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The Southern Altiplano of Bolivia Thierry Winkel, Ricardo Alvarez-Flores, Pierre Bommel, Jean Bourliaud, Marco Chevarria Lazo, Geneviève Cortes, Pablo Cruz, C

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The Southern Altiplano of Bolivia Thierry Winkel, Ricardo Alvarez-Flores, Pierre Bommel, Jean Bourliaud, Marco Chevarria Lazo, Geneviève Cortes, Pablo Cruz, C The Southern Altiplano of Bolivia Thierry Winkel, Ricardo Alvarez-Flores, Pierre Bommel, Jean Bourliaud, Marco Chevarria Lazo, Geneviève Cortes, Pablo Cruz, C. del Castillo, Pierre Gasselin, Richard Joffre, et al. To cite this version: Thierry Winkel, Ricardo Alvarez-Flores, Pierre Bommel, Jean Bourliaud, Marco Chevarria Lazo, et al.. The Southern Altiplano of Bolivia. State of the art report on quinoa around the world in 2013, Centre de coopération internationale en recherche agronomique pour le développement; Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, 589 p., 2015, 978-92-5-108558-5. hal-01198255 HAL Id: hal-01198255 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01198255 Submitted on 5 Jun 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 362 CHAPTER: 5.1.b The Southern Altiplano of Bolivia *Author for correspondence: Thierry WINKEL [email protected] Authors: Winkel T.a; Álvarez-Flores R.b; Bommel P.c; Bourliaud J.d; Chevarría Lazo M.e; Cortes G.f; Cruz P.g; Del Castillo C.h; Gasselin P.i; Joffre R.j; Léger F.k; Nina Laura J.p.l; Rambal S.j; Rivière G.m; Tichit M.i; Tourrand J.f.c; Vassas Toral A.n; Vieira Pak Mc. a IRD, UMR 5175 CEFE, Montpellier, France - b CNRS, UMR 5175 CEFE, Montpellier, France c CIRAD, UR GREEN, Montpellier, France - d INRA, UR MONA, Ivry-sur-Seine, France e Consultor ONU (UNOPS - PNUMA), Peru f Université Paul Valéry, UMR 5281 ART-Dev, Montpellier, France g CONICET-FUNDANDES, Jujuy, Argentina - h UMSA, Facultad de Agronomía, La Paz, Bolivia i INRA, UMR INNOVATION, Montpellier, France - j CNRS, UMR 5175 CEFE, Montpellier, France k INRA, UMR SAD-APT, Paris, France - l Agrónomos y Veterinarios Sin Fronteras, La Paz, Bolivia m EHESS, UMR 8168 MASCIPO, Paris, France n Université Paul Valéry, UMR 5281 ART-Dev, Montpellier, France Abstract ancestral lifestyle of these populations and have to date determined how territorial resources are used Quinoa has been a staple food for Andean popula- and producers are organized in the context of qui- tions for millennia. Today, it is a much-appreciated noa’s commercial success. Quinoa production in product on the international health-food, organic the region is presenting signs of agro-ecological and and fair-trade food markets. Quinoa producers social vulnerability; however, it has the capacities to in the southern Altiplano of Bolivia initiated this respond and adapt accordingly. Key points for the change approximately 40 years ago. On high de- sustainability of local agrosystems are: i) harmoni- sert land, they succeeded in developing a thriving zation of communal and individual regulations con- agricultural crop for export. Although they enjoy cerning access to and use of land in socially equita- lucrative niche markets, quinoa producers are not ble agrosystems with a balance between crops and specialized farmers, nor do most of them live year- animal husbandry, ii) international standards for round in the production area. These are some of the recognition of ‘Quinoa Real’ in export markets, the paradoxes that characterize quinoa produc- iii) continuous updating of rules and regulations so tion in the southern Altiplano of Bolivia. Following that local agrosystems can adapt to unpredictable a description of the origin, diversity and biological changes in the socio-ecological context on different traits of the ‘Quinoa Real’ ecotype, on which pro- scales of space and time. duction in this area is based, this chapter explores the importance of quinoa in local agrosystems and Key words: social adaptability, family farming, Bo- in the systems of agricultural and non-agricultural livia, ecotype, territorial rules and regulations, plu- activities managed by southern Altiplano families. riactivity, ‘Quinoa Real’, socio-ecological system, Geographic mobility and pluriactivity are part of the agricultural sustainability. CHAPTER: 5.1.B Quinoa IN BOLIVIA: THE SOUTHERN Altiplano OF BOLIVIA A l Lago t i p l a n o Poopó Context and issues of quinoa in the southern 363 Salar de ORURO BOLIVIA Coipasa Altiplano of Bolivia La Paz C o r d i l l e r a World leadership: the result of 40 years of efforts Sucre The southern Altiplano of Bolivia dominates the Salar de international quinoa industry, with production – Uyuni depending on the year – accounting for up to 90% O c c i d e n t a l of world exports (Aroni et al., 2009; Rojas, 2011). Uyuni In the 1970s in the area of Lípez, on the southern edge of the Uyuni salt flats, quinoa production for POTOSÍ export began to rapidly spread, and continued to CHILE do so in the 1980s, towards the west and north of Number of the salt flats, a region known as the Intersalar (Fig- inhabitants . 990 G ure 1). Production on a large scale was initially a 360 9 response to the commercial demand from neigh- AR bouring Peru, which had a larger population with Figure 1: Map of communities in the southern Altiplano a significant proportion of city-dwellers ate large of Bolivia amounts of quinoa (unlike the situation in Bolivia at the time). A Belgian non-governmental organi- zation (NGO) working in communities in the area tion of export crops by farmers not permanently donated tractors to boost the initial phase of pro- resident in the rural area is just one of the paradox- duction (Laguna, 2011). Southern Altiplano farmers es of quinoa farming in the southern Altiplano of were thus able to respond in a timely manner to Bolivia (Winkel, 2011). rising commercial demand from North America and Europe for vegetarian, gluten-free and protein-rich The environment is characterized by extreme condi- foods in the 1980s. Markets soon opened up for tions – rocky or sandy soil almost permanently ex- fair-trade and organic products, sustained mainly by posed to drought, frost, El Niño events, violent winds European demand. The new export markets in the and intense solar radiation due to the high altitude Northern Hemisphere did not supplant the Peruvi- – and it is surprising that an export crop has man- an market, which until recently accounted for over aged to flourish so successfully. To our knowledge, half of quinoa exports from Bolivia (albeit mainly in quinoa is a unique case worldwide: an export crop, the informal economy) (Aroni et al., 2009). Today, produced practically without inputs, in an extreme local quinoa farmers make the most of a variety of environment of cold, arid high mountains. Growing markets, offering conventional quinoa, certified- or areas, located at elevations of between 3 650 and 4 ganic quinoa and certified fair-trade quinoa for the 200 m asl, receive annual precipitation ranging from domestic market, the Peruvian informal sector and 150 mm in the south of the region to 300 mm in the markets in the Northern Hemisphere. northeast, with more than 200 days of frost a year (Geerts et al., 2006). Quinoa has high tolerance to Four paradoxes of quinoa production in the south- drought, but it is nevertheless unable to complete ern Altiplano its vegetative cycle with only the rainfall received in an average year. For this reason, a 2-year fallow land The growing international demand for quinoa plac- system is adopted: the first year, precipitation accu- es producers and their organizations in a privileged mulates in the soil; the second year, there is a full position for negotiating with importers, usually -for 1-year growing cycle (Michel, 2008). eigners. Despite their success in export markets, however, local producers have not chosen to be- Another paradox of quinoa production in this re- come definitively specialized in quinoa farming. On gion is that, while being a healthy food grown by the contrary, the majority of them simultaneously small producers, sometimes with organic and/or continue non-agricultural activities, often involving fair-trade certification, its cultivation could jeop- temporary migration (Vassas Toral, 2011). Cultiva- ardize the ecological and social foundations of the CHAPTER: 5.1.B Quinoa IN BOLIVIA: THE SOUTHERN Altiplano OF BOLIVIA 364 agrosystem (Michel, 2008; Vieira Pak, 2012). This individual improvisation was initially the rule, ini- situation goes against the desired benefits of fam- tiatives are now emerging to renew the collective ily farming, which uses low levels of inputs and ad- practices of local resource management. vocates ancestral roots and knowledge. Concerns about the sustainability of quinoa production were The diversity, origins and uses of genetic resources initially expressed, often in simplistic and alarmist Dozens of local varieties, a single ecotype? terms, by journalists, businesspeople and research- ers, who reported increasing soil erosion and high- The southern Altiplano of Bolivia is the land of ‘Qui- lighted the short-term vision and profit motives of noa Real’. Contrary to common belief, ‘Quinoa Real’ some local producers and operators. Farmers and is not one variety of quinoa: nearly 50 local varieties decision-makers in Bolivia are aware of the growing fall under the generic name of ‘Quinoa Real’, each environmental and social vulnerability of their agro- one identified by its common name and phenotype ecosystem; therefore,, with the support of national (Bonifacio et al., 2012). These local varieties can be and international institutions, they have begun to differentiated by the form of their panicles: amar- take initiatives to resolve emerging problems. antiform, glomerular or intermediate.
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