HÖFER, Karel. 2012. Valencian Identity, Language and Language Policy . the Annual of Language & Politics and Politics of Id
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HÖFER, Karel. 2012. Valencian Identity, Language and Language Policy . The Annual of Language & Politics and Politics of Identity, Vol. VI./2012 Reviewed journal ALPPI is published by Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Political Studies. www.alppi.eu Valencian Identity, Language and Language Policy Karel Höfer1 Abstract: The general aim of this paper is to analyze Valencian language policy and Valencian language itself. Specifically it means, whether there are certain specific features in the Valencia region that distinguish it from the other Spanish regions, including a specific regional identity, language and other attributes. This issue is examined from broader historical, institutional, identitical, linguistic and political angles. Particular emphasis is placed on the Spanish decentralization process and on the specifics of the Valencian history, identity, politics and language. Key words: Valencian community, Valencian region, Valencian identity, Valencian language, Valencian language policy, Spanish language policy Introduction The field of language policy is a rapidly expanding discipline of social sciences. It is an interdisciplinary field at the boundary of political science, sociology, ethnology and linguistics. Language policy, unlike many other disciplines of social science, allows the application of its findings, derived from research into practical policies, which increases both its usefulness and attractiveness. Language policy deserves more attention, because it is an important aspect of everyday life, which directly affects all individuals, and affects the future of entire communities. Language policy is closely linked with decentralization processes in many countries. Decentralization is accompanied with the processes of integration, at least in the European area. The integration process takes place for example in the field of economics and politics within the European Union or for example the Council of Europe. In contrast, decentralization 1 Bc. Karel Höfer is a student of the Master‘s programme in Political Science at the Institute of Political Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University in Prague and also a student of the Master‘s programme in Political Theories and Contemporary History at the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague. Main fields of his specialization are comparative politics, electoral systems, decentralization, constitutional enigneering and methodology of social sciences. Contact: [email protected]. This article was written as a part of Research Grant of Department of Political Science, Institute of Political Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University in Prague. processes occur mainly within individual European state units. It is therefore a process that is specific each country and to some extent unique. Both of these facts are ideal for case studies, which can clarify the specifics of each language policy. Consequently they could be put in the broader context based on a comparative approach. This paper is also a case study dedicated to the Valencian region, Valencian language, and Valencian language policy within the Spanish decentralization process. The case of the Valencian region was selected because despite the very reflected Spanish decentralization process, it is not devoted as much space as to as the other Spanish regions. Although it is a unique region that definitely deserves attention. Its uniqueness lies mainly in the specific identity of its inhabitants, their language and its long history. The general aim of this text is to clarify the situation in the Valencian Community in the context of Spain’s decentralization. Its main aim is the description and reflection of the Valencian language and Valencian language policy. Specifically it means, whether there are certain specific features in the Valencia region that distinguish it from the other Spanish regions, including a specific regional identity, language and other attributes. Particular emphasis is placed on the Spanish decentralization process and on the specifics of the Valencian region. The issue is comprehensively examined from historical, institutional, identitical, linguistic and political angles. This paper is sourced by constitutional and statutory Spanish and Valencian documents, political science, historiography monographs and scholarly articles, encyclopedias and statistical databases. 1. Spanish decentralisation 1. 1. Transition of the regime The authoritarian regime of Francisco Franco, which ruled between 1939-1975, could be characterized by rigid centralism, which violently suppressed any attempts to decentralize political power including an expressing of autonomous identity and culture. For almost forty years the overshadowed issue of political decentralization ranked along with the issues of transformation or transition of political power in the forefront after Franco’s death in 1975.2 3 The issue of the power structure have been a historical theme, which have been always present in history of Spain. It was always about the statuses of the historically and culturally distinctive Spanish regions, mainly of Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia. 2 Officially dated 20 November 1975 (Dvořáková, Kunc in Říchová et al. 2009: 217). 3 Other traditional Spanish cleavage is Church vs. State and monarchy vs. republics (Buben 2010: 4). After Franco’s death, attempts to preserve Franquism were not successful. Franco named his successor Juan Carlos I, grandson of the last Spanish King, Alfonso XIII. Juan Carlos I actually had been the head of the Kingdom of Spain since November 1975, but generally he was not expected to play any significant role in the further development of the country. After an uncertain initial position and orientation4 of Juan Carlos, his effort to democratize and stabilize the country was becoming evident. Spain slowly set out the way to gradual democratization, which passed off by the negotiated reform also known as ruptura pactada (Buben 2010: 4). To this day, this transition is cited as a example of rapid and successful democratization. The main advantage of peaceful transition to democracy was the impartial supervision of Juan Carlos, who was trying to democratize gradually, through negotiation and consensus within the legal system. In December 1976, citizens expressed themselves in a referendum on political reforms,5 which meant democratization (parliamentary democracy). The first free parliamentary elections took place in June 1977. (Kunc 2000: 148-150). Decentralization emerged as one of the key political issues of democratization.6 Local elities in the Spanish regions logically claimed their share of political power within the process of transformation. The requirement for decentralization, in addition to the above historically specific regions joined other regions that were neither historically nor culturally distinctive. Pressure on the central political representation and constituents was mounting and it was clear that the new institutional power structure will need to reflect the requirements of regions for decentralization. The effort for decentralization was directed at the very political center, which was aware of potential problems with transition to democracy without a certain degree of decentralization, because separatist efforts could substantially disrupt the new arrangement. 1. 2. Constitution and political power The draft of the new constitution was drawn up by experts in January 1978. Comments on this proposal were subsequently incorporated in the text so that the proposal did not contain anything that would be completely unacceptable for any group. The final text of the new Spanish constitution was endorsed by citizens in a referendum on 6 December 1978. 4 Mainly his noble birth and Francoist education. Franco hoped that Juan Carlos would reign it the same authoritarian style as he did. 5 Turnout was 77.72%, while 94.45% of the voters favoured reforms and 2.57% were against (Gobierno de España - Ministerio del Interior 2010). 6 This was mainly decentralization down to the level of autonomous communities (Fungačová in Jüptner, Polinec, Švec et al. 2007: 35). 88.54% of participating citizens7 voted for the generally accepted text of the Constitution, which was subsequently signed into law by King Juan Carlos I on 27 December (Consulta de Resultados Electorales [online]). According to the Constitution, the Kingdom of Spain (Reino de España) became a constitutional monarchy headed by a king who is also a symbol of Spanish unity. Executive power lies within the government headed by the prime minister. Legislative power consists of a bicameral parliament (Cortes Generales). The House of Deputies (Congreso de los Diputados), which is the lower house, consists of 350 deputies elected by a proportional system for a four-year term. The Senate (Senado), which is the upper house, consists of 208 Senators also elected for four years, 157 of them are elected by a majority system and 51 Senators are delegated by the Autonomous Communities. The highest standard instance of the judiciary is the Supreme Court. Constitutional issues are considered by the Constitutional Court. Ombudsman is the protector of human rights. (Spanish Constitution, 1978) The question of self-government came out as the most problematic aspect of the new constitutional arrangement.8 The most important from the point decentralization of the state is the second article of the Constitution, which guarantees the right of regions and nationalities