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A Cross-National Test of Institutional Anomie Theory Western Criminology Review 9(1), 31–48 (2008) A Cross-National Test of Institutional Anomie Theory: Do the Strength of Other Social Institutions Mediate or Moderate the Effects of the Economy on the Rate of Crime?1 Beth Bjerregaard University of North Carolina – Charlotte John K. Cochran University of South Florida Abstract. This study presents a test of Messner and Rosenfeld’s theory of institutional anomie. It employs cross- national data on the rates of homicide and theft, as well as a variety of indicators of the economy and of the ineffective- ness of non-economic social institutions. Finally, it examines the degree to which non-economic social institutions mediate and/or moderate the effects of the economy on these cross-national rates of crime. As previous tests of this theory have also found, the level of support our results provide for the theory is dependent upon both the measures employed and the functional forms of the relationships. Keywords: institutional anomie; economy; social institutions; cross-national crime rates. Introduction and Rosenfeld (1994) focused on the interrelationships among the various social institutions in society. They In 1938, Robert K. Merton published his ground- hypothesized that an overemphasis on economic goals, breaking article entitled, “Social Structure and Anomie.” coupled with a devaluation of the non-economic institu- In this thesis, Merton proposed that crime rates could be tions in society, results in higher rates of crime. explained by examining the cultural and social structure Messner and Rosenfeld (1994) left us with a very in- of society. In particular, Merton developed the theory triguing structural theory of crime, but no way of directly to explain the relatively high rates of crime present in testing it. In fact, some of the biggest challenges have the United States. He postulated that these rates could been that many of the main assumptions and primary be explained by focusing on the cultural goals stressed assertions made by the theory are difficult, at best, to by American society, especially the disproportionate examine empirically, particularly at the aggregate-level, emphasis placed on the goal of attaining monetary suc- because the requisite data needed to test these assertions cess (the American Dream) relative to that placed upon have not been systematically collected. Messner and the legitimate means for attaining it. Merton also made Rosenfeld (2006:130-131) lamented that the “high level special note of the structural strain built into the social of abstraction” of IAT “renders empirical assessments organization of American society in which the opportu- difficult” and that deriving “specific causal propositions nities to achieve these goals were unequally distributed; and identifying operational measures of key concepts that is, openly available to some, while blocked for others. pose daunting challenges.” Nevertheless, since its intro- Subsequently, Merton’s theory has been identified as one duction, several researchers have attempted to examine of the most influential theories of crime to be developed key tenants of this theory and to at least partially test its in the last century (Messner and Rosenfeld, 2001: 12). fundamental propositions (Chamlin and Cochran, 1995; Succeeding its introduction, a number of theorists have Messner and Rosenfeld, 1997; Hannon and DeFronzo, both modified and expanded Merton’s original ideas. 1998; Piquero and Piquero, 1998; Savolainen, 2000; In 1994, Messner and Rosenfeld, drawing heavily Batton and Jensen, 2002; Stucky, 2003; Maume and Lee, on Merton’s theoretical propositions, proposed a compat- 2003; Schoepfer and Piquero, 2006). But data limitations ible theory of institutional anomie (IAT). Their theory have forced them to rely on indirect or partial tests. In was similarly designed to explain crime rates at the ag- fact, Messner and Rosenfeld (1997) had to settle for an gregate level and again focused on explaining the high indirect test of their own theory. While the current study crime rates in the United States. In particular, Messner follows the model of others by utilizing indirect tests to A Cross-National Test of Institutional Anomie Theory examine the theory, it enhances the existing research in care for dependent persons and emotional support to its a number of important ways. First, this research utilizes members. Similarly, the educational system is respon- cross-national data to examine both violent and utilitar- sible for conveying both cultural standards and skills to ian offenses. Many of the earlier studies used data for the younger generations. Lastly, the polity is responsible the United States alone (Chamlin and Cochran, 1995; for mobilizing and distributing power to attain collective Hannon and DeFronzo, 1998; Piquero and Piquero, 1998; goals. Stucky, 2003; Maume and Lee, 2003; Schoepfer and Messner and Rosenfeld (1994:76) asserted that it is Piquero, 2006). Second, because Piquero and Piquero the economy that operates to promote the main values (1998) found that support for IAT was highly sensitive to of the American Dream (e.g., monetary and material the measures employed, this study utilizes new measures achievement, individualism, competition) and that the to examine the role of the economy in influencing cross- most important characteristic of our economy is its capi- national crime rates. Finally, it tests whether the inef- talistic nature. They identified the “defining character- fectiveness of non-economic social institutions mediate istics of a capitalist economy as the private ownership or moderate the influence of the economy of crime rates, and control of property, and free market mechanisms for an issue unresolved in the extant research (Chamlin and the production and distribution of goods and services Cochran, 1995; Maume and Lee, 2003). (Messner and Rosenfeld, 1994:76). It is the emphasis on monetary success promoted in a capitalistic society Messner and Rosenfeld’s coupled with weakened controls from non-economic Institutional Anomie Theory institution – an imbalance of institutional power skewed toward the economy (i.e., “institutional anomie”) – that In 1994, Messner and Rosenfeld, drawing heavily on ultimately results in comparatively high rates of crime, Merton’s theoretical propositions, proposed a compatible especially utilitarian crime, within the United States. theory of anomie also designed to explain the high rates Messner and Rosenfeld (1994) argued that this eco- of crime in the United States. They agree that American nomic dominance is evidenced by: (1) the devaluation society places an over emphasis on material and mon- of non-economic institutional functions and roles; (2) etary attainments, the American Dream. They define the the accommodation to economic requirements by other American Dream as the “commitment to the goal of ma- non-economic institutions; and (3) the penetration of terial success, to be pursued by everyone in society, under economic norms and values into the other non-economic conditions of open, individual competition” (Messner and institutions. They provided several examples to support Rosenfeld, 1994:69). Similar to Merton, they contended these propositions. First, they pointed to the devaluation that the American Dream also embodies other fundamen- of education in our society. Today, education is valued tal value orientations stressed by our culture, those of in- as a means of obtaining occupational and monetary suc- dividualism, universalism, achievement, and materialism cess. Learning for its own sake has become devalued. (Messner and Rosenfeld, 1994:69; 2006:129). Likewise, the family and parental tasks of nurturing are They then expanded Merton’s theory by integrat- devalued. Persons responsible for these tasks, mainly ing his anomie theory with certain aspects of structural women, are accorded inferior status in our society. control theory2. Specifically, Messner and Rosenfeld ex- Politicians that promote values such as public service are amined the impact of social institutions in the generation likewise devalued. of crime. It was their contention that the social institu- Further, these non-economic social institutions also tions of societies develop to help individuals “(1) adapt must make accommodations to further the dominance of to the environment; (2) mobilize and deploy resources the economy. Messner and Rosenfeld pointed out that for the achievement of collective goals; and (3) socialize family time is often sacrificed for work or economic pur- members to accept the society’s fundamental normative poses. Likewise, educational institutions are designed to patterns” (Messner and Rosenfeld, 1994:72-73). They provide a steady flow of employable youth to the labor identified four social institutions as those primarily re- market. Workers who further their education frequently sponsible for meeting these objectives: the economy, the do so for the sole purpose of enhancing their employment polity, the family, and the educational system. opportunities. The economy is the social institution that is re- Lastly, they argued that economic norms have perme- sponsible for the production and distribution of goods ated these other non-economic social institutions. Schools in society. The family regulates sexual activity and the utilize rewards such as grades to motivate students, foster- propagation of society. Further, the family provides ing an environment of competition. Politicians are judged 32 Bjerregaard & Cochran / Western Criminology
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