Public Transcript of the Hearing Held on 31 May 2016 in the Case of Ayyash Et
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Hezbollah's Syrian Quagmire
Hezbollah’s Syrian Quagmire BY MATTHEW LEVITT ezbollah – Lebanon’s Party of God – is many things. It is one of the dominant political parties in Lebanon, as well as a social and religious movement catering first and fore- Hmost (though not exclusively) to Lebanon’s Shi’a community. Hezbollah is also Lebanon’s largest militia, the only one to maintain its weapons and rebrand its armed elements as an “Islamic resistance” in response to the terms of the Taif Accord, which ended Lebanon’s civil war and called for all militias to disarm.1 While the various wings of the group are intended to complement one another, the reality is often messier. In part, that has to do with compartmen- talization of the group’s covert activities. But it is also a factor of the group’s multiple identities – Lebanese, pan-Shi’a, pro-Iranian – and the group’s multiple and sometimes competing goals tied to these different identities. Hezbollah insists that it is Lebanese first, but in fact, it is an organization that always acts out of its self-interests above its purported Lebanese interests. According to the U.S. Treasury Department, Hezbollah also has an “expansive global network” that “is sending money and operatives to carry out terrorist attacks around the world.”2 Over the past few years, a series of events has exposed some of Hezbollah’s covert and militant enterprises in the region and around the world, challenging the group’s standing at home and abroad. Hezbollah operatives have been indicted for the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri by the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) in The Hague,3 arrested on charges of plotting attacks in Nigeria,4 and convicted on similar charges in Thailand and Cyprus.5 Hezbollah’s criminal enterprises, including drug running and money laundering from South America to Africa to the Middle East, have been targeted by law enforcement and regulatory agen- cies. -
The New Lebanese Government
The New Lebanese Government Assessment Report by the Lebanese Information Center July 2011 www.licus.org cleared for public release /D1 Nearly five months after his appointment as Prime Minister, Najib Mikati finally formed the Lebanese Cabinet on June 13, 2011. The 30-member cabinet, in which Hezbollah and its allies hold a majority, was formed following arduous negotiations between the new majority, constituted of the March 8 parties, and their allies. The March 14 alliance had announced that it will not take part in the Mikati cabinet following the forced collapse of Hariri’s unity government. Furthermore, appointed Druze Minister of State, Talal Arslan, announced his immediate resignation from the government to protest not being given a portfolio. Despite clearly [and exclusively] representing the Pro-Syrian camp, Prime Minister Mikati announced that his government is “a government for all Lebanese, no matter what party they support, be it the majority or the opposition.” Contents The New Government – Statistics in Brief ..................................................................................................2 Cabinet Members .................................................................................................................................... 2 Composition by Party Affiliation ........................................................................................................... 3 Composition by Coalition ...................................................................................................................... -
Judgment Pronouncement
Judgment pronouncement Introduction 1. Just before 13:00 on Monday 14 February 2005, the former prime minister of Lebanon, Mr Rafik Hariri, was travelling in his convoy in Beirut between the Lebanese Parliament and his home, Quraitem Palace. 2. As it approached the St Georges Hotel, near the coast, a massive explosion was detonated. Mr Hariri was killed in the blast. Twenty-one others, including eight members of Mr Hariri’s convoy, and innocent bystanders, also died. Three of the victims died after the explosion, two on the following day, and the third, the Lebanese MP, Mr Bassel Fuleihan, succumbed after lying in a coma for two months. 3. At least another 226 people were injured, some very seriously. People passing in the street and working in nearby buildings sustained terrible injuries. Many buildings were badly damaged. 4. The explosion was triggered by a suicide bomber in a Mitsubishi Canter—a light tarpaulin covered truck, loaded with more than two tonnes of RDX high-grade explosives—that detonated as Mr Hariri’s heavily protected six vehicle convoy passed the St Georges Hotel. The explosives had the equivalent of 2,500 to 3,000 kilograms of TNT. The explosion left a crater in the road over ten metres wide and almost two metres deep. 5. Mr Hariri and his convoy had been under surveillance for some months before his assassination. Those engaged in the surveillance were communicating in the field using three sets of mobile telephone networks. To distinguish the three networks, the Prosecution labelled them as the Yellow, Blue and Red networks. -
Lebanon: Managing the Gathering Storm
LEBANON: MANAGING THE GATHERING STORM Middle East Report N°48 – 5 December 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. A SYSTEM BETWEEN OLD AND NEW.................................................................. 1 A. SETTING THE STAGE: THE ELECTORAL CONTEST..................................................................1 B. THE MEHLIS EFFECT.............................................................................................................5 II. SECTARIANISM AND INTERNATIONALISATION ............................................. 8 A. FROM SYRIAN TUTELAGE TO WESTERN UMBRELLA?............................................................8 B. SHIFTING ALLIANCES..........................................................................................................12 III. THE HIZBOLLAH QUESTION ................................................................................ 16 A. “A NEW PHASE OF CONFRONTATION” ................................................................................17 B. HIZBOLLAH AS THE SHIITE GUARDIAN?..............................................................................19 C. THE PARTY OF GOD TURNS PARTY OF GOVERNMENT.........................................................20 IV. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 22 A. A BROAD INTERNATIONAL COALITION FOR A NARROW AGENDA .......................................22 B. A LEBANESE COURT ON FOREIGN -
Senior Hizballah Official Wanted for Murder | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1833 Senior Hizballah Official Wanted for Murder by Matthew Levitt Jul 20, 2011 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Matthew Levitt Matthew Levitt is the Fromer-Wexler Fellow and director of the Reinhard Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis The recent indictment of senior Hizballah figure Mustafa Badreddine has the group on edge, and for good reason. mong the suspects indicted last month by the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) -- the body charged A with investigating the assassination of former prime minister Rafiq Hariri -- is Mustafa Badreddine, a senior figure in Hizballah's international terrorist operations branch. Public exposure of his activities, including Hizballah's reported role in the Hariri murder, would deal a severe blow to group. Crucial Indictment T he STL has been poised to indict Hizballah members for months. On June 30, 2011, it delivered a sealed indictment and arrest warrants to Lebanese state prosecutor Said Merza. And on July 13, at the STL's request, Interpol issued international arrest warrants ("red notices") notifying law enforcement agencies in its 188 member countries that the suspects were wanted in connection with Hariri's assassination. Neither the indictments nor the red notices have been made public, but leaks from Lebanese judiciary officials confirmed the names of four men, all reported to be Hizballah members: Badreddine, Salim Ayyash (characterized as a U.S. passport holder who headed the cell that carried out the assassination), Hasan Aneisi, and Asad Sabra. The inclusion of Badreddine -- cousin and brother-in-law to Imad Mughniyah, who was chief of the Hizballah external operations branch known as the Islamic Jihad Organization (IJO) until his 2008 assassination by a car bomb in Damascus -- has the group on edge, and with good reason. -
Lebanon: Background and US Policy
Lebanon: Background and U.S. Policy name redacted Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs April 4, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R42816 Lebanon: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Lebanon’s small geographic size and population belie the important role it has long played in the security, stability, and economy of the Levant and the broader Middle East. Congress and the executive branch have recognized Lebanon’s status as a venue for regional strategic competition and have engaged diplomatically, financially, and at times, militarily to influence events there. For most of its independent existence, Lebanon has been torn by periodic civil conflict and political battles between rival religious sects and ideological groups. External military intervention, occupation, and interference have exacerbated Lebanon’s political struggles in recent decades. Lebanon is an important factor in U.S. calculations regarding regional security, particularly regarding Israel and Iran. Congressional concerns have focused on the prominent role that Hezbollah, an Iran-backed Shia Muslim militia, political party, and U.S.-designated terrorist organization, continues to play in Lebanon and beyond, including its recent armed intervention in Syria. Congress has appropriated more than $1 billion since the end of the brief Israel-Hezbollah war of 2006 to support U.S. policies designed to extend Lebanese security forces’ control over the country and promote economic growth. The civil war in neighboring Syria is progressively destabilizing Lebanon. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, more than 1 million predominantly Sunni Syrian refugees have fled to Lebanon, equivalent to close to one-quarter of Lebanon’s population. -
Defending Damascus, Betraying Beirut: Hezbollah's Communication
Defending Damascus, Betraying Beirut: Hezbollah’s Communication Strategies in the Syrian Civil War Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with research distinction in International Studies in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Maxwell Scurlock The Ohio State University April 2017 Project Advisor: Professor Jeffrey Lewis, International Studies Table of Contents Part 1 – Background Information and Historical Context Introduction – 1 1. Historical and Contextual Background – 6 a. Shi‘ism in Historical Context – 9 b. French Mandatory Period, 1920-1945 – 10 c. Independence to Black September, 1945-1970 – 14 d. The Early Years of the Lebanese Civil War and the Emergence of Hezbollah, 1970-1982 – 17 e. Hezbollah’s Formation – 21 f. Hezbollah’s Early Ideological Framework – 23 g. Syrian and Israeli Occupations of Lebanon, 1982-2005 – 24 h. Political Turmoil, 2006 Lebanon War, and 2008 Lebanese Political Crisis – 29 i. Hezbollah’s 2009 Manifesto – 31 j. The Syrian Civil War – 32 k. Sunni Islamists in Lebanon and Syria – 34 l. Lebanese Christians – 37 Part 2 – Analysis of Hezbollah’s Communications 2. Theoretical Approach to Hezbollah’s Communications – 40 3. Hezbollah in Syria – 44 a. Hezbollah’s Participation in Syria – April 30th, 2013 – 44 b. The Campaign for al-Qusayr, Part One – May 9th, 2013 – 48 c. The Campaign for al-Qusayr, Part Two – May 25th, 2013 – 50 4. Hezbollah’s Responses to Terrorism – 54 a. An Attack in al-Dahieh – August 16th, 2013 – 54 b. The Bombing of Iran’s Embassy – November 19th, 2013 – 56 5. Further Crises – 62 a. The Assassination of Hezbollah Commander Hassan al-Laqqis – December 3rd, 2013 – 62 b. -
Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations
Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations Casey L. Addis Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs January 19, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40054 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Lebanon is a religiously diverse country transitioning toward independence and democratic consolidation after a ruinous civil war and the subsequent Syrian and Israeli occupations. The United States and Lebanon have historically enjoyed a good relationship due in part to cultural and religious ties; the democratic character of the state; a large, Lebanese-American community in the United States; and the pro-western orientation of Lebanon, particularly during the cold war. Current policy priorities of the United States include strengthening the weak democratic institutions of the state, limiting the influence of Iran, Syria, and others in Lebanon’s political process, and countering threats from Hezbollah and other militant groups in Lebanon. Following Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon in 2005 and the war between Israel and Hezbollah in the summer of 2006, the Bush Administration requested and Congress appropriated a significant increase in U.S. assistance to Lebanon. Since 2006, U.S. assistance to Lebanon has topped $1 billion total over three years, including for the first time U.S. security assistance for the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal Security Forces (ISF) of Lebanon. Several key issues in U.S.-Lebanon relations could potentially affect future U.S. assistance to Lebanon. The scope and influence of foreign actors, primarily Syria and Iran; unresolved territorial disputes; concerns about extremist groups operating in Lebanon; and potential indictments by the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) are among the challenges facing the Lebanese government and U.S. -
Massaab Al-Aloosy
Massaab Al-Aloosy [email protected] EDUCATION The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy - Tufts University PhD, Fields of study: Middle East and Security Studies February 2018 Dissertation Title: Fundamentalist Metamorphosis: Hezbollah's Evolution from Ideological Ideals to Pragmatic Practices. Related coursework: Understanding the Arab Spring , in Harvard Kennedy School, instructor David Ignatius; Islam and Politics , instructor Vali Nasr The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy – Tufts University Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy June 2013 Thesis title: Iran’s Iraq; the Roots of Tehran’s Influence in Iraq James Madison College – Michigan State University Bachelor of Arts – International Relations with a minor in Political Science June 2009 PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE World Peace Foundation , Medford, MA (United States) Researcher June 2013 –September 2013 • Contributed regularly and assisted with editorial efforts for the official blog regarding Middle East affairs http://sites.tufts.edu/reinventingpeace/author/malalo01 • Conducted outreach to gain panelists, participated in the panel, and was part of the committee for a seminar “How Mass Atrocities End: Iraq” that included Kanan Makiya, Joost Hilterman, and Yahiah Al Kubaisi • Edited and translated unclassified government documents that were published in the website as part of the Reinventing Peace Project about Sudan with Alex De Waal Al Jazeera, Doha, Qatar Researcher in the Iraq Desk and Assistant Interview Producer October 2009 – August 2011 • Collected, and analyzed information -
Hezbollah's Concept of Deterrence Vis-À-Vis Israel According to Nasrallah
Hezbollah’s Concept of Deterrence vis-à-vis Israel according to Nasrallah: From the Second Lebanon War to the Present Carmit Valensi and Yoram Schweitzer “Lebanon must have a deterrent military strength…then we will tell the Israelis to be careful. If you want to attack Lebanon to achieve goals, you will not be able to, because we are no longer a weak country. If we present the Israelis with such logic, they will think a million times.” Hassan Nasrallah, August 17, 2009 This essay deals with Hezbollah’s concept of deterrence against Israel as it developed over the ten years since the Second Lebanon War. The essay looks at the most important speeches by Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah during this period to examine the evolution and development of the concept of deterrence at four points in time that reflect Hezbollah’s internal and regional milieu (2000, 2006, 2008, and 2011). Over the years, Nasrallah has frequently utilized the media to deliver his messages and promote the organization’s agenda to key target audiences – Israel and the internal Lebanese audience. His speeches therefore constitute an opportunity for understanding the organization’s stances in general and its concept of deterrence in particular. The Quiet Decade: In the Aftermath of the Second Lebanon War, 2006-2016 I 115 Edited by Udi Dekel, Gabi Siboni, and Omer Einav 116 I Carmit Valensi and Yoram Schweitzer Principal Messages An analysis of Nasrallah’s speeches, especially since 2011, shows that he has devoted them primarily to the war in Syria and internal Lebanese politics. -
Eulogies for the Resistance Hizbullah, Syria and the ‘Crisis Imaginary’
Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 10 (2017) 272–292 MEJCC brill.com/mjcc Eulogies for the Resistance Hizbullah, Syria and the ‘Crisis Imaginary’ Jack Joy soas, University of London, uk [email protected] Abstract Recent studies into the notion of crisis argue that affective states of insecurity can offer an instrumental utility to elites seeking to sustain existing power relations. Through their discursive construction, such imaginative landscapes help legitimize previously illegitimate forms of political action, rationalize heightened forms of collective sacri- fice and instill new disciplinary technologies among political subjects. Building on this growing body of scholarly work, in this study I use critical discourse analysis (cda) to address Hizbullah’s mobilization of a specific ‘crisis imaginary’ as part of its efforts to legitimize its ongoing involvement in the Syrian civil war.This perceptual regime works to uphold a ‘state of exception’ for Hizbullah, sustain the practice of martyrdom as a form of Girardian ‘mimetic desire’ and structure a wider moral universe that continues to bind the party’s audience to the resistance society while maintaining their contin- ued docility. Keywords Hizbullah – Syria – crisis imaginary – resistance – Nasrallah – mobilization Introduction Walid El-Houri argues that Hizbullah’s ‘emergence and existence within a structurally unstable social, political and geographical context means that the presence of a crisis has always been underlying their political action’ (El- Houri 2012: 57). -
Lebanon's Unstable Equilibrium
LEBANON'S UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM AUTHOR Mona Yacoubian November 2009 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. 20036-3011 www.usip.org USIP Peace Briefing: Lebanon's Unstable Equilibrium INTRODUCTION Lebanon's recently announced national unity government has eased fears that the country would once again be mired in a dangerous political stalemate. Yet, despite the recent breakthrough, Lebanon's unstable equilibrium -- marked by both internal and regional tensions - - could still devolve into serious violence. Deep seated sectarian animosities persist, raising the prospects for political instability and civil strife if unaddressed. Regionally, mounting tensions with Israel raise the worrisome possibility of isolated border incidents spiraling into more serious conflict. Taken together these two underlying challenges to stability -- internal civil unrest and regional conflict with Israel -- could undermine Lebanon’s fragile peace. This paper will examine internal challenges to Lebanon’s stability. Formed five months after the June 2009 parliamentary elections, Prime Minister-designate Saad Hariri's consensus cabinet, comprised of his March 14th coalition together with members of the opposition March 8th bloc, is an essential step toward ensuring that Lebanon gains more stable footing. 1 The new government follows a compromise formula allotting 15 cabinet seats to the majority, 10 to the opposition, and five to President Michel Suleiman. While power-sharing arrangements are by nature less effective and more prone to stalemate, they are crucial to Lebanon’s delicately balanced confessional system and provide an essential pathway to civil peace. Beyond the new consensus government, two critical developments would help to facilitate peace and stability in Lebanon: .