DOCSLIB.ORG

Michael-R-Fischbach-Black-Power

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Michael-R-Fischbach-Black-Power BLACK POWER AND PALESTINE Stanford Studies in COMPARATIVE RACE AND ETHNICITY BL AC K P OW E R AND PALESTINE Transnational Countries of Color Michael R. Fischbach Stanford University Press Stanford, California stanford university press Stanford, California © 2019 by Michael R. Fischbach. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system without the prior written permission of Stanford University Press. Printed in the United States of America on acid-free, archival-quality paper Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Fischbach, Michael R., author. Title: Black power and Palestine : transnational countries of color / Michael R. Fischbach. Description: Stanford, California : Stanford University Press, 2018. | Series: Stanford studies in comparative race and ethnicity | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018013070 (print) | LCCN 2018022580 (ebook) | ISBN 9781503607392 (e-book) | ISBN 9781503605459 | ISBN 9781503605459(cloth:alk. paper) | ISBN 9781503607385(pbk. :alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Civil rights movements—United States—History—20th century. | Arab-Israeli conflict—1967-1973—Influence. | Black power—United States—History—20th century. | African American civil rights workers— Attitudes. | Arab-Israeli conflict—Foreign public opinion, American. | Public opinion—United States—History—20th century. Classification: LCC E185.615 (ebook) | LCC E185.615 .F527 2018 (print) | DDC 323.1196/073—dc 3 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018013070 Cover design: Christian Fünfhausen Typeset by Bruce Lundquist in 10.5/15 Adobe Garamond To Lisa, Tara and Adnan, Grace, and Sophia This page intentionally left blank CONTENTS List of Acronyms ix Prologue 1 1. Black Internationalism: Malcolm X and the Rise of Global Solidarity 1 2. The Fire This Time: SNCC, Jews, and the Demise of the Beloved Community 31 3. Reformers, Not Revolutionaries: The NAACP, Bayard Rustin, and Israel 51 4. Balanced and Guarded: Martin Luther King Jr. on the Arab-Israeli Tightrope 71 5. The Power of Words: The Black Arts Movement and a New Narrative 91 6. Struggle and Revolution: The Black Panthers and the Guerrilla Image 111 7. Middle East Symbiosis: Israelis, Arabs, and African Americans 131 8. Red, White, and Black: Communists, Guerrillas, and the Black Mainstream 149 9. A Seat at the Table: Bayard Rustin, Andrew Young, and Black Foreign Policy 169 10. Looking over Jordan: Joseph Lowery, Jesse Jackson, and Yasir Arafat 193 viii contents Epilogue 213 Acknowledgments 219 List of Abbreviations 221 Notes 223 Bibliography 251 Index 265 ACRONYMS ACOA American Committee on Africa ADL Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith AIPAC American Israel Public Affairs Committee AJC American Jewish Committee BASIC Black Americans to Support Israel Committee BLA Black Liberation Army BPP Black Panther Party CBC Congressional Black Caucus COBATAME Committee of Black Americans for Truth About the Middle East COINTELPRO Counter Intelligence Program CORE Congress of Racial Equality CPUSA Communist Party USA LRBW League of Revolutionary Black Workers NAACP National Association for the Advancement of Colored People NAARPR National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression NBPC National Black Political Convention NCNP National Conference for New Politics NNPA National Newspaper Publishers Association OAS Organization of Arab Students PFLP Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine x acronyms PLO Palestine Liberation Organization PUSH People United to Save Humanity SCLC Southern Christian Leadership Conference SDS Students for a Democratic Society SLA Symbionese Liberation Army SNCC Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee SWP Socialist Workers Party UNRWA United Nations Relief and Works Agency YOBU Youth Organization for Black Unity BLACK POWER AND PALESTINE This page intentionally left blank PROLOGUE several months after the June 1967 Arab-Israeli war, left-wing writer Paul Jacobs invited his friend Israeli diplomat Ephraim Evron to meet with some Black Power militants in the Watts section of Los Angeles. Evron was a minister at the Israeli embassy in Washington and earlier had asked Jacobs why black nationalists had supported the Arabs instead of Israel during the war. Jacobs used his connections to find a group of about twenty blacks willing to talk to Evron. He and Jacobs then met with the men at a pri- vate vocational training school called Operation Bootstrap on Central Avenue in Watts in early 1968. The Israeli received an earful. The men criticized Israel’s invasion of Egypt in collusion with Britain and France in the 1956 Suez war, and they told Evron approvingly that the Arabs supported peoples of color around the world. Yet most of their comments were complaints directed at the Jewish community of Los Angeles. They first complained that the money raised by Los Angeles Jews to plant trees in Israel came from profits skimmed from the city’s blackconsumers. It therefore should be their names inscribed on the trees, they groused. One man lashed out at the diplomat by noting that when the Jewish community staged the Rally for Israel’s Survival at the Hollywood Bowl on June 11, 1967, 2 prologue they invited none other than arch conservative California governor Ronald Reagan—no friend to the black community of Los Angeles—to speak. The Israeli diplomat endured another nationalist’s rant that the funds raised by the local Jewish community to help pay for Israeli arms were funds once again taken from the local black community. Continuing on the theme of guns, an- other man complained that while liberal Jews helped the Israelis obtain guns, they refused to help local blacks themselves acquire guns, telling Evron that this was hypocritical and would only encourage violence. When the flustered Evron finally asked why he, and therefore Israel, should be blamed for the actions of Southern California Jews, one black replied with a classic Zionist argument: “You’re one people, aren’t you?”1 The story of the Israeli diplomat’s encounter with the Black Power activists in Watts is instructive inasmuch as it sheds light on the fact that African Ameri- cans were keen observers of the Arab-Israeli conflict in the 1960s and 1970s and interpreted it in ways that related to their own lives and priorities at home. Much has been written about the black freedom struggle, yet black Americans’ connec- tion to the Middle East conflict, and the ways it affected them and their con- ceptualization of identity and agency, have been largely overlooked. Who today remembers that famous black activists like Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, and Jesse Jackson visited parts of Arab Palestine and issued public pronounce- ments on the Arab-Israeli conflict? Militants from the Black Panther Party (BPP), ministers from various Christian denominations, black congressional represen- tatives, and even the boxer Muhammad Ali all visited the Middle East during that tumultuous period, where they met with Palestinians from all walks of life, including Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) chair Yasir Arafat. Important black political conferences issued statements on Israel and the Palestinians, and men and women of the arts and letters like those in the Black Arts Movement highlighted Israel and the Palestinians in their poetry and prose. Given the high-profile nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict after the June1967 war in the Middle East, it should come as no surprise that militant and main- stream blacks alike found themselves drawn into taking stands on that distant conflict during the turbulent years thereafter. This was not simply because this particular foreign policy issue was in the headlines so much but also because it had such tremendous resonance with regard to their respective agendas and understandings of how black identity and black political activity should be ex- prologue 3 pressed in America. The truth is that black arguments over whether to support Israel or the Palestinians mirrored much deeper intrablack debates about race, identity, and political action in the 1960s and 1970s and ended up symbiotically affecting both them and people in the faraway Middle East. How to approach the Arab-Israeli conflict became much more than just a tertiary sideshow to more important matters facing black Americans, with the result that black ad- vocacy for one side or the other in the conflict ended up deeply affecting not just them but wider American politics and society. For example, it was the Black Power movement in the 1960s that issued the first significant pro-Palestinian, anti-Israel viewpoints ever to reach a large American audience outside the hard Left. Stemming from their international- ist anti-imperialism, black militants latched on to the Palestinian cause as an- other liberation struggle waged by a people of color deserving their support. They saw themselves and the Palestinians as kindred peoples of color waging a revolution against a global system of oppression. Yet in issuing strident state- ments of solidarity with the Palestinians as a people fighting to be free just as they were doing, these activists also were intertwining their own identity and vision of place in America with the Palestinians’ struggle. Given that the Black Power movement threatened their vision of the multi- racial beloved community of Christians and Jews united for justice, it comes as no surprise that most mainstream civil rights advocates quickly countered by lining up solidly behind Israel during and after the 1967 war. That was a safer, more traditional “inside-the-system” attitude that reflected their more conserva- tive visions of black identity and their wider politics: change the system; don’t overthrow it. This is why one’s stance on the Arab-Israeli conflict rose to such importance within the two wings of the black freedom struggle. It was not merely because blacks held different perspectives on that issue but also because it became a crucial reference point by which they created and articulated their respective visions of identity, place, and struggle in America.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio
    TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction.....................................................................................................................2 2. The Principles of Anarchism, Lucy Parsons....................................................................3 3. Anarchism and the Black Revolution, Lorenzo Komboa’Ervin......................................10 4. Beyond Nationalism, But not Without it, Ashanti Alston...............................................72 5. Anarchy Can’t Fight Alone, Kuwasi Balagoon...............................................................76 6. Anarchism’s Future in Africa, Sam Mbah......................................................................80 7. Domingo Passos: The Brazilian Bakunin.......................................................................86 8. Where Do We Go From Here, Michael Kimble..............................................................89 9. Senzala or Quilombo: Reflections on APOC and the fate of Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio...........................................................................................................................91 10. Interview: Afro-Colombian Anarchist David López Rodríguez, Lisa Manzanilla & Bran- don King........................................................................................................................96 11. 1996: Ballot or the Bullet: The Strengths and Weaknesses of the Electoral Process in the U.S. and its relation to Black political power today, Greg Jackson......................100 12. The Incomprehensible
    [Show full text]
  • THE SOUTHERN PATRIOT Neighbors Ask the President: Book
    ---------- The Southern Vol. 26, No. 1 PATRI0T January, 1968 Published by the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), Louisville, Ky. Revolt~ Repression Blaek and White Divided At Grautbling College Laurel Strike Is Broken (By Staff Correspondent) "Students at Grambling College go on, in large numbers, to (Editor's Note: A 'tecent strike in Laurel, Miss., between Local 5-443 of the Inter­ a graduate school called Professional Football." national Woodworkers of America (IWA) and the Masonite Co-rporation points up what -Esquire Magazine trade-union experts in the South have been saying for some time:-that industries in Prologue them to Take bite-size mouthfuls the region plan to use divisions between white and black workers in a new way. Grambling College, La., is yet and Break bread before eating. (For several generations the owners of land and indust?·y have kept political and economic control another of those black colleges Girls may not wear slacks; men may not wear beards and must by getting w hite w orkers to believe they had an identity of interest with the owners because of the that resemble plantations:-pat­ colo1· of their skin. A t the same time, black workers w ere pushed to the lowest rung of t he ladder. ronizingly protected by white keep their shirts tucked in. overseers, an administration be­ Magazines and reference books (Today, because of the new strength of black people and their movement for freedom, employers can longing to another era, academic are kept under glass at the li­ no longer keep them down. So the employe1·s now try to convince black worke1·s that they will do better standards too low to trouble ~ost brary, presumably because the by going along with management 1·ather than with the white workers.
    [Show full text]
  • Once Upon a Country: a Palestinian Life Free Ebook
    FREEONCE UPON A COUNTRY: A PALESTINIAN LIFE EBOOK Sari Nusseibeh,Anthony David | 560 pages | 03 Sep 2009 | Halban Publishers | 9781905559145 | English | London, United Kingdom Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life by Sari Nusseibeh Conflicting or irreconcilable narratives mean that works which tell the story of, and from, both sides, are rare. Here are ten others which in different ways and at different times have made a significant contribution to illuminating this unending story. Storrs was the first British military governor of Jerusalem after the Ottoman surrender in December His memoir is elegantly if pretentiously written. Storrs was in Palestine at the time of the Balfour Declaration and in the early Mandate years. Benvenisti, who was born in Palestine inis one of the most astute Israeli Jewish writers about the conflict. His father was a geographer who instilled a deep love for the country in him. Rather than ignoring the Palestinians, as many Jews do, he focuses intensely on them and especially on how the landscape of his youth was transformed as Arab villages were destroyed or renamed in Hebrew. Benvenisti served as deputy mayor of Jerusalem after He was also an early proponent of the argument—from the s onwards—that the occupation was irreversible and a two-state solution unachievable. He was attacked for this, but events in recent years seem to be proving him right. This autobiography is by the son of a patrician Jerusalem Arab family. The Oxford-educated philosopher taught at Bir Zeit University in the West Bank, where resistance to occupation was the norm.
    [Show full text]
  • Under the Patronage of Her Majesty Queen Rania Al Abdullah About the International Publishers Association (IPA)
    Under the Patronage of Her Majesty Queen Rania Al Abdullah About the International Publishers Association (IPA) The International Publishers Association (IPA) is the world’s largest federation of national, regional and specialist publishers’ associations. Its membership comprises 81 organisations from 69 countries in Africa, Asia, Australasia, Europe and the Americas. Through its members, IPA represents thousands of individual publishers around the world who service markets containing more than 5.6 billion people. Based in Geneva, Switzerland, IPA represents the interests of the publishing industry in international fora and wherever publishers’ interests are at stake. IPA was founded in 1896 in Paris by the leading publishers at the time. Its initial aim was to ensure that countries throughout the world showed respect for copyright, and properly implemented the `Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works’. The promotion and defence of copyright is still one of IPA’s main objectives. IPA also promotes and defends freedom to publish, a fundamental aspect of the human right to freedom of expression. IPA also stands for the promotion of literacy and reading and has always been a meeting place for publishers to network, exchange views and conduct business. IPA is an accredited non-governmental organisation (NGO) enjoying consultative relations with the United Nations. 01 Rewrite the Future of the Region at Amman’s Most DAY 1 Important Publishers Seminar Monday, 30th of September 2019 The International Publishers Association (IPA) and the Union of Jordanian Publishers (UJP) are hosting a first-of-its-kind Middle East publishers’ 8:00am – 9:00am Registration seminar in Amman.
    [Show full text]
  • Forgotten Palestinians
    1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 THE FORGOTTEN PALESTINIANS 10 1 2 3 4 5 6x 7 8 9 20 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30 1 2 3 4 5 36x 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 20 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30 1 2 3 4 5 36x 1 2 3 4 5 THE FORGOTTEN 6 PALESTINIANS 7 8 A History of the Palestinians in Israel 9 10 1 2 3 Ilan Pappé 4 5 6x 7 8 9 20 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30 1 2 3 4 YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 5 NEW HAVEN AND LONDON 36x 1 In memory of the thirteen Palestinian citizens who were shot dead by the 2 Israeli police in October 2000 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1 2 3 4 5 Copyright © 2011 Ilan Pappé 6 The right of Ilan Pappé to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by 7 him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. 8 All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright 9 Law and except by reviewers for the public press) without written permission from 20 the publishers. 1 For information about this and other Yale University Press publications, 2 please contact: U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • African-American Civil Rights Movement (1955–1968)
    African-American Civil Rights Movement (1955–1968) From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search "American Civil Rights Movement" redirects here. For the earlier period, see African- American Civil Rights Movement (1896–1954). Prominent figures of the African-American Civil Rights Movement. Clockwise from top left: W. E. B. Du Bois, Malcolm X, Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King, Jr.. African American topics History [show] Culture [show] Religion [show] Political movements [show] Civic and economic groups [show] Sports [show] Ethnic sub-divisions [show] Languages [show] Diaspora [show] Lists [show] Category · Portal This box: view • talk • edit The African-American Civil Rights Movement (1955–1968) refers to the movements in the United States aimed at outlawing racial discrimination against African Americans and restoring Suffrage in Southern states. This article covers the phase of the movement between 1954 and 1968, particularly in the South. By 1966, the emergence of the Black Power Movement, which lasted roughly from 1966 to 1975, enlarged the aims of the Civil Rights Movement to include racial dignity, economic and political self-sufficiency, and freedom from oppression by white Americans. Many of those who were active in the Civil Rights Movement, with organizations such as NAACP, SNCC, CORE and SCLC, prefer the term "Southern Freedom Movement" because the struggle was about far more than just civil rights under law; it was also about fundamental issues of freedom, respect, dignity, and economic and social equality. During the period 1955–1968, acts of nonviolent protest and civil disobedience produced crisis situations between activists and government authorities. Federal, state, and local governments, businesses, and communities often had to respond immediately to crisis situations which highlighted the inequities faced by African Americans.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Panther Radical Factionalization and The
    JBSXXX10.1177/0021934715593053Williams<italic>Journal of Black Studies</italic>Journal of Black Studies 593053research-article2015 Article Journal of Black Studies 2015, Vol. 46(7) 678 –703 Black Panther Radical © The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: Factionalization and the sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0021934715593053 Development of Black jbs.sagepub.com Anarchism Dana M. Williams1 Abstract Racial justice social movements often fragment when their goals do not seem completely achievable. Former participants in the radical Black freedom struggles of the 1960s and 1970s, most of whom were Black Panther Party (BPP) members (and also participants in the Black Liberation Army) and identified with Marxist-Leninism, became disaffected with the hierarchical character of the Black Panthers and came to identify with anarchism. Through the lens of radical factionalization theories, Black anarchism is seen as a radical outgrowth of the Black freedom struggle. Black anarchists were the first to notably prioritize a race analysis in American anarchism. This tendency has a number of contemporary manifestations for anarchism, including Anarchist People of Color caucuses within the movement, and, more indirectly, the many anarchist strategies and organizations that share similarities with the BPP, prior to its centralization. Keywords Black Panthers, anarchism, Anarchist People of Color, Black anarchism, radical factionalization 1California State University, Chico, USA Corresponding Author: Dana M. Williams, Department of Sociology, California State University, 400 West First Street, Chico, CA 95929, USA. Email: [email protected] Downloaded from jbs.sagepub.com by guest on September 22, 2015 Williams 679 Introduction The Black freedom movement evolved in a variety of directions, but why did some former activists continue to radicalize as they witnessed movement failure? I focus on some of these activists who converged upon anarchist positions, only to discover that American anarchism was a largely White movement.
    [Show full text]
  • The Southern Patriot, April 1968
    Yol. 26, No. 4 The Southern PATRIOT April, 1968 Published by the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), Louisville, Ky. Bat ground £to<8vfc* 0J?£ frt rn F o r Murder'CAc >BERT ANALAVAGE (Assistant Editor) MEMPHIS, Tenn.—This city, where Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was assassinated on April 4, has been living a lie— as all U.S. cities are living a lie. Memphis bills itself as “the City of Good Abode.” It crows about its integrated public accommodations and con- stantly reminds visitors that these were achieved without the necessity or “bother” of marches and demonstrations. But beyond window dressing, Memphis treats its black citizens with the same contempt that most of white America has for black people everywhere. The issue that brought Dr. King to town, posterity must never forget, was a simple strike by a group of garbage collectors who were not asking for civil rights, or housing in a white area, or human dignity. All they wanted was a decent wage for a disagree- able service they perform for the public. Dr. King came to town to focus attention on the strikers’ griev- ances, by leading another of those massive marches he has led in the past. YOUTHS ERUPT IN VIOLENCE and break into stores which they feel have been getting rich off black people for generations (photos by Ernest Withers). Disorder Erupts The march, never really well organized, went about five blocks before chaos and disorder erupted. A group of youths broke ranks Kentuckians and began breaking windows and running off with goods for which store owners had overcharged them for.
    [Show full text]
  • SNCC Executive Committee Summary & Rules, March 5-6 1965
    . ' ' SNCC EXECUT I VE COHN ITTEE :: Rules of Procedure . ;.. ·~ for Execu.tive·· Committee Meetings .. 0 ~ . .. ,.. •. 1. The fir~ t · o~der of business at each meetini, :of the - · 1 •• Executive Committee ··shall be the elect~on . o.f;: a c[l ~~rma!f ." to s erve during· tha~ meeting . ., 2. The Secretariat (Chairman of SHCC, Executive Secreta-ry and Pror.; raM Secretary) shall be responsible for.. the pre - paration of a tentative a ~ enda to be present~d · t~ the : · Exec·:tive Cornm i ttee at the beginning of each meeting . · ' . The second order of business at each meeting o·r-.the E~ec­ .. ' utive Committee shail be additions to, deletions from and final acceptal'}ce 'of the agenda for the meeting. · Cons ideration of the agenda shall include the order· in which items are to be taken up and the time to be alloted to each item~ Any member of the Executive Committee, at the close of consideration of ariy' itemi either durin ~ considepation' of the agenda, or at any ·other time·.. duril'}~ the meeting,, _· may move to . amend the agenda. · .. · :: ·' . .... ' : ;_.; . ..... < . 3. The Executive Committee "sha'Jil· -me~t .-, at. 9: 00 ..a m on ,tH'e s econd M ond~y of each month. , ·:• . , . • .: ... :I ,. ;. ' . , \ • ~ 4. Any member of the Secretariat has the,,rifrht . to .. call an emergency meeting of ·the Executi ve Comtn-4- :tt~ ·~ . ~ .: .. ·r_ _ . · In t h.? event a·ny membef-. of· the Execwtiv.e Comm.ittee wishes an . emergency mee·t ·ing- of the Executive Comnd.ttee, he shall not'ify a member of the.
    [Show full text]
  • SNCC Staff Meeting Minutes, November, 1965
    -.----------~~.~ Not e t These mI nuu e s wer-;r>'.en bv s ever aL different people. so the f'o r'm and ~d;yle ClJl'tC;: [\L1d ;arie:::l. So in maoy c e s e s tho dl s c ua s l.on is grouped nr0UW] topics ~'Bth'Jr 1n the or-der it took place. Finance Co~mitteeReport ~3S submitted and ~iscussed by t N,-:-es-sle-- JOhl sori,' ..··l:tfIlia·m :?~)rt er- made wo suszc~z e s bions: 1) that a conference budget La 0stablished for staff meotings, ed uca t Lona L conference s , (o.~: c, ; and 2) that a travel and transportat Lon budget be ·):'·.:~lb Li shed" Shes sie s UQQea t ed that we limit the things a~r travel can be used f~~ rathe~ than limited air travel. ~dck Minnis sUQcested that Porter dr-aw up a conference s chr du Le and bl1dget for 1966 and submi~ that to the ~inan0e ~ommittee for their approval~ and Porter agreed to do ~~~o. Marion Barry asked that monthly financial statement8 to sent out to staff, to include total income and gnneral ex ne nd i t"res. This [J ug-:e s t:: on was accepted bv c on s eneu o. Charlie Cobo slwgested t hat th is r-epor-t "i.ncLude ucuat mane] :i.3 needed and where and h01.<Jit can ~e gotten, and wh,t ~~e staff cando to h8lp. Marion B. raised the ~uestion of the trend of more money going into o"fices and less into the fi81d.
    [Show full text]
  • Statement by New Afrikan Prisoner of War Kuwasi Balagoon Amilcar Shabazz University of Massachusetts Amherst, [email protected]
    University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Afro-American Studies Faculty Publication Series Afro-American Studies 1983 Statement by New Afrikan Prisoner of War Kuwasi Balagoon Amilcar Shabazz University of Massachusetts Amherst, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/afroam_faculty_pubs Part of the African American Studies Commons, International Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Shabazz, Amilcar, "Statement by New Afrikan Prisoner of War Kuwasi Balagoon" (1983). Afro-American Studies Faculty Publication Series. 97. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/afroam_faculty_pubs/97 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Afro-American Studies at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Afro-American Studies Faculty Publication Series by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The lntroduction to the King Alfred Plrn, d plan to be utilized by the U.S. Defense and Justice Deparunents in the event of rebellion, reads: "Even before 1954, trhen the Suprs|e Court of the thlted States of Arc.ica decl lred unconstitutional separdte educltional and recreational facilities, racial unrest and dlscord hd becone very nearly d plrt of the Amerlcln wdy of life, 8ut that ray of life tras repugnant to most Al€rlcans, Since 1954, hmver', that unrest and discord have broken into widespread violence which incrersingly hls p'laced the pelce md Statement stability of this nation in dire jeopardy. This violence has r€sulted in loss of life and limb ad prop€rty, and has cost th€ by taxpqyers of this country billions of dollars.
    [Show full text]
  • Lu Es O Em Br Uta De Stado Caso M 197 Runo a E Class De Is Dos P 71
    2º CICLO DE ESTUDOS EM HISTÓRIA, RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS E COOPERAÇÃO ESPECIALIZAÇÃO EM ESTUDOS POLÍTICOS Luta de classes e divisões étnicas no Estado de Israel O caso dos Panteras Negras de Israel em 1971-72 Bruno Alexandre Reis Costa M 2018 Bruno Alexandre Reis Costa Luta de classes e divisões étnicas no Estado de Israel O caso dos Panteras Negras de Israel em 1971-72 ~ Dissertação realizada no âmbito do Mestrado em História, Relações Internacionais e Cooperação (Especialização em Estudos Políticos) orientada pelo Professor Doutor Manuel Vicente de Sousa Lima Loff Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto Setembro de 2018 Luta de Classes e divisões étnicas no Estado de Israel O caso dos Panteras Negras de Israel em 1971-72 Bruno Alexandre Reis Costa Dissertação realizada no âmbito do Mestrado em História, Relações Internacionais e Cooperação (Especialização em Estudos Políticos) orientada pelo Professor Doutor Manuel Vicente de Sousa Lima Loff Membros do Júri Professor Doutor Luís Antunes Grosso Correia (Presidente) Faculdade de Letras – Universidade do Porto Professor Doutor Manuel Vicente de Sousa Lima Loff (Vogal) Faculdade de Letras – Universidade do Porto Professora Doutura Teresa Almeida Cravo (Arguente) Faculdade de Economia – Universidade de Coimbra Classificação obtida: 19 valores “A Klee painting named Angelus Novus shows an angel looking as though he is about to move away from something he is fixedly contemplating. His eyes are staring, his mouth is open, his wings are spread. This is how one pictures the angel of history. His face is turned toward the past. Where we perceive a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe which keeps piling wreckage upon wreckage and hurls it in front of his feet.
    [Show full text]