Afghanistan's Parties in Transition
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Afghan Presidential Election: Potential Candidates and Powerbrokers
Afghan Presidential Election: Open Source Center As of March Potential Candidates and Powerbrokers15, 2009 Presidential Election Scheduled for 20 August Article 61 of Afghanistan's Constitution1 states that the presidential election should be held "thirty to sixty days prior to the expiration of the current president's term," which ends on 22 May. However, Afghanistan's Independent Powerbrokers Election Commission on 4 March announced that it would push back the date of the election to 20 August in order A number of prominent Afghan figures appear to be powerbrokers in Afghanistan's political scene. to address funding, security, and weather challenges to organizing a nationwide free and fair election (iec.org.af). Many of these men acquired their influence as Jihadi leaders with authority and arms, which they Afghan media have highlighted potential candidates and powerbrokers who may be influential in the election. parlayed into backing from religious, ethnic, regional, or party coalitions that continue to support them. They could prove influential in this year's elections by supporting and mobilizing their political, religious, tribal, regional, and ethnolinguistic constituencies to support preferred Potential Candidates for 2009 candidates. Abdullah Abdullah, Afghanistan's minister of foreign affairs from 2001 to 2006, is running as the candidate for the National Front. In a 2 February interview with Jawedan.com, he supported the presence of international forces to improve the security situation in the country. Regarding the Taliban, he said that the door for negotiation should be "kept open to anyone willing to lay down their arms and join the peace process, except for Mullah Omar and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar," whom he claimed were "pushing Afghanistan to war and destruction." Once a special adviser and chief Abdul Hadi Arghandiwal is the current chairman of the Islamic Party of Afghanistan, formed in 2008 by . -
Biographies of Formal Participants for Economic Side Event Moderator Keynote Speakers
Biographies of Formal Participants for Economic Side Event Moderator Nazir Kabiri, Founding Member, is the Executive Director of the Biruni Institute. Previously, he served as a Senior Policy Advisor to the Finance Minister of Afghanistan for over six years. Nazir Kabiri advised the Minister of Finance on a broad range of policy issues that included input on Government’s major reform agendas, public finance management, aid effectiveness, capacity building and regional economic cooperation. He was also a key interlocutor in the Ministry of Finance for international institutions and bilateral donors. Nazir Kabiri has been working in Afghanistan with NGOs and Government institutions since 2002 including working for the UK’s DFID for five years. Nazir Kabiri holds a degree in Management from South Korea, a BA in Economics from Kabul University and a Master’s Degree in Development Economics (Fulbright Scholar) from the United States. He frequently appears in the media speaking on issues related to the Afghan economy and regional issues. Keynote Speakers John Barsa is the acting USAID Deputy Administrator. He was sworn in on June 10, 2019, as the Assistant Administrator for USAID's Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean. Barsa brings considerable experience from decades of service in the public and private sectors.Mr. Barsa comes to USAID from the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), where he led the DHS Office of Partnership and Engagement (OPE) as the Acting Assistant Secretary and later as the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary. John Barsa’s civilian experience in the Executive Branch extends back to the Administration of President George W. -
Political Laws and Ethnic Accommodation: Why Cross-Ethnic Coalitions Have Failed to Institutionalize in Afghanistan
Political Laws and Ethnic Accommodation: Why Cross-Ethnic Coalitions Have Failed to Institutionalize in Afghanistan Mohammad Bashir Mobasher A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2017 Reading Committee: Robert Pekannen, Chair Jonathan Eddy, Co-Chair James Long Scott Radnitz Leigh Anderson Program Authorized to Offer Degree: School of Law © Copyright 2017 Mohammad Bashir Mobasher University of Washington ABSTRACT Political Laws and Ethnic Accommodation: Why Cross-Ethnic Coalitions Have Failed to Institutionalize in Afghanistan Mohammad Bashir Mobasher Chairs of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Robert Pekannen – Jackson School of International Studies Professor Jonathan Eddy – School of Law Afghanistan suffers from an ethnic-based and fragmented party system. Although some cross-ethnic coalitions have emerged, especially during the presidential elections, these coalitions have failed to survive across elections and branches of government. As for what explains the failure of the consolidation of coalitions, some scholars pointed to the SNTV system and others to the presidential system. This study examines all related institutional designs, including the SNTV system for parliamentary elections, the runoff system for presidential elections, the presidential system, dual vice presidency, and party qualification thresholds. These systems and institutions are designed by three bodies of political laws: the Constitution, electoral laws, and party laws. Analyzing these laws and institutional designs, this study makes three observations. First, the failure of coalitions to institutionalize in Afghanistan is not due to a single political law or institutional design but due to the influence of a number of them. Second, for cross-ethnic coalitions to institutionalize, all related institutional designs must act cohesively or else they fail to incentivize coalition-building, as is the case in Afghanistan. -
Afghanistan Assessment
AFGHANISTAN COUNTRY REPORT April 2005 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Afghanistan April 2005 CONTENTS 1 Scope Of Document 1.1 - 1.12 2 Geography General 2.1 – 2.2 Languages/Main ethnic groups/Religions 2.3 - 2.5 3.Economy 3.1 - 3.8 4 History Overview to December 2001 4.1 Post Taliban 4.2 – 4.13 January 2004 – December 2004 4.14 – 4.59 January 2005 onwards 4.60 – 4.66 5.State Structures The Constitution 5.1 - 5.8 The Constitutional Loya Jirga 5.9 – 5.13 Citizenship and Nationality 5.14 – 5.16 Political System Overview 5.17 – 5.26 Elections: - General 5.27 – 5.29 - Presidential Election 5.30 – 5.40 - Presidential Election Results 5.41 – 5.42 - Lead up to Parliamentary Elections 5.43 – 5.47 Political Situation in Herat 5.48 – 5.50 Judiciary 5.51 – 5.64 Land Court 5.65 – 5.66 Legal Rights/Detention 5.67 - 5.83 Death Penalty 5.84 - 5.86 Internal Security Developments following 11 September 2001 5.87 - 5.90 Security Sector Reform (SSR) 5.91 - 5.94 General security situation 5.95 – 5.112 Security situation in different regions: - Kabul 5.113 – 5.116 - Central 5.117 - South and Southeast 5.118 - 5.122 - North 5.123 – 5.124 Internal Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and Provincial Reconstruction 5.125 – 5.150 Teams (PRTs) Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Programme (DDR) 5.151 – 5.166 National Security Directorate (Amniat) 5.167 – 5.170 Army 5.171 – 5.174 Police 5.175 – 5.184 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.185 - 5.208 Military Service 5.209 - 5.212 Medical Services -
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs May 12, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21922 Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Summary The capacity, transparency, and legitimacy of Afghan governance are considered crucial to Afghan stability as U.S.-led NATO forces turn over the security mission to Afghan leadership. The size and capability of the Afghan governing structure has increased significantly since the Taliban regime fell in late 2001, but the government remains weak and rife with corruption. The government has slowly widened its writ, even though substantial powers are concentrated in the elected presidency through powers of appointment at all levels. President Hamid Karzai has served as president since late 2001; he is constitutionally term-limited and will leave office after the conclusion of presidential and provincial elections the first round of which took place on April 5, 2014. Several major figures registered to run for president, and many of their slates included faction leaders long accused of human rights abuses. Karzai appeared to tilt toward his longtime confidant and former Foreign Minister, Zalmay Rasoul, but the final, uncertified vote count showed Northern Alliance “opposition” leader Dr. Abdullah Abdullah with nearly 45% of the vote and former Finance Minister Ashraf Ghani with about 31.5%. Abdullah’s total, if certified, is close to but still short of the 50%+ needed for victory. A runoff round is tentatively scheduled for June 7. There are discussions among the major candidates, President Karzai, and other senior figures on a settlement that might avoid the runoff. -
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs November 8, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21922 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Summary The limited capacity and widespread corruption of all levels of Afghan governance are factors in debate over the effectiveness of U.S. policy in Afghanistan and in implementing a transition to Afghan security leadership by the end of 2014. The capacity of the formal Afghan governing structure has increased significantly since the Taliban regime fell in late 2001, but many positions, particularly at the local level, are unfilled. Widespread illiteracy limits expansion of a competent bureaucracy. A dispute over the results of the 2010 parliamentary elections paralyzed governance for nearly a year and was resolved in September 2011 with the unseating on the grounds of fraud of nine winners of the elected lower house of parliament. Karzai also has tried, through direct denials, to quell assertions by his critics that he wants to stay in office beyond the 2014 expiration of his second term, the limits under the constitution. While trying, with mixed success, to build the formal governing structure, Afghan President Hamid Karzai also works through an informal power structure centered around his close ethnic Pashtun allies as well as other ethnic and political faction leaders. Some faction leaders oppose Karzai on the grounds that he is too willing to make concessions to insurgent leaders in search of a settlement—a criticism that grew following the September 20 assassination of the most senior Tajik leader, former President Burhanuddin Rabbani. -
2020 Afghanistan Conference Side Meeting: 'Support to Peace and Prosperity Through Public-Private Partnerships in Key Infrastructure Investments'
CONCEPT NOTE, 16/11/2020 2020 Afghanistan Conference Side Meeting: 'Support to Peace and Prosperity through Public-Private Partnerships in Key Infrastructure Investments' CO-HOSTED BY THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK Thursday, 19 November 2020, 9.30 am to 12.00 noon CET, video conference 1. BACKGROUND On its path to self-reliance, Afghanistan aims at opening new financing opportunities for its development agenda, beyond traditional grant funding but in line with IMF provisions for sustainable sovereign debt management. Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) provide an instrument for leveraging private sector engagement in the financing and implementing of infrastructure projects with high development impact. Based on a newly introduced policy and regulatory framework, government and development partners are gaining first experiences with this approach, currently mainly in the energy sector. In accordance with Afghanistan’s National Policy on Public Private Partnerships, the main objectives of PPPs are to mobilize private sector investment to expand access to infrastructure and services to support sustained and inclusive economic growth and to reduce the investment burden of the government through transition of financing responsibilities from donor support to private investors. PPPs open also a way for improved regional cooperation and connectivity, fostering cross-boundary cooperation and leveraging capital for larger investments. This is an important vector for peace. In August 2016, the Government of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GoIRA) launched its PPP program designed to attract private financing for infrastructure, and institutionalized a Central Partnership Authority (CPA), a General Directorate, as the central coordinating actor for PPPs in the country. The CPA is mandated to regulate all matters and issues relevant to PPP projects, to identify opportunities for investments in public-private interventions, to facilitate contract negotiations of projects, and to ensure the availability of funds for infrastructure projects. -
Understanding Ethnic-Electoral Dynamics: How Ethnic Politics Affect Electoral Laws and Election Outcomes in Afghanistan
MOBASHER 4/18/2016 3:11 PM UNDERSTANDING ETHNIC-ELECTORAL DYNAMICS: HOW ETHNIC POLITICS AFFECT ELECTORAL LAWS AND ELECTION OUTCOMES IN AFGHANISTAN *Mohammad Bashir Mobasher After the fall of the Taliban in 2001, Afghanistan began transitioning toward democracy. The democratization, which began with the Bonn Agreement, was very promising for all ethnic groups in Afghanistan. The Bonn Agreement provided that Afghanistan must establish “broad based, gender sensitive, multi- ethnic and fully representative government.”1 As a part of this agreement, Afghanistan adopted a new Constitution in 2004, which established elections as the foundation for representative government and guaranteed that the elections be inclusive, fair, and representative of all groups and regions. Despite this progress in the laws, Afghanistan has not been able to reduce ethnic tensions. In fact, this article shows that ethnic tensions tend to intensify during elections, a result that belies the vision of the Bonn Agreement. After presenting a statistical and qualitative analysis of voting practices across three presidential elections and 26 provinces, this article makes several observations about the role of ethnicity in Afghan presidential elections. These observations are: (1) people of an ethnic community are more likely to vote for a candidate of their own ethnic group; (2) voters from one ethnic group are likely to vote for a candidate from another ethnic group only when they do not have a candidate of their own; (3) cross ethnic voting is more likely to occur in blocs and in exchange for patronage to the elites of voting groups; and (4) candidates and ethno-political elites tend to prioritize their electoral campaigns by ethnic mobilization, manipulation of laws and political bargains rather than by policy development in order to generate votes. -
Policy Briefing
Policy Briefing Asia Briefing N°141 Kabul/Brussels, 26 June 2013 Afghanistan’s Parties in Transition I. Overview Political parties are developing slowly in Afghanistan, discouraged by electoral laws and fragmented ethnic politics, but starting to shed their legacy as armed groups. Their newfound legitimacy will face its most serious challenge during the 2014 pres- idential election and 2015 parliamentary polls, as parties scramble to ensure their place in the new order that will follow the end of President Hamid Karzai’s constitutional mandate. Many obstacles remain, as the outgoing government threatens to revoke the licences of many, if not all, political parties, and introduce tough regulations on politi- cal party activity. The jostling for power could inflict lasting damage on the political system, because the government’s effort to curtail the number of parties, while a popu- lar measure among many Afghans, could shut out moderate political movements and emerging youth organisations, leaving voters with limited choices among only the biggest of the tanzims, or former mujahidin parties. For its part, the international community should condition financial assistance on further government efforts to promote multiparty politics. Some parties with roots as northern militias are preparing to rally their supporters for street demonstrations that could turn violent. This comes as all the major political players are leveraging pre-election displays of strength in negotiations over slates of presidential and vice presidential candidates. Major opposition players, including tradi- tional rivals such as Junbish-i-Meli-Islami, Hizb-e Islami and the Jamiat-i Islami fac- tions – leading representatives of the Uzbek, Pashtun and Tajik ethnic groups, respec- tively – are showing unprecedented unity in their calls for electoral reform. -
As Requested. Your Special Guests Appear on the Last Page. Several Have Declined. Protocol Will Send You a Note on Seating Arran
ROUTING SLIP FICHE DE TRANSMISSION TO.- The Sed«&ry-<Seneral A: FROM: Corinne Momal-Vanian /P.y DE: <^- Room No. - No tie Bureau Extension - Poste Date S a802A i-Q')'\i ns/na./9nrK FOR ACTION POUR SUITE A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE DISCUSS? POURRIONS -NOUS EN PARLER? YOUR ATTENTION VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU AS REQUESTED SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDE NOTE AND RETURN NOTER ET RETOURNER FOR INFORMATION POUR INFORMATION As requested. Your special guests appear on the last page. Several have declined. Protocol will send you a note on seating arrangements for the lunch as soon as they have a final list of participants (probably over the weekend). Thank you. COM.6 (12-78) No. 3 O -' V * Protocol and Liaison -—-•---•"— - 8 September 2005 Guest list for the luncheon hosted by the Secretary-General in honour of the Heads of State and Government attending the 2005 World Summit of the General Assembly on Wednesday, 14 September 2004 - 1:15 pm - North Lounge yes Host: The Secretary-General Co-Chairpersons presiding over the High-level Plenary Meeting yes Gabon: H.E. El Hadj Omar Bongo Ondimba (HS) yes Sweden: H.E. Mr. Goran Persson (HG) yes Deputy Secretary-General: Ms. Louise Frechette President of the fifty-ninth session of the General Asssembly yes Mr. Jean Ping (Gabon) President of the sixtieth session of the General Asssembly yes Mr. Jan K. Eliasson ( Sweden) yes Pres. of the Sec. Council: H.E. Mrs. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (HS - Philippines) yes Pres. -
ELECTORAL ALLIANCES in the 2014 Presidential Season
Jackson Keith BACKGROUNDER October 3, 2013 The FORMATION OF ELECTORAL ALLIANCES IN the 2014 Presidential Season ey Takeaway: Candidates for Afghanistan’s 2014 elections will declare their intent to run for office by KOctober 6, 2013. The most prominent candidates to emerge are Zalmai Rassoul and Abdullah Abdullah. They represent the two main electoral factions will decide the 2014 election: the Karzai-Establishment and an anti-Karzai opposition. Although it appears that a large number of electoral alliances have formed and are backing a wider pool of high profile candidates, these two factions will predominate. The Karzai-Fahim electoral alliance that has characterized Afghan politics since 2009 seems to have broken, and Fahim has joined Abdullah Abdullah. Northern powerbrokers are reorienting, but some influential Tajiks such as Mohammad Atta Noor are likely to join the pro-Karzai establishment candidate. Rassoul is either a Karzai puppet or a placeholder for another candidate. He will need the Karzai family for electoral support. From now until October 6, candidates for the 2014 to the Karzai-establishment, and the opposition organized Afghan presidential election can officially declare their to defeat it. The opposing forces reflect significant trends intent to run for office. The Afghan political rumor mill that cut across ethnic lines and demonstrate that the has proffered a number of viable contenders, with early players are pursuing a real strategy to form coalitions with speculation centering on President Karzai’s older brother electoral and power political strength. Qayum Karzai,1 controversial Islamist figure Abdurrab Rasul Sayyaf,2 popular former Ambassador to Pakistan THE ANTI-KARZAI FACTION-THE ELECTORAL ALLIANCE and recently appointed Interior Minister Omar Daudzai,3 OF AFGHANISTAN (EAA) and former National Security Advisor and current Foreign The anti-Karzai faction is primarily composed of Tajik Minister Zalmai Rassoul. -
Political Economy Analysis of Afghanistan's Service
POLITICAL ECONOMY ANALYSIS OF AFGHANISTAN’S SERVICE DELIVERY CAPACITY MAY 2016 This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by Democracy International, Inc. [ Month Year] This publication was produced at the request of t he Unit ed Stat es Agency for Inter nat ional Development . It was pr epar ed independently by <list authors and/or organizations involved in the preparation of the report>. Prepared under Cooperative Agreement No. AID-306-A-00-09-00522. Submitted to: USAID/Afghanistan Prepared by: Democracy International, Inc. 7600 Wisconsin Avenue, Suite 1010 Bethesda, MD 20814 USA Tel: +1.301.961.1660 Email: [email protected] POLITICAL ECONOMY ANALYSIS OF AFGHANISTAN’S CAPACITY TO IMPROVE GOVERNMENT SERVICE DELIVERY May 2016 The author’s views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government. CONTENTS CONTENTS ........................................................................................... I ACRONYMS .......................................................................................... II METHODOLOGY ................................................................................. 4 SUPPORTING SERVICE DELIVERY IN AFGHANISTAN .............. 7 A CRUCIAL MOMENT ...................................................................... 13 CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................. 25 ENDNOTES