heliskiing andcamel treks in Rajasthan,as well asthe TajMahal and Red Fort, or low-budget beach tourismat Goa.Zimbabwe offers whitewaterrafting on the Zambezi,and bungy jumping andheli toursover Victoria Falls, as well aswild- life safarisin itsgame parks; and Uganda offers raftingon the White Nile aswell asone ofthe world’s mostexclusive wildlife viewing opportunities,the moun- taingorillas of the Virunga. Pacificisland resorts now promote themselves as activewatersports destinations as well asplacesto lazein luxury, andSoutheast Asiancountries promote multisport ecochallenges aswell asculture and cooking (Anon, 1999).

Adventure tourism and small-island economies Small-islandeconomies are very varied,but there aresome recurring patterns, particularlyfor those in the Indo-Pacific region.The smallerand more remote islandsgenerally havestronger subsistence economies, with a focuson small- scaleagriculture and artisanal fisheries. Many rely heavily oninternational development assistance,both bilateral and multilateral, for infrastructure funding; andonremittances from family members overseasto fund privatecash purchases such as consumer goods and travel (AIDAB, 1991,b; 1992a–d). Afew islands,such as Nauru, support a majormining industry,often the sourceof manyremittances to otherislands. Some ofthe smallerindependent islandnations have developed specialistindustries in the finance, communica- tionsand information sectors. Tuvalu, for example, hasfor many decades generated significantincome from the saleof postage stamps and first-day issues,and more recently hascapitalised on the countrycode for its internet domain,which is‘ tv’. Othercountries, such as Vanuatu in the Pacificor the BritishVirgin Islandsin the Caribbean,have long been knownfor their offshore banking facilities and their advantageous corporate tax laws. There aremany other Indo-Pacific islands,however, particularly those which arepart of large multi-island nations such as Indonesia,the Philippines orthe Solomons,which are currently subject tointensive andhighly unsustainable logging, withmajor environmental, social and economic impacts. In many instancesthe logging companiesconcerned arebased in othernations, such as Japanand more recently Malaysia.Practices such as transfer pricing andthe Surf Tourism in the Indo-Pacific 417 preferential andunderpriced issueof logging licences tomembers ofgovern- mentand their relativesand friends seem tobe widespreadin somenations (Barraclough& Ghimire,1995; deBeer &McDermott,1989; Hurst, 1990; Kummer, 1992; Parnwell & Bryant, 1996). In someIndo-Pacific islands,there isalso widespread land clearance for large-scaleindustrial agriculture, notably for oil palm, which isamajorcrop in manyareas of SoutheastAsia (McMorrow et al.,1996).Large-scale plantation agricultureto supply internationalcommodities markets has a long historyin Indo-Pacific islands.Many stillsupport coconut plantations for copra, though these arenot always well maintained.Others have been used historicallyfor dry-climatecrops such as sisaland wet-forest plantations such as rubber. Whilst mostof these commoditieshave long since been replaced by substitutesfor large-scaleindustrial consumption, some are currently enjoying aresurgence as specialistproducts. Coconut oil, for example, cannow be produced in small quantitiesat high quality,and shipped rapidly foruse in manufacturing boutique soapsand beauty products.This gives ita farhigher value than formerly,when coprawas collected by inter-islandtrading vessels at widely- spacedand erratic intervals. Such boutique products,however, currently have limited economicsignificance when comparedto the industrialoil palm plantations on the larger Pacific islands and adjacent Southeast Asian mainland. Tourismis now a majoreconomic sector for many islands worldwide, both in the Indo-Pacific region andelsewhere. Expedition cruiseboats visit islands from Svalbardin the Arcticto South Georgiain the Antarctic,and throughout the temperateand tropical regions in between (Explorer Shipping, 2002).Almost all the largerIndo-Pacific islandshave scheduled airservices, and many of the smallerones are accessible by localair services, float planes orferries. Tourist hotelsand resorts are widespreadon the largerislands, and even smallerislands generally havesome form of accommodationfor visitors. In manycases this has arisenfrom customary systems for providing hospitalityto visitors from other villagesor islands.It is now commonplace for villages that are visited frequently by foreigners tohave built smallcabins or thatch-roofed sleeping platforms, knownby different namesin different countries,specifically fortourists (author, pers. obs., 1999–2001). Touristattractions and activities differ widely between islands,even within the Indo-Pacific region.Historically, the principal touristmarketing image was the South Seasisland, portrayed as aromanticdestination with golden sands, stillblue seas,scattered palm trees, and abundantand exotic cocktails. Currently, however,islands are portrayed more often asadventuredestinations with abun- dantopportunities for watersports, exotic scenery andcultural interactions. The volcanoesof Tannu and Mauna Loa are replacing the barsand beaches of Waikiki,in advertisingimagery if notin economicsignificance. Large-scale beach resortsbuy afew plasticsit-on-top sea kayaks and market themselves as a thrillseekers’ paradise. There issome fire behind thissmoke, however, and in additionto repackaging oldproducts, there hasbeen realand rapid growth in adventuretourism worldwide,and particularly in the Asia-Pacificregion where itwas not previously a significantmarket sector. Africa, and to alesserextent the Indian subcontinent, hasa long traditionof game lodges and safaris and mountain climbing and 418 Journal of Sustainable Tourism trekking, andthe recent growthin activitiessuch as whitewater rafting repre- sentsa relativelysmall change. North America has a long traditionof outdoor recreationoutfitters. The Andes havebeen knownfor climbing andtrekking in the sameway as the Himalayas,and the expansionto whalewatching, whitewaterrafting, cultural tours and Amazonian ecotours has been gradualrather thanabrupt. Southeast Asia, in contrast,has historically been marketedas a destinationfor duty-free shopping andgolf, witha subsidiaryhistorical theme (Hitchcock et al., 1993). In recent years,however, a range ofcompletely new Asianadventure tourism productshave been offered, andmarketing campaigns have sought to portray southeastAsia as anew adventuredestination (Anon, 1999).There area number ofthreadsto thispattern. First is the proliferationof softadventure opportunities aimedat backpackers and families with no particular specialist skills. These include, forinstance, minibus toursand coastal watersports. This trend seems to be occurringworldwide. The secondthread is that unlike their parents,younger generationsfrom Southeast Asian nations are themselves taking to outdoor sportsand adventure activities in increasingnumbers. Thisparallels similar patternsin LatinAmerica. For example, bothJapanese andBrazilian surfers are nowas numerous as Americans and Australians at well-known surf breaks throughoutthe Indo-Pacific region, andboth nationalities are alsorepresented in the professionalsurf competitioncircuit (ASP, 2002).The thirdmajor thread is the deliberate promotionof Asia-Pacific sites for international outdoor and adventuresports competitions, from windsurfing towhitewater,hang-gliding to multisports endurance racing (Anon, 1999). Adventure tourismin general ishence increasingin economicsignificance worldwide,and particularly in the Asia-Pacificregion. Surf tourismis a growing componentof the adventuretourism sector, and Indo-Pacific islandsoffer some ofthe world’s bestsurfing opportunities.For many small islands, surfing isno longer justan unusual andentertaining activitycarried out by occasionaland generally impecunious wandering foreigners, but asignificantopportunity for economicgrowth. Even in largerislands, surf tourismcan be the leading edge of the economically important nature, eco and adventure tourism (NEAT) sector.

The environmental impacts of surf tourism on small islands Forsurf tourismon small islands, local environmental issues are likely tobe moresignificant than contributions to globalenvironmental issues. Global envi- ronmentalissues for the sustainabilityof the tourismindustry as a whole include: the environmentalimpacts associated with increased transport of mate- rialgoods; those associated with the manufactureof consumergoods; and those associatedwith increased per capitaconsumption. As tourism contributes to globaleconomic growth, it also contributes to global environmental degrada- tion.In addition,tourism contributes specifically toglobal environmental deteriorationthrough: the impactsof transporting tourists themselves; the impactsof manufacturing, packaging andtransportinggoods and consumables specifically tosatisfy tourist preferences; andthe impactsof increasedresource consumptionby people onholidayand away fromtheir usuallifestyle routines. The contributionof surf tourismis probably similar,per personper day,to that of the tourism sector overall. Surf Tourism in the Indo-Pacific 419

Forsurf tourismon smallislands, the mostcritical environmental issues are localrather than global. The principal exception isglobal sealevel rise,but thisis beyond their control.Some ofthese localissues are specific tosurf tourism,but manyapply toislandtourism in general, orindeed toanyincreased population onthe islandsconcerned. As surf tourismbecomes a significanteconomic activityon particularislands, it contributes correspondingly to these impacts. They include increasedwater consumption, pollution of drinking watersupplies fromwaste dumps andlandfills, and eutrophication of nearshore reefs andother marineecosystems from sewage discharge (Brighughio et al., 1996;Buckley, 2000b;Carpenter & Maragos,1989; Harrison, 2000; Sweeting et al., 1999; WTO, 1999). Waterconsumption and contamination are ofparticularconcern in smallsand islandsand coral cays which rely ona groundwaterlens fordrinking water supplies. Agroundwaterlens isa body offresh water,replenished by rainfall, whichfloats on topof seawaterinside the sedimentsand sedimentary rocks of whichthe islandis constructed(Dales, 1984). Because water can only percolate slowlythrough the sediments,the fresh waterremains separate rather than mixing.If the rateof consumption exceeds the rateof replenishment, however, saltwater can rise into the zonenormally occupied by fresh water,so that ground waterbecomes brackish, affecting nativevegetation as well asdrinking water supplies. Since mostreef islandsare riddled below sealevel withnatural tunnels through coral rock, salinisation can occur quite quickly. Tourismdevelopment typicallyincreases the totalnumber ofpeople living on the island,concentrates them into smaller areas, and increases per capita water consumptionconsiderably, since touristswant fresh waterfor showers, laundry, washingdown equipment, etc.Tourism development onsmallreef islandscan hence pose asignificantrisk that drinking watersupplies maybe contaminated by saltwater. In the Maldives,for example, someislandswhich were previously used only intermittentlyby localresidents now support year-round surf resorts which occupy the entire island(author pers. obs., 2002). These surf resortsare smallcompared to the mainstreamresorts on otherislands, but significantfor the individual islands concerned. Chemicaland bacteriological contamination of drinking wateris also an increasingrisk on manysmall inhabited reef islands,where garbageis frequently dumped intoa pit in the centre ofavillage andleaches directly into the fresh- waterlens. Traditional subsistence economies on these islandsproduced very littlegarbage, essentially all organic. On an island with tourist facilities, however,garbage typically includes batteriesand containers contaminated with oils,solvents, detergents, pesticides and other potentially toxic compounds (Brodie & Morrison, 1984). Finally, watersupplies, subsistencefisheries, andnearshore marine ecosys- temscan be contaminatedwith sewage and waste water, on reef islandsas in coastalhuman habitation everywhere (Carpenter &Maragos,1989; Kato et al., 1985; Kimmerer & Walsh, 1991; Lal, 1984). Whilstreef islandsare ofparticular significance forthe surf tourismindustry, mostislands worldwide are rock.These range fromsmall pinnacles tosubconti- nents,arctic to tropical,coastal to oceanic, barren to lush, uninhabited todensely populated.Some havesheer rockcliffs, somehave beaches, some are surrounded 420 Journal of Sustainable Tourism by fringing reefs. Forisland surf tourism,the mostsignificant are small to medium-size tropicaland subtropicalrock islands with fringing reefs. These can provide bothhigh-quality surf breakson the fringing reef, andtourism infra- structureand other attractions on the rockislands. Examples include Tahiti, Reunion, Samoa,and some of the islandsin the Solomons,the Philippines, Fiji and Indonesia. Many ofthese arein high-rainfall areaswhere watersupplies areplentiful, at leastat current population levels. Disposalof sewage and other wastes, often withlittle or no treatment, is a significantsource of impacton fringing reef and othernearshore marine ecosystems. Many ofthe rockislands have towns or citieswith urban infrastructuresuch as reticulatedsewerage, municipal garbage collectionservices, and centralised sewage treatment and garbage landfill facilities.These, however,may stillrelease nutrient-rich effluent andtoxic leachates, andmany are inadequate to serviceexpanding shantytowns around the urban core. One majordifference between rockand reef islandsused forsurf tourismis thatmany of the rockislands support a richflora and fauna which isunder threat fromother forms of industrialdevelopment, including agriculture,forestry and mining. Iftourismcan reduce the impactsof these industries,either by reducing the areasaffected orby promotingmore effective environmentalregulation and environmentalmanagement, these environmentalbenefits couldpotentially outweigh the environmentalcosts of tourismitself. Tourism, including surf tourism,can therefore contributeto sustainabledevelopment in these islandsby providing aneconomicand employment alternativeto logging andlarge-scale plantationagriculture. In addition,at the scaleof individualvillages on bothrock andreef islands,tourism can provide funds foreducation, health and disease control for local residents.

Social impacts of surf tourism on small islands An economydependent ontourism, whether atlarge or small scale, has its owncosts and risks. It has environmental costs through increased resource consumptionand waste production, both per capita andin aggregate.These may alsohave social costs, for example, where aparticularresource is in shortsupply, andincreased demand from tourism drives prices abovethe range affordableby local residents who are not involved in tourism. Divisionsand conflicts are commonplace in communitiesaffected by tourism, particularlyif aculturalframework which includes aresponsibility forsharing wealthis replaced by anew culture ofindividual entrepreneurship (Mowforth& Munt, 1998;Robinson, 2000; Stabler, 1999). Tourism also produces cultural impactsthrough commodification of traditionalcultural activities, whether artistic,domestic or religious. And finally, atourism-basedeconomy is much morevulnerable toexternalfluctuations beyond the controlof islandresidents (Milne, 1997). Forinternational surf tourism,cultural impacts can occur at severaldifferent levels. The firstis when aparticulardestination, particularly in adeveloping country,becomes popular withtravelling surfers from richer nations. As with mostforms of tourism,some of the moreentrepreneurial localswill takeadvan- tageof new commercialopportunities by providing touristaccommodation and Surf Tourism in the Indo-Pacific 421 localtransport. These range fromthe very basicstandards of the typicalIndone- sianlosmen, built foritinerant surfers, to hotels on Australia’s GoldCoast used by visitingsurfers from Asian, American and European nationswith strong currencies. Atthis level, culturalimpacts occur principally throughan influx ofmoney, andcompetition in the hostcommunity to see whocan get mostof it.Crowding andcrime are the mostcommon cultural impacts, bad for locals and visitors alike (Wall, 1997). The secondlevel occurswhere foreign touroperators build up-market enclave-style touristaccommodation, where localswork as staffbut can’t afford tostay as guests. Typically thiscreates tension within the hostcommunity between thosewho will profitfrom real estate deals or plum jobs,and those who think itmakes locals into second class citizens in their ownhome town, not to mentiontheir ownsurf breaks.Once again,this effect canoccur with exclusive clubs in Australia,California or Hawaii,just as much assurf resortson Pacific Islands.And onceagain, this type ofeffect iscertainly not exclusive tosurf tourism. The thirdkind ofculturalimpact, however, is very specific tosurfing. Surfers areused tofree accessto surf breaks,except during competitions.To surfersfrom mostcountries it is abasicrule ofsurfing culture thatanyone canget in the water. Butthese rules arepart of asurfing culture which,though international,is derived fromcountries with a European history.On Pacificislands and in south- eastAsia, the localcultures have a Polynesian,Melanesian orMicronesian background.Except in Hawaii,surfing isnot part of their traditionalculture, but fishing is.And because traditionaleconomies relied heavily onsubsistence fishing, every village controlsaccess to nearby seasand reefs, whether wavesare breaking onthem or not. For foreigners tosurf thosereef breakswithout permis- sion,therefore, iscertainly rude, possiblyillegal under customarylaw, and a cultural impact in either case (Buckley, 2000b).

Conclusions Commercialsurf tourismis a new influence forIndo-Pacific islands.Part of a multibillion dollarglobal adventure tourism industry, it has the potentialto overwhelmindividual islands, or toprovide themwith a long-term sourceof incomefrom a growingmarket sector. In the processit has the potentialto create majorculturaland environmental impacts; or toprovide akey todevelopment in the broadernature, eco and adventure tourism sector which canhelp toconserve bothnative plant and animal habitats, and traditional cultures. What happens in practiceon particularislands depends onhowthose islands manage commercial surf tourism,as well asthe broadercontext of overall development patternsin the region. Surf tourismhas received very littlestudy to date,either practicalor theoret- ical.Research, analysis and predition hasnot caught up withgrowth and changesin the industryitself. The aimof this overview has been tointroduce the surf sectorto tourismand development analystsand encourage documentation of case studies so that the significance of the sector many be better established. 422 Journal of Sustainable Tourism

Correspondence Any correspondenceshould be directedto RalfBuckley, InternationalCentre forEcotourism Research, School of Environmental and Applied Sciences, Grif- fith University,PMB 50,GoldCoast Mail Centre Southport,QLD 9726,Australia 4217 ([email protected]).

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Personal Communications R. Cameron owns and works for Great Breaks International J. Stone is at Griffith University N. Hyman owns and works for Nev’s Future Shapes P. Blanche owns and works for Go Tours.