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Estudios Clásicos 88 APOPHORETA PHILOLOGICA E. FERNÁNDEZ-GALIANO A SODALIBVS OBLATA (EClás. XXVI-2, núm. 88) ESTUDIOS CLÁSICOS ÓRGANO DE LA SOCIEDAD ESPAÑOLA DE ESTUDIOS CLÁSICOS TOMO XXVI-2 MADRID 1984 EMMANVELIFERNÁNDEZ-GALIANO A SODALIBVS OBLATA PARS ALTERA EDENDI CVRM PRAEBVERVNT LVIS GILET ROSA M. AGVILAR MANTVAE CARPETANORVM A.S. MCMLXXXIV DIRECTOR: LUISGIL SECRETARIA: ROSA M. a AGUILAR Redacción: VITRUBIO, 8 - MADRID (6) ISSN 0014 - 1453 Depósito legal: M. 567 - 1958 EUROPA ARTESGRÁFICAS, S. A. Sánchez Llevot, 1. Teléfono 22 22 50. 37005 Salamanca, 1984 111. BIZANTINÍSTICA Y GRIEGO MODERNO LES RELATIONS CULTURELLES ENTRE L'ITALIE BYZANTINE ET L'ESPAGNE VISIGOTIQUE: LA PRÉSENCE D'EUGIPPIUS DANS LA BIBLIOTHEQUE DE SÉVILLE Rari nantes in gurgite uasto. Le naufrage des Troyens en vue de la cate d'Afrique est un bon symbole de l'état de la documentation qui peut encore nous renseigner sur les circulations culturelles en Méditerra- née occidentale, dans les siecles qui ont suivi les invasions et la chute de 1'Empire d'occident. Ces siecles ont achevé de détendre les liens, des longtemps relachés, non seulement entre l'Orient grec et cet Occident la- tin; mais, dans le cadre plus étroit et apparemment plus homogene de celui-ci, entre les quatre «facades» méditerranéennes de la pars Occiden- tis, disputées entre les nouvelles royautés germaniques au détriment de ciues Romani mal ou point défendus. La plupart ne renoncent pourtant pas de si t6t a la conviction que des milites Romani finiront bien, com- me aux siecles précédents, par bouter hors du territoire impérial ces oc- cupants barbares. Les multiples désordres et incohérences du Ve siecle, les divisions internes et externes qui affectent la majorité de ces ro- yaumes, l'avenement a Constantinople d'un grand prince reconquérant en la personne de Justinien, ont renforcé cette conviction durant au moins toute la premiere moitié du VIe siecle l. Cette vue des choses est sans doute encore plus vraie, si on la prend a partir de la province romaine de Bétique. Les Vandales y ont fait une assez longue étape pour mériter leur nom. Mais si, plus a lYOuest,la si- tuation stratégique de Mérida a t6t retenu les attentions rivales des Sueves et des Gots, la Lusitanie n'est pas la Bétique. Une vocation lon- guement séculaire a ouvert quantité des ports de I'actuelle Espagne méri- dionale a I'Orient, par les «échelles» de la mer Tyrrhénienne et de la Si- l La présente étude constitue le dernier volet d'un triptyque de recherches qui ont ac- compagné la finition de la seconde édition de notre ouvrage sur Zsidore de -ville et la cul- ture classique dans ['Espagne wisigothique, 2e éd. en 3 volumes, Paris, Etudes Augusti- niennes, 1983 (troisikme volume nouveau de motes complémentaires et supplément bibliographique)) = pp. 1015-1244). Le premier volet en a été, a l'occasion du Colloque international sur Cassiodore a Cosenza (Sept. 1983, sous presse), I'étude comparative De Cassiodore 6 Zsidore: les mutations de I'encyclopédisme antique du VIe au VZZe siecle; le epanneau central)), I'étude prosopographique et idéologique d9Isidoreet de sa famille, que j'ai cosignée avec mon élkve Pierre Cazier, sous le titre: Qui a chassé de Carthaginoise Sé- vérianus? Observations sur l'histoire familiale d'zsidore de Séville (sous presse dans les nouveaux Mélanges offerts a C1. Sanchez Albornoz, préparés a Buenos Aires). 10 JACQUES FONTAINE cile, mais aussi de 1'Afrique du Nord et des ?les Baléares. Marchands, idées et livres purent ainsi pénétrer dans toute la Bétique romaine par une route du Nord, passant de la mer a la terre par une rupture de char- ge a Carthagene; ou par une route du Sud, franchissant le détroit de Gibraltar et remontant le bas Baetis. Hispalis avait ainsi, dans une cer- taine mesure, succédé a Tartessos comme centre des échanges cornmer- ciaux maritimes et fluviaux de la Bétique occidentale: déja «para los barcos de mar, Sevilla tiene un camino)) 2. Dans le cours du demi-síkcle qui voit l'empereur d'Orient rétablir son pouvoir a Carthage, d'oii il fait disparaitre le royaume vandale, a Naples, Rome, et Ravenne oii il met fin au pouvoir ostrogotique, a Carthagene ou il prend pied pour secourir Athanagilde contre le roi de Tolede, les Ro- mains de Bétique ont bien des raisons d'espérer le retour définitif du pouvoir impérial sur la péninsule ibérique. 11s peuvent encore se faire des illusions apparemment justifiées sur les réserves de puissance de'cet Empire qui a reconquis 17Afrique,réoccupé une grande partie de l'Italie, installé un gouverneur A Carthagene, l'ancienne capitale de la province romaine de Carthaginoise 3. Placé entre l'arianisme offensif de Liuvigild et la présence des forces de l'empereur romain orthodoxe sur toute la c6te Sud et une par- tie du Levante, un sénateur romain de Bétique peut se sentir, en ce troisieme quart du VIe siecle, dans l'inconfort a la fois prometteur et menacant d'une province oii va se jouer la partie décisive: en quelque sorte sur le front, sinon dans un no man's land entre les nouvelles terres d7Empi- re reconquises, et une Espagne qui est loin d'stre devenue visigotique au sens du VIIe siecle -surtout dans sa partie méridionale-. Une problémati- que encore antique peut paraitre y opposer, avec une acuité renforcée par la politique religieuse d'Agila et de Liuvigild, la barbarie arienne a la ro- manité catholique. Plus pour longtemps, en fait: mais c'est avant de s'effa- cer devant les faits que les illusions se font souvent les plus tenaces. Dans ce contexte mouvant et pour nous si obscur, particulierement dans le domaine des échanges culturels, il faut bien distinguer ceux-ci 2 Sur les variantes de la route Nord (par le Sud ou le Nord de la Sardaigne) et, plus généralement, sur les problhnes maritimes en Méditerranée occidentale au VIe sikcle, je re- mercie Jean ROUGÉde ses renseignements personnels, en sus de son article sur ~Quelques aspects de la navigation en Méditerranée aw Ve-VIe sikcles», dans Cahiers d'histoire 6, 1961, pp. 129-154. Les byzantinologues spécialistes de 1'Italie du Sud laissent de caté une aussi haute époque, ainsi que me l'ont montré les sondages opérés dans les travaux de J. GAYet, plus récemment, d'A. GUILLOU. 3 Sur la province byzantine d9Espagne, sa formation et son histoire, partir de l'étude fondamentale de K. F. STROHEKERsur «Das spanische Westgotenreich und Byzanz», dans Bonner Jahrbücher 163, 1963, pp. 252-274 (réimpr. dans son recueil de travaux Germanen- tum und Spatantike, Artemis Verlag, Zürich, 1965, pp. 207-245). L'ITALIE BYZANTINE ET L'ESPAGNE VISIGOTIQUE 11 des événements politiques: c'est quand le dernier soldat byzantin aura quitté la péninsule que les influences byzantines s'exerceront de maniere croissante sur I'art de 1'Espagne visigotique. D'autre part, la diffusion des oeuvres littéraires, et donc une part importante de ce que nous ap- pelons aujourd'hui les relations culturelles, est affaire d9Église et de personnes privées. Les réseaux des communications politiques, mili- taires, diplomatiques, ne coincident pas forcément avec ceux du com- merce, meme intellectuel. Les envois d'exemplaires personnels, et meme d'«éditions piratew, ont déja une longue histoire, dont nous connais- sons maints exemples des lYEmpirechrétien du IVe siecle. Depuis cette époque, et de maniere croissante, les écrivains sont des clercs ou des moines, et la circulation des livres profite de toutes les occasions offer- tes par les déplacements de caractere religieux: missions hiérarchiques, pelerinages, «tournées» de prédication, assemblées conciliaires, venues diversement motivées ad limina apostolorum, rencontres de saints per- sonnages ou de communautés ascétiques renommées comme celles d7Égypteet de Palestine; pour ne rien dire du port des lettres entre les particuliers 4. 11 faut donc aborder avec une extreme prudence, mais aussi avec une imagination ouverte a tous les possibles, les problemes posés par la diffusion concrete des ouvrages littéraires entre les rivages méditerrané- ens de cet Occident du VIe siecle. Le cas des oeuvres dYEugippius,abbé du monastere de Castellum Lucullanum pres de Naples, propose en la matiere des énigmes tentantes. On ne peut ignorer, d'emblée, qu'il est séparé dYIsidorede Séville a peut pres exactement par un siecle: Eugip- pius dispara2 en 530, et Isidore en 636. Et pourtant, dans la perspecti- ve de notre enquete, Eugippius n'en occupe pas moins sur la carte l'un des sornmets d'un triangle littéraire fascinant. Les deux seuls témoigna- ges un peu développés que nous ayons de son activité littéraire sont en effet ceux de Cassiodore dans ses Institutions, et d'Isidore dans son De uiris illustribus. Le triangle Naples-Vivarium-Séville n'est-il, en l'oc- currence, qu'un trompe-l'oeil, ou pourrait-il servir de base a une série d'hypotheses historiques appuyées aussi sur des indices de fait, qui s'inscrivent effectivement dans des espaces et des temps précis? 4 Dossier toujours utile dans le livre de D. GORCE,Les voyages, I'hospitalité et le port des lettres dans le monde chrétien des ZVe et Vesi$cles, Paris, 1925, et le chapitre sur «La diffusiom du beau livre d'E. ARNS,La technique du livre d'aprks saint Jérhe, Paris, 1953, pp. 129-172. 12 JACQUES FONTAINE Si l'on admet que la premiere édition des Institutions a été publiée en 562 -donc peu apres la naissance d'Isidore 5-, c'est une trentaine d'anné- es apres la mort d'Eugippius que Cassiodore évoque sa personne et son oeuvre. 11 le fait dans le cadre d'une bibliographie des auteurs sacrés, ou les écrivains chrétiens succedent aux auteurs bibliques. Apres Hilaire, Cy- prien, Jérome, Ambroise et Augustin, la (a-écapitulation générale sur le soin a apporter a la lecture de 1'Écriture Sainte)) est précédée d'un long cha- pitre sur cabba Eugippius et abba Denyw 6.
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