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NATO's RETIREMENT? Essays in Honour of Peter Volten

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NATO's RETIREMENT? Essays in Honour of Peter Volten NATO’S RETIREMENT? Essays in Honour of Peter Volten Margriet Drent, Arjan van den Assem, Jaap de Wilde, editors 2011 GREENWOOD PAPER 26 NATO’s Retirement? Essays in honour of Peter Volten. Editors: Margriet Drent, Arjan van den Assem, Jaap de Wilde First published in January 2011 by The Centre of European Security Studies (CESS) Lutkenieuwstraat 31 A 9712 AW Groningen The Netherlands Director: Peter Volten ISBN: 978-90-76301-28-0 Copyright © 2011 by CESS All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. The Centre for European Security Studies (CESS) is an independent institute for research, consultancy, education and training, based in the Netherlands. Its aim is to promote transparent, accountable and effective governance of the security sector, broadly defined. It seeks to advance democracy and the rule of law, help governments and civil society face their security challenges, and further the civilized and lawful resolution of conflict. The Man behind the Greenwood Papers Resting his fists on the lectern, he would fix his audience with a glare and pronounce: “REVEAL, EXPLAIN AND JUSTIFY.” It was his golden rule of democratic governance. David Greenwood was born in England in 1937 and died in 2009 in Scotland. He first worked for the British Ministry of Defence, then went on to teach political economy at Aberdeen University, where he later became the director of the Centre for Defence Studies. In 1997, David Greenwood joined the Centre for European Security Studies in the Netherlands as its Research Director. For 10 years, he was the principal researcher and teacher at CESS, and a friend and mentor to his colleagues. To borrow a phrase of his own, David Greenwood was a construction worker on the building site of democracy. This series of research reports, formerly called the Harmonie Papers, is affectionately dedicated to him. Table of Contents Introduction. Peter Volten: Bridge-Builder between East and West in Theory & Practice 5 Margriet Drent, Arjan van den Assem, Jaap de Wilde PART 1 – State Perspectives Chapter 1. NATO's Advanced Partnership with Ukraine. Cooperation Without Guarantees 19 Anatoliy Grytsenko Chapter 2. NATO’s Role in the Consolidation of South-East Europe 27 Velizar Shalamanov Chapter 3. Turkey’s Alignment with NATO: Identity and Power Politics 37 Ali L. Karaosmano ğlu Chapter 4. Friends Both Close and Distant. Transatlantic Perceptions 49 in the Early Years of the Cold War Doeko Bosscher Chapter 5. NATO’s Retirement? A Club-theoretical Approach to the Alliance 61 Herman Hoen PART 2 – IO Perspectives Chapter 6. Europe the Reluctant Security Actor 75 Willem van Eekelen Chapter 7. The European Defence Community and NATO. A Classic Case of Franco-Dutch Controversy 83 Jan van der Harst Chapter 8. IKV, Pax Christi and NATO in a Post-Cold War World. A Political-Ethical Comment 95 Menno R. Kamminga 3 Chapter 9. NATO and Humanitarian Organisations: bien ennuies de se trouver ensemble 105 Joost Herman Part 3 – Security Policies & Actions Chapter 10. NATO’s Civil Emergency Planning Mechanism and Crisis 117 Management Theory Marjan Maleši č Chapter 11. Responsibility to Protect in Territories under Disputed Rule 129 Hans J. Giessmann Chapter 12. Can Defence, Development and Diplomacy Go Hand in Hand? A Practitioner’s Thoughts on the Challenges of Security Sector Reform 137 Sami Faltas Chapter 13. NATO Interventions in the Balkans. History, Perceptions 149 and Analogical Reasoning Sipke de Hoop Chapter 14. The Annual Review procedure in NATO, 1952-1966 159 Ine Megens Part 4 – NATO’s Retirement? Chapter 15. Europe’s Virtual Security Debate and a New Transatlantic Relationship 175 Hugo Klijn Chapter 16. NATO in 2029: Retired or Rejuvenated? 185 Nienke de Deugd About the Authors 192 Curriculum Vitae Peter M. E. Volten 194 4 Introduction Peter Volten: Bridge-Builder between East and West in Theory & Practice Margriet Drent, Arjan van den Assem & Jaap de Wilde This book reflects on retirements. Real ones and potential ones. Normally, age is the indicator. End of career is often implied. NATO’s retirement can be expected in 2014. According to myth and a bit of historical evidence, in 1889 Bismarck introduced 65 as the proper age for retirement for the very reason that on average most people didn’t reach it. Peter Volten will. Nowadays, social welfare states – and also less social ones – have fear for old people. ‘Ageing’ has been securitized. It forms a threat to the stability of Europe, if not the entire world. The UN’s Vienna International Plan of Action on Ageing dates back to 1982. But despite its continued attention and relevance, alarming reports keep appearing. “Why an ageing population is the greatest threat to society”, The Independent wrote in 2002 when the UN Second World Assembly on Ageing took place in Madrid: “Of all the threats to human society, including war, disease and natural disaster, one outranks all others. It is the ageing human population. No invading army, volcanic eruption or yet undreamt of plague can rival ageing in the breadth or depth of its impact on society” (Jeremy Laurance in The Independent , 10 April 2002). Still, up to now, ageing has not been listed in the strategic reports of NATO about the new, non-traditional threats. After the Cold War, NATO appeared quite creative in listing new risks and threats, and it still is. The New Strategic Concept adopted in November 2010 tries to provide an answer to “regional disputes or efforts of political intimidation ... along [NATO’s] borders ... acts of terrorism, the proliferation of nuclear and other advanced weapons technologies, cyber attacks ... the sabotage of energy pipelines, the disruption of critical maritime supple routes”, and, yes, the Official Report of the Group of Experts on a New Strategic Concept for NATO also mentions “demographic changes that could aggravate such global problems as poverty, hunger, illegal immigration, and pandemic disease” – but ageing is not specified in this context (NATO, 2010).The growing sum of pensions, however, puts the working classes under pressure. It burdens the competitive edge of the European economies. Greying is an economic security issue, and Peter Volten is going to contribute to it. The central issue in this book, written in honour of Peter Volten, is whether NATO is at the end of its official career too. Ever since the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949, its ability to survive as a collective security arrangement for its member-states has been questioned. Existential 5 crises seem to be part of NATO’s identity. In its initial years, NATO’s future was questioned on theoretical grounds mainly. The issue if military alliances could institutionalize successfully existed only in the abstract. History had no experience with institutionalized alliances yet. In a distorted version, Karl Deutsch’s theory of ‘security communities’ was and is used to show the pacifying internal qualities of the alliance (Adler and Barnett 1998). How strong the ties would be if tested, remained guess work. Trouble Inside All but one of the tests so far have come from the inside. The Soviet Union and its Warsaw Treaty Organization formed a robust raison d’être that helped to keep the ranks closed. The only test, therefore, that came from the outside was when the common enemy disappeared. “Back to the Future” predicted classical Realist John Mearsheimer in 1990 in a by now likewise classic article. Europe and the transatlantic ties would collapse together with NATO’s biggest if not sole enemy: “it is the Soviet threat that provides the glue that holds NATO together. Take away that offensive threat and the United States is likely to abandon the Continent, whereupon the defensive alliance ... may disintegrate” (Mearsheimer 1990, 52). History proved him wrong – for the simple reason that classical Realism is essentially wrong in its assumptions and analyses. NATO survived the death of its enemy, and in fact became, together with the European Union, pivotal in discussions about Europe’s new political and military order. All other challenges to NATO originated from conflicts within. In the 1960s France provoked a crisis in the alliance by leaving the military part of NATO. President Charles de Gaulle’s nationalism ( chauvinism to be more precise) and ambitions to restore the French grandeur in world politics required a European version of the Monroe Doctrine: Europe for the Europeans – dominated by France, of course. He feared misuse of NATO by its hegemonic leader, the USA. The conditions of the Cold War in Europe kept France politically on board, but its military independence, symbolized by its nuclear force de frappe , and underpinned by its veto power in the UN Security Council, clearly set limits to NATO’s Musketeer logic of ‘one for all, all for one’. In 2009, France rejoined the military structure of NATO. But how to interpret this? Does it prove NATO’s vitality and strength or its decline? If the USA has to find coalitions of the willing rather than direct NATO troops to its war fronts, there is no harm by joining NATO’s integrated military structure. Meanwhile the USA have not always been enthusiastic about NATO either. From its very beginning up to the present, the USA have been concerned about Transatlantic burden sharing and free-rider behaviour. The underlying problem here is how to establish what the minimum ceilings for ‘required’ military spending are. The perception of the US in this respect differs from all other states on earth, except, during the Cold War, the Soviet Union. In 2009 the US 6 were spending some 661 billion US$ on what traditionally is called defence.
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