Hezbollah's Criminal and Terrorist Operations in Europe
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Hezbollah's Growing Threat Against U.S. National Security Interests in the Middle East
1 Hezbollah's Growing Threat against U.S. National Security Interests in the Middle East Dr. Matthew Levitt Fromer-Wexler Fellow and Director, Stein Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy; Author of Hezbollah: The Global Footprint of Lebanon’s Party of God (Georgetown University Press). Testimony submitted to the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa March 22, 2016 Chairman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Ranking Member Deutch, and Members of the Committee, thank you for this opportunity to appear before you today to discuss the relationship between Hezbollah and Iran, which is only growing strong in the wake of the nuclear deal with Iran. Barely ten days after the JCPOA was signed in Vienna, Hezbollah General Secretary Hassan Nasrallah stated that, “Iran's relationship with its allies is based on ideological grounds and come before the political interests.” 1 In April 2015, Nasrallah noted that even under sanctions Iran funded its allies, and anticipated that a now "rich and powerful Iran, which will be open to the world" would be able to do even more: "I say that in the next phase Iran will be able to stand by its allies, friends, the people in the region, and especially the resistance in Palestine and the Palestinian people more than any time in the past, and this is what the others are afraid of."2 Hezbollah officials are comfortable and confident that Iran will not abandon the group. As one Hezbollah official told al Monitor: “‘Hezbollah is more than just an ally for Iran.’ The relationship is similar to ‘that between father and son’… Hezbollah’s importance as an ally for Iran in the region has also become quite clear … The group has played a pivotal role in preserving the leadership of President Bashar al-Assad in Syria, Iran’s No. -
Massaab Al-Aloosy
Massaab Al-Aloosy [email protected] EDUCATION The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy - Tufts University PhD, Fields of study: Middle East and Security Studies February 2018 Dissertation Title: Fundamentalist Metamorphosis: Hezbollah's Evolution from Ideological Ideals to Pragmatic Practices. Related coursework: Understanding the Arab Spring , in Harvard Kennedy School, instructor David Ignatius; Islam and Politics , instructor Vali Nasr The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy – Tufts University Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy June 2013 Thesis title: Iran’s Iraq; the Roots of Tehran’s Influence in Iraq James Madison College – Michigan State University Bachelor of Arts – International Relations with a minor in Political Science June 2009 PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE World Peace Foundation , Medford, MA (United States) Researcher June 2013 –September 2013 • Contributed regularly and assisted with editorial efforts for the official blog regarding Middle East affairs http://sites.tufts.edu/reinventingpeace/author/malalo01 • Conducted outreach to gain panelists, participated in the panel, and was part of the committee for a seminar “How Mass Atrocities End: Iraq” that included Kanan Makiya, Joost Hilterman, and Yahiah Al Kubaisi • Edited and translated unclassified government documents that were published in the website as part of the Reinventing Peace Project about Sudan with Alex De Waal Al Jazeera, Doha, Qatar Researcher in the Iraq Desk and Assistant Interview Producer October 2009 – August 2011 • Collected, and analyzed information -
City Research Online
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by City Research Online City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Harb, Z. (2016). Hezbollah, Al-Manar, and the Arab Revolts: Defiance or Survival? In: M. Zayani & S. Mirgani (Eds.), Politics and Media in the Middle East post Arab Spring. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0190491550 This is the accepted version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/14596/ Link to published version: Copyright and reuse: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] Harb, Z. (2016). ‘HEZBOLLAH, AL-MANAR, AND THE ARAB REVOLTS DEFIANCE OR SURVIVAL?’ in Zayani, M. and Mirgani, S. (2016), Politics and Media in the Middle East post Arab Spring. UK: Hurst/Oxford University Press. HEZBOLLAH, AL-MANAR, AND THE ARAB REVOLTS DEFIANCE OR SURVIVAL? Zahera Harb It was a fine summer’s day on August 15, 2013, when a loud explosion echoed across the Lebanese capital Beirut. The civilian neighborhood of Ruweis in the southern suburb of Beirut was hit by a car bomb. Soon, the scenes of destruction and violence filled the screens of local and international television stations. Twenty-two civilians were killed, and more than 290 injured. -
Approving a President: Hezbollah and the Lebanese Political System
Approving a President: Hezbollah and the Lebanese Political System Maddie Jurden Research Assistant, ICT Summer 2015 This article examines the current presidential deadlock in Lebanon, and the important role Hezbollah has played. The ties between Syria, Iran, and Hezbollah influence the outcome of the election and have the potential of deep repercussions for stability in Lebanon and the region as a whole. In light of the growing instability attributed to the Syrian civil war, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, and the deterioration of political stability, it is vital that the Lebanese deadlock situation be rectified as soon as possible. This article outlines the possible economic, political and security effects of the ongoing presidential deadlock, and analyzes Hezbollah’s role. * The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT). 2 Table of Contents INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................. 4 BRIEF HISTORY OF LEBANON..................................................................... 5 Current Governmental Power Distribution ..................................................... 9 BRIEF HISTORY OF HEZBOLLAH ................................................................ 9 Lebanon's Historical ties to Syria and Iran .................................................... 12 Modern Day Hezbollah ................................................................................ -
Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections
Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections Foreword This study on the political party mapping in Lebanon ahead of the 2018 elections includes a survey of most Lebanese political parties; especially those that currently have or previously had parliamentary or government representation, with the exception of Lebanese Communist Party, Islamic Unification Movement, Union of Working People’s Forces, since they either have candidates for elections or had previously had candidates for elections before the final list was out from the Ministry of Interior and Municipalities. The first part includes a systematic presentation of 27 political parties, organizations or movements, showing their official name, logo, establishment, leader, leading committee, regional and local alliances and relations, their stance on the electoral law and their most prominent candidates for the upcoming parliamentary elections. The second part provides the distribution of partisan and political powers over the 15 electoral districts set in the law governing the elections of May 6, 2018. It also offers basic information related to each district: the number of voters, the expected participation rate, the electoral quotient, the candidate’s ceiling on election expenditure, in addition to an analytical overview of the 2005 and 2009 elections, their results and alliances. The distribution of parties for 2018 is based on the research team’s analysis and estimates from different sources. 2 Table of Contents Page Introduction ....................................................................................................... -
Jeffrey Feltman John C. Whitehead Visiting Fellow in International Diplomacy the Brookings Institution
Jeffrey Feltman John C. Whitehead Visiting Fellow in International Diplomacy The Brookings Institution House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East, North Africa, and International Terrorism November 19, 2019 “What’s Next for Lebanon? Examining the Implications of Current Protests” I thank the Subcommittee for inviting me to share my analysis on the situation in Lebanon, especially as it relates to U.S. interests. I must begin by noting that I represent only myself before you today; the Brookings Institution does not take any institutional positions on policy positions. I would also like to emphasize at the outset that Lebanon’s current protests are not about the United States, and we should avoid anything that would change the focus to the United States. But the results of the protests could affect U.S. interests positively or negatively. That is why I very much welcome Congressional attention to Lebanon at what could be a pivotal moment in the country’s history. Lebanon matters to the United States There are two common perceptions of Lebanon in the United States. One view is romantic, seeing a multi-confessional, relatively open democracy and vibrant society, offering incredible culture, cuisine, history and hospitality. According to the alternative view, Lebanon, with a bloody civil war and where U.S. Marines and diplomats have been butchered, is a dangerous outpost of Iran threatening U.S. interests in the region and beyond. With some truth in each description, I would like to open by reviewing how tiny Lebanon affects U.S. interests in big ways. Most obvious is Iran’s projection of its malign regional role via its most successful export, the terrorist organization Hezbollah with its advanced capabilities to threaten Israel and other U.S. -
Public Transcript of the Hearing Held on 31 May 2016 in the Case of Ayyash Et
20160531_STL-11-01_T_T269_OFF_PUB_EN 1/98 PUBLIC Official Transcript Procedural Matters (Open Session) Page 1 1 Special Tribunal for Lebanon. 2 In the case of The Prosecutor v. Ayyash, Badreddine, Merhi, 3 Oneissi, and Sabra 4 STL-11-01 5 Presiding Judge David Re, Judge Janet Nosworthy, 6 Judge Micheline Braidy, Judge Walid Akoum, and 7 Judge Nicola Lettieri - [Trial Chamber] 8 Tuesday, 31 May 2016 - [Trial Hearing] 9 [Open Session] 10 --- Upon commencing at 10.05 a.m. 11 THE REGISTRAR: The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is sitting in an 12 open session in the case of the Prosecutor versus Ayyash, Badreddine, 13 Merhi, Oneissi, and Sabra, case number STL-11-01. 14 PRESIDING JUDGE RE: Good morning. 15 Can we please take appearances, starting with the Prosecution. 16 Good morning, Mr. Cameron. 17 MR. CAMERON: Good morning. It's Graeme Cameron for the 18 Prosecution, assisted by Ms. Tanja Zekaj and Mr. Leroy Stockton. 19 MR. HAYNES: Good morning, Your Honour. Peter Haynes for the 20 participating victims, assisted today by Kinga Tibori-Szabo and Kiat Wei 21 Ng. 22 MR. AOUN: Your Honours, good morning. Good morning, everyone. 23 Emile Aoun, Thomas Hannis, Chad Mair, and Scott Johnstone. And we are 24 representing the interests of Mr. Salim Ayyash. Thank you. 25 MR. KORKMAZ: [Interpretation] Good morning, Your Honours. Tuesday, 31 May 2016 STL-11-01 Interpretation serves to facilitate communication. Only the original speech is authentic. 20160531_STL-11-01_T_T269_OFF_PUB_EN 2/98 PUBLIC Official Transcript Procedural Matters (Open Session) Page 2 1 Antoine Korkmaz representing the rights and interest of Mr. -
Submission to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security Review of the Re-Listing of Hezbollah's External
Submission to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security review of the re-listing of Hezbollah’s External Security Organization By Emanuele Ottolenghi, Senior Fellow, Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) Recommendations Recommendation 1: I recommend that the PJCIS keep the External Security Organization of Hezbollah (ESO) designated as a terrorist organization, according to Criminal Code Regulations 2021 (the legislative instrument). Recommendation 2: I also recommend that the PJCIS urge the Executive Branch to cease viewing the ESO as a distinct and independent entity from Hezbollah: I urge the Government of Australia to extend the designation of the ESO as a terrorist organization to Hezbollah as a whole. ******* I am grateful to the Committee for the opportunity to submit my recommendations as part of the Committee’s review of the re-listing of Hezbollah’s External Security Organization. I am a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), a Washington, DC- based nonpartisan 501(c)(3) research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy. FDD conducts in-depth research, produces accurate and timely analyses, identifies illicit activities, and provides policy options – all with the aim of strengthening U.S. national security and that of our allies around the world, and reducing or eliminating threats posed by adversaries and enemies of the United States and other free nations. Founded shortly after the attacks of September 11, 2001, FDD conducts actionable research, prepared by experts and scholars from a variety of backgrounds – including government, intelligence, military, private sector, academia, and journalism. It brings proficiency in foreign languages, law, finance, technology, and other skills to its work. -
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in Partial Fulfil
THE DAHIYEH DOCTRINE: THE CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH STATES CAN ESTABLISH ASYMMETRIC DETERRENCE A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Rafael D. Frankel, M.S. Washington, DC July 3, 2013 Copyright 2013 by Rafael D. Frankel All Rights Reserved ii THE DAHIYEH DOCTRINE: THE CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH STATES CAN ESTABLISH ASYMMETRIC DETERRENCE Rafael D. Frankel, M.S. Thesis Advisor: Daniel L. Byman, Ph.D. ABSTRACT For the last decade, a growing body of research has sough to understand how classical deterrence methods could be adapted by states to establish asymmetric deterrence against non-state militant groups. Various strategies were suggested, but the research undertaken to date focused nearly exclusively on the actions of the defending state. This research project is the first formal effort to discover under what conditions deterrence against such groups can be established by focusing on important attributes of the non-state groups themselves. The result is the development of the Asymmetric Deterrence Matrix (ADM), which in eight temporally-bound case studies involving Hamas and Hezbollah successfully predicts the level of deterrence Israel should have been able to achieve against those groups at given periods of time. This research demonstrates that there are four main causal factors related to a non-state group’s characteristics that constrain and encourage the success of asymmetric deterrence strategies by states: elements of statehood (territorial control, political authority, and responsibility for a dependent population), organizational structure, ideology, and inter- factional rivalries. -
Understanding Political Influence in Modern-Era Conflict: a Qualitative Historical Analysis of Hassan Nasrallah's Speeches
Understanding Political Influence in Modern-Era Conflict: A Qualitative Historical Analysis of Hassan Nasrallah’s Speeches by Reem A. Abu-Lughod and Samuel Warkentin Abstract This research examines and closely analyzes speeches delivered by Hezbollah’s secretary general and spokesman, Hassan Nasrallah. We reveal that several significant political phenomena that have occurred in Lebanon were impacted by the intensity of speeches delivered by Nasrallah; these three events being the 2006 War, the Doha Agreement, and the 2008 prisoner exchange. Nasrallah’s speeches with significant key words and themes, that are reflective of the three selected events, have been collected from various transcribed news media sources and analyzed using a qualitative historical approach. Finally, the research study uses latent analysis to assess Nasrallah’s underlying implications of his speeches by identifying key words and themes that he uses to influence his audience Introduction he present globalization of extremist discourse and its impact on international relations as a whole have historical precedents.[1] Whether it’s print media, television, the “T internet, or any other form of communication, charismatic leaders of influential organizations have led their audience to believe in certain ideologies that are deemed hopeful and powerful, all through their emotional and authoritative speeches. One such leader is Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary general. Nasrallah has been an influential leader of Hezbollah, inspiring his supporters and engaging them at an emotional level to garner more support of his actions. Through his rhetoric, he has been able to relate to his audience, in particular the majority of the Shi’a community in Lebanon and those who are in opposition to the Israeli occupation of Palestine; all with a strategic strength to gain their commitment of his broad and open pleas. -
Hizbollah and the Lebanese Crisis
HIZBOLLAH AND THE LEBANESE CRISIS Middle East Report N°69 – 10 October 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. THE CONFESSIONAL DIVIDE ................................................................................... 1 A. A DEEPENING SECTARIAN RIFT ..............................................................................................1 B. HIZBOLLAH’S SHIITE SUPPORT ...............................................................................................3 1. A Shiite need for security ............................................................................................3 2. The war.......................................................................................................................5 3. The rallying of other Shiite forces................................................................................7 C. RELATIONS WITH OTHER SECTARIAN GROUPS.........................................................................8 1. The split with Sunni Islamists......................................................................................9 2. The alliance with Aoun .............................................................................................10 II. RESISTANCE AFTER THE WAR.............................................................................. 13 A. A NEW MILITARY EQUATION ...............................................................................................13 B. FOCUS ON DOMESTIC POLITICS.............................................................................................14 -
Hizbullah's Post-Islamist Trends in the Performing Arts
religions Article Hizbullah’s Post-Islamist Trends in the Performing Arts Joseph Alagha Department of Political Science, Haigazian University, Beirut 11072090, Lebanon; [email protected] Received: 30 October 2020; Accepted: 28 November 2020; Published: 2 December 2020 Abstract: This article outlines Hizbullah’s shift to post-Islamism and its various cultural activities in Lebanese society that underpin this shift. The Party’s involvement in these activities is integrated in current research on post-Islamism and its various social, political, and cultural manifestations. In its Islamist stage, Hizbullah anathematized the Lebanese political system and state institutions. In its post-Islamist phase, Hizbullah became pragmatic by embarking on a policy of opening-up (infitah) in politics along with cultural and social practices. This article studies Hizbullah’s popular culture and lifestyles by focusing on its purposeful art or ‘resistance art’, which is a cultural resistance against oppression, domestic deprivation, disenfranchisement, and repression, as well as foreign aggression, invasion, occupation, and subjugation. Hizbullah exploits the concepts of cultural citizenship and cultural politics to encourage, in mixed gender spaces, purposeful performing arts: music, dancing, singing, revolutionary theater, and satire. Hizbullah appears to equate modernity with European art forms rather than indigenous forms. In its ideology and politics, Hizbullah fluctuated between Islamism and post-Islamism. While in its performing arts,