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1 LANDSCAPE and URBAN PLANNING ELSEVIER TAMA NEW TOWN, WEST of TOKYO: ANALYSIS of a SHRINKING SUBURB Estelle DUCOM Graduate Scho

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1 LANDSCAPE and URBAN PLANNING ELSEVIER TAMA NEW TOWN, WEST of TOKYO: ANALYSIS of a SHRINKING SUBURB Estelle DUCOM Graduate Scho LANDSCAPE AND URBAN PLANNING ELSEVIER TAMA NEW TOWN, WEST OF TOKYO: ANALYSIS OF A SHRINKING SUBURB Estelle DUCOM1 Graduate School of Systems and Information Engineering Institute of Policy and Planning Sciences University of Tsukuba TSUKUBA, Ibaraki, 305-8573 JAPAN e.mail: [email protected] Tel. 33 (1) 40 46 40 00 Fax :33 (1) 40 46 40 09 1 Present address : Associate Professor Paris 4 Sorbonne University – Institute of geography 191 rue Saint Jacques – 75005 Paris e.mail : [email protected] 1 TAMA NEW TOWN, WEST OF TOKYO: ANALYSIS OF A SHRINKING SUBURB. Abstract: This paper aims at analyzing the process of urban shrinkage in the Japanese frame. It focuses on the case of Tama New town, developed at the end of the sixties 40 km West of Tokyo during a period of demographic boom. Nowadays, this ageing new town is representative of Tokyo’s shrinking suburb. Criteria of shrinkage are defined and tested in Tama. Thus, it is possible to delimit a form of retraction or shrinkage characteristic of that kind of suburb. As a result, applied solutions are proposed, calling into question a model of urbanization (endless urban sprawl) and bringing to the fore new debates concerning reversibility and sustainability of town planning. Key words: new town, suburb, ageing, shrinkage, planning, reversibility. Introduction The traditional Japanese urban model is currently undergoing major transformations. Large cities, which had been continuously sprawling, are now experiencing an adverse process, due to population’s decline (Fujimasa, Furukawa, 2000) and ageing and sluggish land markets (Aveline, 2003, 2004). This began some years ago, but it is now reaching a critical point. It mostly concerns more distant suburbs. According to Yutaka Harada, chief economist at Daiwa Institute of Research Ltd., “a shrinking population will bring a better living environment for each individual in this small crowded country, including fewer commuters on rush-hour trains and greater residential space per person” (The Japan Times, January 1st, 2005). But at a local scale, it raises the question about the effects of urban shrinkage. A notable instance of this is the case of new towns like Kozoji New Town (20 km from Nagoya), Senri (30 km of Osaka), Tama New Town, (35 km West of Tokyo), etc. These new 2 towns were developed by metropolitan governments at the end of the 1960’s, in a context of rapid economic and demographic growth, in order to prevent unplanned urbanization in the suburbs, endless urban sprawl, and to provide a large amount of housing with a good living environment (Homma, 1998). At present, these new towns are becoming old towns and concentrating declining suburbs’ problems: massive population ageing and loss, convulsed neighbourhoods, buildings emptiness, landscape degradation, urban life erosion. This burning issue awaits detailed consideration by the full range of disciplines and professions concerned with cities. The reality of shrinking cities, an increasing phenomenon, has until very recently been overlooked. But research on this topic has been developing in the last five years, especially in Germany (Bontje 2005, Kabisch 2006, Lötscher, 2004, Müller 2003, Oswalt 2006, Weidner, 2004), and it is now possible to understand the impact of urban shrinkage and what strategies of urban transformation can be implemented. The first part of this paper will provide a brief general outline of the shrinking process and of the Japanese case in particular. Then, we will focus on the case of Tama New Town, developed from 1967, 35 km West of Tokyo. We will try to demonstrate to what extent Tama New Town is representative of Japanese shrinking suburbs. As a result, this analysis provides an opportunity to clearly understand the phenomenon. Planning perspectives and propositions to solve this problem are addressed in the third and last part of the paper. I) URBAN SHRINKAGE: INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES A- AN EMERGING PROCESS Urban growth processes and their implications for urban form have been widely analysed. However, until recently, relatively little attention had been given to urban shrinkage, despite its significance at present in many parts of the world: Japan, Korea, Germany, Eastern Europe, United Kingdom, United States…(Oswalt, 2006). Now the issue starts to be studied 3 in details, especially in Germany where the process has already begun (cf references in the introduction). This helps to sharpen the definition. What does one mean by shrinkage? According to the international shrinking cities project group, it is characterized by “a sustained loss in population accompanied by symptoms of economic crisis2”. To avoid a confusion with counter-urbanization, migration beyond the municipal or metropolitan boundaries (Berry, 1976), a morphological criteria could be added. It seems that in European urban models, decreasing suburbanization is necessary to talk about shrinkage. Whereas counter-urbanization implies urban contraction on a local scale by the movement of people and employment away from large cities to places outside the cities, including small towns, villages and rural areas (Berry, 1976), urban shrinkage tends to involve a transfer of population towards centres. According to Müller and Siedentop (2004), in Germany, “as long ago as the mid-1990s, dynamic migration from cities to surrounding areas meant that population decline in core cities was more intensive than in peripheral rural areas. But since 1997 annual population decline in core cities has steadily eased, while not only rural areas nevertheless suburban communities are also shrinking”. For both authors, it raises an important question: “will suburbanisation and dispersion intensity continue to diminish under the specific conditions of demographic decline”? A number of large cities that had been extending their built-up areas over a very long period are now physically contracting, associated with, for example, industrial decline (Pallagst, 2005, Oswalt, 2006), population shrinkage (Fujimasa and Furukawa, 2000), sluggish land markets (Aveline and Ling-Hin, 2004) and political changes (Oswalt, 2006). The forces involved are sometimes acting in concert and sometimes independently. This process of contraction is liable to affect an increasing number of cities in the near future. The phenomenon of shrinkage seems to be a multidimensional and complex process (Pallagst, 2005). 2 World Planning Schools Congress: Diversity and Multiplicity—A New Agenda for the World Planning Community. July 11–16, 2006. Palacio de Minería, Mexico City, Mexico. 4 B- THE JAPANESE CONTEXT In Japan, the traditional urban model is currently undergoing major transformations. “In the postwar period, national and local governments in Japan made their spatial planning policies by assuming ever-growing socioeconomic conditions” (Feldhoff 2005). Until the beginning of the 1990’s, the traditional Japanese urban model was based on both demographic and economic expansion, which led to a huge urban sprawl. But important changes occurred: first, the end of the economic bubble and second, ageing and even population decline since 2005 (Ducom 2007). That is part of the second demographic transition (Van de Kaa, 2002). If the current fertility rate remains (1,24), demographic projections claim that the Japanese population could fall from 127 millions under 100 millions in 20383. Figure 1 illustrates this changing demographic structure. Until recently, the problem of aging and shrinking population was highly present in the countryside. But many urban areas are now facing the same situation. It is new, but according to demographic projections, the trend should last. As a spatial consequence, large cities, which had been continuously sprawling, are now experiencing an adverse process (Flüchter, 2006, Fujii, Yasuyuki, 2006). Even in Tokyo itself, which is still slowly growing (figure 2), remote suburbs are almost not growing any more, whereas the city centre’s population, which had been continuously decreasing since the 1970’s, is now increasing. At very local scales, some areas included in more distant suburbs are now already losing residents (Ducom and Yokohari, 2006). There seems to be a transfer of population towards the city centre, which is currently being ‘densified’ by private developers, encouraged by the law on urban renewal of 2002. Several districts, like Shiodome in Minato-Ku (central Tokyo, figure 3), have recently been transformed from railway terminals to skycraper districts of offices, hotels, restaurants, shops and luxury housing. Such projects, supported by Tokyo metropolitan government, widen the gap 3 Source : Japanese National Institute of Population and Social Security Research 5 between increasingly powerful and compact centres and declining peripheries (Aveline, 2003). Is this “more than a short-term, cyclical interruption of an enduring deconcentration process”? Will demographic shrinkage “diminish suburbanisation”? (Müller, 2003). Despite the deepening problem, planning practitioners continue to concentrate their energy on managing urban renewal and redeveloping city centres, thus exacerbating the problems of distant suburbs. Tama New Town is a typical example of these remote declining suburbs. It illustrates the challenges faced by individuals and organizations, in both the public and private sectors, in addressing the consequences of shrinkage. II) THE PARADOX OF AN OLD NEW TOWN A- OUTLINE OF TAMA NEW TOWN PROJECT Tama New Town is located in the Southwestern part of Tokyo, at a distance
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