Hezbollah's Growing Threat Against U.S. National Security Interests in the Middle East
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Defending Damascus, Betraying Beirut: Hezbollah's Communication
Defending Damascus, Betraying Beirut: Hezbollah’s Communication Strategies in the Syrian Civil War Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with research distinction in International Studies in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Maxwell Scurlock The Ohio State University April 2017 Project Advisor: Professor Jeffrey Lewis, International Studies Table of Contents Part 1 – Background Information and Historical Context Introduction – 1 1. Historical and Contextual Background – 6 a. Shi‘ism in Historical Context – 9 b. French Mandatory Period, 1920-1945 – 10 c. Independence to Black September, 1945-1970 – 14 d. The Early Years of the Lebanese Civil War and the Emergence of Hezbollah, 1970-1982 – 17 e. Hezbollah’s Formation – 21 f. Hezbollah’s Early Ideological Framework – 23 g. Syrian and Israeli Occupations of Lebanon, 1982-2005 – 24 h. Political Turmoil, 2006 Lebanon War, and 2008 Lebanese Political Crisis – 29 i. Hezbollah’s 2009 Manifesto – 31 j. The Syrian Civil War – 32 k. Sunni Islamists in Lebanon and Syria – 34 l. Lebanese Christians – 37 Part 2 – Analysis of Hezbollah’s Communications 2. Theoretical Approach to Hezbollah’s Communications – 40 3. Hezbollah in Syria – 44 a. Hezbollah’s Participation in Syria – April 30th, 2013 – 44 b. The Campaign for al-Qusayr, Part One – May 9th, 2013 – 48 c. The Campaign for al-Qusayr, Part Two – May 25th, 2013 – 50 4. Hezbollah’s Responses to Terrorism – 54 a. An Attack in al-Dahieh – August 16th, 2013 – 54 b. The Bombing of Iran’s Embassy – November 19th, 2013 – 56 5. Further Crises – 62 a. The Assassination of Hezbollah Commander Hassan al-Laqqis – December 3rd, 2013 – 62 b. -
Confessions at a Funeral
Confessions at a Funeral Barry Rubin A funny thing happened at the funeral of Imad Mughniyah. Those who had for years been denying any connection with him and his international terrorist activities – Iran, Syria, and Hizballah – suddenly admitted that he was one of their favourite people. At the same time, other critical points came out. Mughniyah’s critical position as the link between those three allies, in their conduct of terrorism and subversion, stood out clearly. In addition, Mughniyah’s career as an international terrorist, who often operated against Western targets, showed how Hizballah – along with its backers in Tehran and Damascus – were second only to al-Qaeda in their global operations of violence. Let’s first look at the record of the man who Iran, Syria, and Hizballah were so eager to praise and ready to revenge. Mughniyah, a Lebanese citizen, first worked with the PLO and then with Hizballah, leading the latter group’s main terrorist operations. During the 1980s alone, Mughniyah was involved in killing 340 American and French soldiers in a peacekeeping force, 63 civilians in bombing the U.S. embassy in Beirut; kidnappings and sometimes executions of Westerners living in Lebanon; attacks on the U.S. embassy in Kuwait; hijacking an American airliner in which a U.S. citizen was murdered; killing two U.S. officials in Lebanon; and hijacking two Kuwait Airways’ planes. In 1994, he organized the bombing of a Jewish Community Center in Argentina, killing 86 civilians. The official Argentinean investigation concluded Iranian intelligence had hired Mughniyah and his unit for this job. -
Hezbollah's Nasrallah: the "Great Man" of the Levant Nathan William Swanson Iowa State University
Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Retrospective Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2008 Hezbollah's Nasrallah: the "great man" of the Levant Nathan William Swanson Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd Part of the International Law Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Swanson, Nathan William, "Hezbollah's Nasrallah: the "great man" of the Levant" (2008). Retrospective Theses and Dissertations. 15387. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd/15387 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Retrospective Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hezbollah’s Nasrallah: the “great man” of the Levant by Nathan William Swanson A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major: Political Science Program of Study Committee: David Cunningham, Major Professor Robert Urbatsch Hsain Ilahiane Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2008 Copyright © Nathan William Swanson, 2008. All rights reserved. 1454686 1454686 2008 ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT............................................................................................................................. iv I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... -
Biographical Sketch of Hassan Sayyed Nasrallah
1 Biographical sketch of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah: “The Nasrallah Enigma” 10 Nov. 03 Source: Al-Bawaba A Small Glimpse into Nasrallah's World The movie tells the life story of Nasrallah, who was born to a poor family in a camp near Beirut. From a very young age, he was Lebanon's Hizbullah chieftain, Sheikh a remarkable student, devoted to the Hassan Nasrallah, is perhaps one of the most teachings of Islam, and attracted the enigmatic and magnetic leaders in the attention of the heads of the Shiite Middle East. leadership in Tehran, till the moment he It is only in became a leader in his own right in Lebanon. rare instances that he agrees Hassan Nasrallah is married to Fatima to be Yassin, who comes from the Al Abbasiyee interviewed village. They have three children remained by Western after their elder son Hadi was killed by journalists. Israeli forces at the age of 18. Nasrallah's remaining children are Muhammad al Jawad, As the Zeinab and Muhammad Ali. expected prisoner swap During an interview he once gave, Nasrallah deal between spoke of himself as a family man and stated the Lebanese that at home, he enjoyed spending time with resistance group and Israel seems to be his family. He reads many books, especially reaching its "final stages" in recent weeks, the memoirs of political personalities. He each and every word that Nasrallah says is has read the “Memoirs of (Israeli Prime being thoroughly analyzed and examined by Minister Ariel) Sharon” as well as Benjamin the Israeli intelligence services. Netanyahu’s book “A Place under the Sun”, with the intention of getting to know his In the meantime, Nasrallah has been already enemies. -
Hezbollah's Concept of Deterrence Vis-À-Vis Israel According to Nasrallah
Hezbollah’s Concept of Deterrence vis-à-vis Israel according to Nasrallah: From the Second Lebanon War to the Present Carmit Valensi and Yoram Schweitzer “Lebanon must have a deterrent military strength…then we will tell the Israelis to be careful. If you want to attack Lebanon to achieve goals, you will not be able to, because we are no longer a weak country. If we present the Israelis with such logic, they will think a million times.” Hassan Nasrallah, August 17, 2009 This essay deals with Hezbollah’s concept of deterrence against Israel as it developed over the ten years since the Second Lebanon War. The essay looks at the most important speeches by Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah during this period to examine the evolution and development of the concept of deterrence at four points in time that reflect Hezbollah’s internal and regional milieu (2000, 2006, 2008, and 2011). Over the years, Nasrallah has frequently utilized the media to deliver his messages and promote the organization’s agenda to key target audiences – Israel and the internal Lebanese audience. His speeches therefore constitute an opportunity for understanding the organization’s stances in general and its concept of deterrence in particular. The Quiet Decade: In the Aftermath of the Second Lebanon War, 2006-2016 I 115 Edited by Udi Dekel, Gabi Siboni, and Omer Einav 116 I Carmit Valensi and Yoram Schweitzer Principal Messages An analysis of Nasrallah’s speeches, especially since 2011, shows that he has devoted them primarily to the war in Syria and internal Lebanese politics. -
City Research Online
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by City Research Online City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Harb, Z. (2016). Hezbollah, Al-Manar, and the Arab Revolts: Defiance or Survival? In: M. Zayani & S. Mirgani (Eds.), Politics and Media in the Middle East post Arab Spring. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0190491550 This is the accepted version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/14596/ Link to published version: Copyright and reuse: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] Harb, Z. (2016). ‘HEZBOLLAH, AL-MANAR, AND THE ARAB REVOLTS DEFIANCE OR SURVIVAL?’ in Zayani, M. and Mirgani, S. (2016), Politics and Media in the Middle East post Arab Spring. UK: Hurst/Oxford University Press. HEZBOLLAH, AL-MANAR, AND THE ARAB REVOLTS DEFIANCE OR SURVIVAL? Zahera Harb It was a fine summer’s day on August 15, 2013, when a loud explosion echoed across the Lebanese capital Beirut. The civilian neighborhood of Ruweis in the southern suburb of Beirut was hit by a car bomb. Soon, the scenes of destruction and violence filled the screens of local and international television stations. Twenty-two civilians were killed, and more than 290 injured. -
The Iranian Threat Network and the Export of the Islamic Revolution
The Iranian Threat Network and the Export of the Islamic Revolution Dr. Eitan Azani, Mrs. Lorena Atiyas-Lvovsky, Mr. Danny Citrinowicz, Ms. Dafna Messing July 2020 Iranian Threat Network and the Export of the Islamic Revolution The Iranian Threat Network (ITN) is comprised of entities operating in the regional and international arenas.1 It contains a wide array of actors and serves Iran as a strategic tool to promote its interests. It is intedned to disseminate the ideology of the Islamic revolution, preserve and position the Shiite on the Muslim world and provide Iran with tools that will enable it with leeway and assist the latter with accomplishing its regional and global goals. The threat posed by ITN was highly visible after the elimination of Qassim Soleimani, al-Quds Force leader.2 For example, Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary general, called all ITN elements to unite under al-Quds Force, drive the Americans out of the region and avenge Soleimani and al- Muhandis’ death.3 It should be noted, Iran is not interested in directly confronting the U.S. and thus its choice it to use ITN. Even though the latter is comprised of various entities with varied alliances and commitment to Iran, Soleimani was (and still is) a role model both in Iran and outside. He was the architect that led and solidified ITN. His activity as a key player in the regional campaign and the personal relations he had forged with militia leaders across the Middle East strengthened ITN and provided him with a special stature among its members.4 ITN is comprised of Iranian proxies and actors collaborating with Iran to promote the latter’s interests globally. -
The Ideological Transformation of Hezbollah Since Its Involvement in the Syrian Civil War : Local Perspectives and Foreign Observations
The Ideological Transformation of Hezbollah Since its Involvement in the Syrian Civil War : Local Perspectives and Foreign Observations Mémoire Ian Mac Donald Maîtrise en science politique - avec mémoire Maître ès arts (M.A.) Québec, Canada © Ian Mac Donald, 2020 Introduction Political and social movements use ideology as a method of justifying, interpreting, and challenging the surrounding social-political order (McAdam, Doug, et al., 1996). The success with which a social or political movement constructs and expresses the set of explanatory and normative beliefs and assumptions that make up its ideology can often translate into its competitive advantage over contending movements. In the modern nation-state, nationalist ideology, where nations are “imagined communities,” according to Benedict Anderson, is the most common form of political ideology that fabricates a collective intersubjective identity for a population and legitimates groups’ power. However, in Lebanon, sectarianism, where political ideology is tied to a specific religious community, is also a compelling narrative that has so often characterized the ideology of the myriad actors in Lebanese state and society. In the Lebanese political realm, sectarian and nationalist ideologies of organizations and movements both blend and compete with each other as elites vie for political power over populations. Authors of sectarianism often take a constructivist and instrumentalist approach in explaining the ideological power of sectarianism in Lebanon: Just as history demonstrates state leaders’ use of nationalist fervour in the pursuit of political power, sectarianism is also an ideology in which elites can play a manipulative role and exploit the religious identity of populations in order to further their own political goals (Cammett, 2014; Haddad, 2011; Salloukh, Barakat, Al-Habbal, Khattab, & Mikaelian, 2015; Wehrey, 2018). -
Hezbollah: a Localized Islamic Resistance Or Lebanon's Premier
Hezbollah: A localized Islamic resistance or Lebanon’s premier national movement? Andrew Dalack Class of 2010 Department of Near East Studies University of Michigan Introduction Lebanon’s 2009 parliamentary elections was a watershed moment in Lebanon’s history. After having suffered years of civil war, political unrest, and foreign occupation, Lebanon closed out the first decade of the 21st century having proved to itself and the rest of the world that it was capable of hosting fair and democratic elections. Although Lebanon’s political structure is inherently undemocratic because of its confessionalist nature, the fact that the March 8th and March 14th coalitions could civilly compete with each other following a brief but violent conflict in May of 2008 bore testament to Lebanon’s growth as a religiously pluralistic society. Since the end of Lebanon’s civil war, there have been few political movements in the Arab world, let alone Lebanon, that have matured and achieved as much as Hezbollah has since its foundation in 1985. The following thesis is a dissection of Hezbollah’s development from a localized militant organization in South Lebanon to a national political movement that not only represents the interests of many Lebanese, but also functions as the primary resistance to Israeli and American imperialism in Lebanon and throughout the broader Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the shifts in Hezbollah’s ideology, the consolidation of power and political clout through social services, and the language that Hezbollah uses to define itself. The sources I used are primarily secondhand; Joseph Alagha’s dissertation titled, The Shifts in Hizbullah’s Ideology: Religious Ideology, Political Ideology, and Political Program was one of the more significant references I used in substantiating my argument. -
Approving a President: Hezbollah and the Lebanese Political System
Approving a President: Hezbollah and the Lebanese Political System Maddie Jurden Research Assistant, ICT Summer 2015 This article examines the current presidential deadlock in Lebanon, and the important role Hezbollah has played. The ties between Syria, Iran, and Hezbollah influence the outcome of the election and have the potential of deep repercussions for stability in Lebanon and the region as a whole. In light of the growing instability attributed to the Syrian civil war, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, and the deterioration of political stability, it is vital that the Lebanese deadlock situation be rectified as soon as possible. This article outlines the possible economic, political and security effects of the ongoing presidential deadlock, and analyzes Hezbollah’s role. * The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT). 2 Table of Contents INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................. 4 BRIEF HISTORY OF LEBANON..................................................................... 5 Current Governmental Power Distribution ..................................................... 9 BRIEF HISTORY OF HEZBOLLAH ................................................................ 9 Lebanon's Historical ties to Syria and Iran .................................................... 12 Modern Day Hezbollah ................................................................................ -
Ideology in the Translation of Political Speeches During the Arab-Israeli Conflict: a Critical Discourse Analysis
TranscUlturAl, vol. 12.2 (2020), 19-38. http://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/TC Ideology in the Translation of Political Speeches during the Arab-Israeli Conflict: A Critical Discourse Analysis Husam Haj Omar, University of Oxford 1. Introduction Equivalence no longer governs the production and reception of translation (Hatim and Munday 200). Translation is not merely an innocent transfer of ideas from one language into another. This study views translation as a process that can be ideologically manipulated to influence perceptions and undermine the target culture. This paper investigates the influence of ideology on the translation choices made by the translators and the patrons represented by media outlets in translating political speeches during the two Israeli offensives against Lebanon, 2006 and Gaza, 2008/9. Both offensives were launched by Israel against two parties which have a similar ideology, namely Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Hamas authority in the Gaza Strip. Both adopt an anti-Israeli Islamist ideology, and both are known to be backed by Iran. This study aims to analyze the translations of political speeches by Hezbollah and Hamas leaders, and it proposes that the translations conducted by Western and Israeli translators working for Western and Israeli outlets are influenced by the ideological agenda of their employers, i.e. the media channels they work for. The same applies to translations produced by media outlets that represent and/or support Hamas and Hezbollah. A detailed explanation of the corpus will be provided in the methodology and corpus section. Critical Discourse Analysis and the theories examining the roles played by the translator, firstly as a reader and secondly as an author of the target text, constitute the main theoretical foundation of the study in addition to the concept of patronage which plays a crucial factor in determining the outcome of the translation process. -
Hezbollah's Criminal and Terrorist Operations in Europe
Hezbollah’s Criminal and Terrorist Operations in Europe September 2, 2018 By Matthew Levitt, Special to AJC After months of often acrimonious deliberations, senior European officials gathered in Brussels in July 2013 to announce that all 28 EU member states had agreed to add Hezbollah's military wing— not the organization itself—to the EU's list of banned terrorist groups. The fiction of making any clear-cut distinction between Hezbollah’s military, political and social activities notwithstanding, European officials pointed to the blacklisting as a shot across the bow coming on the heels of the July 2012 Hezbollah bombing in Burgas, Bulgaria.“This is a signal to terrorist organizations,” German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle warned.“If you attack one of our European countries, you get an answer from all of them.”[1] But today, Hezbollah's military wing is still active across Europe, carrying out a wide range of criminal enterprises geared toward funding and arming the group’s military and terrorist activities and even concocting sporadic terrorist plots. In other words, the EU’s partial ban of Hezbollah has not set back the organization in any way. For some, the Burgas bombing—carried out by a Hezbollah operative with French citizenship—and a plot thwarted in Cyprus just a few days earlier indicated that Hezbollah had returned to the continent after a long operational hiatus. But Hezbollah had never really left Europe. In fact, Hezbollah networks in the region have continued to use Europe as a base to recruit members, raise funds, procure weapons, conduct pre-operational surveillance, and, when feasible, conduct operations without pause for more than thirty years.