Israel: Background and Relations with the United States
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Post-Election Coalition Scenarios, Part II by David Eden
Post-Election Coalition Scenarios, Part II by David Eden Two other parties that may be possible coalition partners: · United Torah Judaism – Essentially, it is only concerned with internal issues. Its real demand is maintaining social services and allowances for their constituents. Other issues: Maintaining the powers of the Orthodox Rabbinical Courts over civil issues such as marriage, divorce, burial, etc. are among their top priorities, along with maintaining the Sabbath laws preventing work on the “Holy Day”, laws keeping ultra-Orthodox youth out of army service, etc. Although their constituency is sympathetic to the settlers and the Right, the leadership stresses that they are willing to support any coalition that accedes to their demands. As Olmert does not need them to guarantee the stability of the coalition, he won’t be “courting” them. Some of the issues that may affect their position in coalition negotiations are their rivalry with Shas and their often-confrontational relations with Meretz and groups within the Labor party over freedom of religion. · Meretz – The party that is the Israeli equivalent of the “Democratic wing of the Democratic Party”, Meretz and its predecessors have been at the forefront of not only the contacts that led to direct negotiations between Israel and the PLO (and the ensuing Oslo Accords), but from the earliest days after the creation of the State of Israel also have led the struggle for equal rights for Israel’s Arab citizens, labor & union rights, women’s rights, freedom of the press and freedom of religion issues, gay rights, etc. It endorses negotiated withdrawal from almost all of the West Bank, including parts of Jerusalem. -
Freedom in the World 2019
Freedom in the World 2019 https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/israel A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 12 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 A largely ceremonial president is elected by the Knesset for one seven-year term. In 2014, Reuven Rivlin of the right-leaning Likud party was elected to replace outgoing president Shimon Peres, receiving 63 votes in a runoff against Meir Sheetrit of the centrist Hatnuah party. The prime minister is usually the leader of the largest faction in the Knesset. In 2014, in a bid to create more stable governing coalitions, the electoral threshold for parties to win representation was raised from 2 percent to 3.25 percent, and the no- confidence procedure was revised so that opponents hoping to oust a sitting government must simultaneously vote in a new one. The incumbent prime minister in 2018, Benjamin Netanyahu of the conservative party Likud, had been in office since 2009, most recently securing reelection after the 2015 parliamentary polls. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 Members of the 120-seat Knesset are elected by party-list proportional representation for four-year terms, and elections are typically free and fair. In the 2015 contest, Likud secured 30 seats, followed by the center-left Zionist Union with 24. The Joint List—a coalition of parties representing Arab citizens of Israel, who often identify as Palestinian—earned 13 seats; the centrist Yesh Atid (There Is a Future), 11; Kulanu, also centrist, 10; Habayit Hayehudi (Jewish Home), 8; the ultra- Orthodox parties Shas and United Torah Judaism, 7 and 6, respectively; the right- wing Yisrael Beiteinu, 6; and the left-wing Meretz party, 5. -
2007 Israeli Democracy Index Is Dedicated to Captain Zur Zarhi from Nahalal, a Beloved Friend Who Went to War and Did Not Come Back
Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2007 Cohesion in a Divided Society Asher Arian, Nir Atmor, Yael Hadar The Israel Democracy Institute is an independent, non-partisan body on the seam of academia and politics. The Institute proposes policy recommendations and reforms for government and public administration agencies. In its plans and endeavors, the Institute strives to support the institutions of Israel’s developing democracy and consolidate its values. The Institute’s research is followed up by practical recommendations, seeking to improve governance in Israel and foster a long-term vision for a stable democratic regime adapted to the structure, the values, and the norms of Israeli society. The Institute aspires to further public discourse in Israel on the issues placed on the national agenda, to promote structural, political, and economic reforms, to serve as a consulting body to decision-makers and the broad public, to provide information, and present comparative research. Researchers at the Israel Democracy Institute are leading academics directing projects in various areas of society and governance in Israel. The IDI Press produces, markets, and distributes the results of their work in several series of books (“The Democracy Library”), policy papers, the Caesarea Forum Series, periodicals, and conference proceedings. The Guttman Center was established in its present form in 1998, when the Guttman Institute for Applied Social Research became part of the Israel Democracy Institute. Professor Louis Guttman founded the original Institute in 1949 as a pioneering center for the study of public opinion and the advancement of social science methodology. The goal of the Guttman Center is to enrich public discourse on issues of public policy through the information retrieved from the Center’s databases and through public opinion surveys conducted by the Center. -
Caesarea Forum - Xvii
CAESAREA FORUM - XVII PROGRAM Chair: Dr. Yuval Steinitz, Minister of Finance Academic Director of the Forum: Mr. David Brodet Wednesday and Thursday, 1st -2nd July 2009 Hotel Royal Beach, Eilat WEDNESDAY, 1st JULY 2009 8:30 - 9:30 Registration and assembly 9:30 - 13:00 First Session : "The Requisite Size of the Government - between Economy and Politics" [The Olive and Acacia Hall] Presentation of the Team's Recommendations: Prof. Joseph Zeira , Department of Economics, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Presenters: Prof. Avishai Braverman, Minister of Minority Affairs Mr. Yoram Ariav , Director General and Acting Head of the Budget Department, Ministry of Finance Prof. Zvi Eckstein , Deputy Governor, Bank of Israel Dr. Michel Strawczynski, Director, Macro-Economic and Policy Department, Bank of Israel Prof. Omer Moav, Department of Economics, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Prof. Manuel Trajtenberg , Head, National Economic Council, Prime Minister's Office Ms. Yael Andorn, Director General, Amitim Pension Funds Dr. Yossi Bachar , Economic Consulting and Business Development Ltd. Dr. Eldad Shidlovsky , Head, Economics and Research Department, Ministry of Finance Plenary discussion 13:00 - 14:15 Minister of Finance's Session : [The Ranch House Restaurant] Luncheon Address by the Dr. Yuval Steinitz, Minister of Finance 14:30 - 18:15 Second Session : "The Future of Growth Promotion in Israel: A Return to Boosting Avant-garde Industries and Scientific Technological Innovation" [The Olive and Acacia Hall] 14:30-16:30 Presentation of the Team's Recommendations: Prof. Arnon Bentor, Dean, Civil and Environmental Engineering Faculty, and Senior Researcher, The Neaman Institute, The Technion Presenters: Mr. Eli Hurvitz, Chairman, Teva Pharmaceutical Industries Ltd. -
How and Why Did Ariel Sharon Become Prime Minister and How Did the Politics Violence Impact on His Electoral Success in 2001?
BEN-GURION UNIVERSITY OF THE NEGEV FACULTY OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT HOW AND WHY DID ARIEL SHARON BECOME PRIME MINISTER AND HOW DID THE POLITICS VIOLENCE IMPACT ON HIS ELECTORAL SUCCESS IN 2001? THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS JENNFER SCHARFSTEIN UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF: BECKY KOOK ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR AND DORON SHULTZINER, LECTURER DECEMBER 2013 1 Abstract There are two questions that are examined in the thesis. They are: Why and how did Ariel Sharon become Prime Minister? How did the political violence impact on his electoral success in 2001? When looking at these questions there are a few specific events that had a significant impact on Sharon and the election. The main event is the second Intifada, and the perception of violence that went along with it. Public opinion of Sharon was slowly shifting prior to the elections, and by the time the vote came around, there had been daily violence for months, and people were ready for a change. There are three main theories within the literature that can help explain, at least from the aspect of the electorate, how Sharon came into power. The first theory states that the electorate will vote against the party, or person, in powers, regardless if they are right-wing or left-wing. The second theory outlines a polarization that will take place, whereby the electorate is forced further to the right or left, depending on where their political allegiance laid previously. The final they discussed is one in which there is a shift to the right. -
Gaza Continues to Bedevil Israel
Gaza Continues to Bedevil Israel Last Saturday night, in another of the truly bleak developments emanating from the Gaza Strip and western Negev desert, a Qassam rocket fired from northern Gaza hit the town of Sderot, seriously wounding an 8 year-old boy and moderately wounding his 19 year-old brother. The next day, in a fit of pique, Interior Minister Meir Sheetrit of Kadima, a man who aspires to one day become Israel’s Prime Minister, let loose the following reaction at a meeting of the Cabinet: “Any other country would have already gone in and leveled the area, which is exactly what I think the IDF should do – decide on a neighborhood in Gaza and level it… We should let them know ‘you have to leave, this area will be taken down tomorrow’ and just take it down – that will show them we mean business.” Although given on occasion to such tempestuous outbursts, Sheetrit, on the whole, has traditionally been one of the more sober politicians to emerge from his alma mater party, the Likud. Clearly the Israeli government’s chronic inability to put an end to the low-intensity warfare in and around the Gaza Strip has many Israeli politicians befuddled, confounded, bedeviled, and groping for answers. Over the last weeks and months, the Israeli government has employed a variety of means – military, economic and diplomatic – to try and stop the incessant rocket fire. To date, not one of them has lived up to the government’s promises. Targeted killings have eliminated scores of Hamas operatives, but they’ve taken the lives of innocent civilians as well and haven’t produced any letup. -
Community Pharmacists Experience of Pregabalin Abuse and Misuse A
LJMU Research Online van Hout, MC, Wazaify, M, Abu Farha, R and Al-Husseini, A Community Pharmacists Experience of Pregabalin Abuse and Misuse: A Quantitative Study from Jordan http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/id/eprint/9727/ Article Citation (please note it is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from this work) van Hout, MC, Wazaify, M, Abu Farha, R and Al-Husseini, A (2018) Community Pharmacists Experience of Pregabalin Abuse and Misuse: A Quantitative Study from Jordan. Journal of Substance Use, 24 (3). pp. 273- 279. ISSN 1465-9891 LJMU has developed LJMU Research Online for users to access the research output of the University more effectively. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LJMU Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. The version presented here may differ from the published version or from the version of the record. Please see the repository URL above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription. For more information please contact [email protected] http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/ 1 Community Pharmacists Experience of Pregabalin Abuse and Misuse: A 2 Quantitative Study from Jordan 3 4 Abstract 5 Pregabalin is an anticonvulsant that has an abuse potential. -
2020: 76 Anni Di Dibattito Politico E Culturale
2020: 76 anni di dibattito politico e culturale c’è un ponte sulla rete www.ilponterivista.com facebook: ilponterivista twitter: PonteRivista google+: Il Ponte Editore Rivista di politica economia e cultura fondata da Piero Calamandrei Anno LXXVI n. 1 gennaio-febbraio 2020 PALESTINESI a cura di Lanfranco Binni, Riccardo Bocco, Wasim Dahmash e Barbara Gagliardi 7 Questo speciale LA QUESTIONE PALESTINESE OGGI 9 Jamil Hilal, La questione palestinese 15 Gian Paolo Calchi Novati, Israele e Palestina fra guerra e politica 31 Caterina Roggero, Gian Paolo Calchi Novati e la “Questione isra- eliana” 37 Enrico Bartolomei, «Il sionismo è una struttura, non un evento». Forme ed evoluzione della logica sionista di eliminazione 47 Diana Carminati, Il progetto sionista di insediamento coloniale. Il contributo degli studi di «Settler Colonialism» 61 Ibrahim Saïd, Alcuni sono piú uguali degli altri: i cittadini palesti- nesi nello Stato ebraico coloniale di insediamento 75 Richard Falk e Virginia Tilley, Pratiche israeliane nei confronti del popolo palestinese e questione dell’apartheid 85 Chiara Cruciati, Palestinesi d’Israele e rifugiati: sono loro a svelare l’apartheid. Intervista a Virginia Tilley 88 Basil Farraj, Le carceri israeliane e l’invisibilità delle nuove moda- lità di tortura 100 Atwa Jaber, La corsa di Israele all’annessione della Valle del Giorda- no: un’analisi storica 114 Alaa Tarir e Filip Ejdus, La missione di polizia dell’Unione euro- pea nei Territori palestinesi 129 Michele Giorgio, La Palestina nello scenario geopolitico RIFUGIATI PER RITORNARE 137 Ruba Salih, I rifugiati e la politica catartica: dai diritti umani al diritto di essere umani 156 Sergio Bianchi, «Vogliamo vivere in dignità per tornare»: le Ong palestinesi e la rappresentazione simbolica dei rifugiati palestinesi in Libano 168 Luigi Achilli, Alla ricerca della dignità. -
Contesting the OECD Tourism Conference in Jerusalem Patents; and Human Rights Concerns – Including Israel’S Occupation of Territories It Seized in June 1967
Contesting the In January 2010, Israel invited the OECD Tourism Committee to hold its October OECD Tourism meeting in Jerusalem this year. Israel was in Conference in the final stages of arranging its candidacy for accession to Organization for Economic Jerusalem Cooperation and Development (OECD), Marian Houk a Paris-based international organization grouping the world’s developed economies. The invitation was probably made during the visit to Israel of OECD Secretary-General Angel Gurría, a former Minister of Finance of Mexico, who was holding discussions with senior Israeli officials. It would be only the second time (out of 85 previous OECD tourism conferences) that the meeting would be held outside of Paris. OECD officials are careful and experienced bureaucrats – but they accepted without any apparent misgivings Israel’s offer of hospitality in Jerusalem from 20 to 22 October. Later, OECD officials would say that the last-minute uproar about holding the Tourism Committee meeting in Jerusalem was “a tempest in a teacup”. This, of course, is exactly what Israel would like the world to think. Israel’s position concerning Jerusalem is not officially accepted by most countries in the world, who have voted in the United Nations to declare “null and void” Israel’s unilateral actions to (1) extend its administration and laws to East Jerusalem after Israel’s conquest in the Six-Day War (June 1967) an act almost indistinguishable from annexation; and (2) then to declare “united Jerusalem” as Israel’s “eternal and undivided capital” in 1980. Objections to Israel’s candidacy had to be addressed in order to secure the unanimous agreement of all 30 OECD members to its admission. -
Japan's Assistance for the Reconstruction of Iraq
Japan’s Assistance for the Reconstruction of Iraq Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan ●Maximum $5 Billion in Reconstruction ●Personnel Contributions by Self- Assistance Defense Forces $1.5 billion of grant aid has already been obligated. Self-Defense Forces have engaged in medical Tangible results have been appearing in Iraq. Maximum assistance, distribution of drinking water, $3.5 billion yen-loan projects have been taking shape one by one. rehabilitation and maintenance of schools and other public facilities. ●Debt Relief ●Capacity Building Japan agreed to cancel 80% of appprox. $7.6 billion Japan's training programs have trained more than public debt (approx. $6 billion) Iraq owes to Japan 1,300 Iraqi citizens in Japan or neigboring Arab in three stages. countries (as of May 2006). Assisting Iraq is Important for Japan. The development of Iraq as a peaceful and democratic state is important for the peace and stability of not only the Middle East region but the international community as a whole. The reconstruction of Iraq is an issue of the entire international community. Japan has endeavored as a responsible member of the international community. Japan took initiative to the establishment of the International Reconstruction Fund Facility for Iraq (IRFFI) in February 2004, and convened the third donor committee meeting of the IRFFI in Tokyo. The Middle East is a vital region for Japan’s energy security. (Note: The IRFFI is administered and operated jointly by the United Nations and the World Bank for the reconstruction of Iraq. More than 25 donor countries and organizations have contributed some $1.4 billion to the fund. -
Governing Body for DECISION
INTERNATIONAL LABOUR OFFICE GB.295/5 295th Session Governing Body Geneva, March 2006 FOR DECISION FIFTH ITEM ON THE AGENDA Review of annual reports under the follow-up to the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work Introduction by the ILO Declaration Expert- Advisers to the compilation of annual reports (Geneva, March 2006) 1. The annex to the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work provides for reports to be requested annually of member States under article 19, paragraph 5(e), of the ILO Constitution. The Office is responsible for preparing a compilation of the reports. Paragraph II.B.3 of the annex states: “With a view to presenting an introduction to the reports so compiled, drawing attention to any aspects which might call for a more in-depth discussion, the Office may call upon a group of experts appointed for this purpose by the Governing Body.” At its 274th Session (March 1999) the Governing Body decided to set up such a group of experts, composed of seven Expert-Advisers, whom it most recently appointed at its 282nd Session (November 2001). The Governing Body assigned them to the responsibility, in line with the objectives of the follow-up to the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work as set out in the annex to the Declaration, to: (a) examine the information compiled by the Office on the basis of the replies from Members that have not ratified the relevant Conventions to the report forms sent by the Office in accordance with article 19, paragraph 5(e), of the Constitution, as well as any comments on those replies made in accordance with article 23 of the Constitution and established practice; (b) present to the Governing Body an introduction to the compilation based on those reports, drawing its attention to aspects that seem to call for more in-depth discussion; (c) propose to the Governing Body, for discussion and decision, any adjustments that they think desirable to the report forms. -
Tightening the Noose Author(S): Trude Strand Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol
Tightening the Noose Author(s): Trude Strand Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 43, No. 2 (Winter 2014), pp. 6-23 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/jps.2014.43.2.6 . Accessed: 24/09/2015 02:26 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of California Press and Institute for Palestine Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Palestine Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 130.58.102.238 on Thu, 24 Sep 2015 02:26:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Tightening the Noose: The Institutionalized Impoverishment of Gaza, 2005–2010 TRUDE STRAND This article outlines and analyzes Israel’s Gaza policy during the period from 2005 to 2010. Based on primary materials, including the testimony of Israeli officials before the Turkel Commission investigating the Mavi Marmara incident, classified documents that have come to light through Wikileaks, and Israeli government documentation, the article argues that in the wake of Israel’s evacuation of the territory under its 2005 Disengagement Plan, the Gaza Strip became the object of a deliberate and sustained policy of institutionalized impoverishment.