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TRADITION OR INVENTION: REMEMBERING and REVIVING MEANING of PLACES Marilyn TRUSCOTT*, Australie / Australia

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TRADITION OR INVENTION: REMEMBERING and REVIVING MEANING of PLACES Marilyn TRUSCOTT*, Australie / Australia Sub-theme B: Impact of change and diverse perceptions Sous-thème B : Impact du changement et perceptions diverses ________________________________________________________________________________________________ Section B2: Diversity of perceptions Session B2 : Diversité des perceptions et des sens ________________________________________________________________________________________________ TRADITION OR INVENTION: REMEMBERING AND REVIVING MEANING OF PLACES Marilyn TRUSCOTT*, Australie / Australia I would like to acknowledge the Nambia people here at Case Study 1 – Rock Art Repainting Mosi Oa Tunya (Victoria Falls) and thank them for their welcome to ICOMOS earlier this week. I also dedicate The first case study is in the far north west of Australia in this paper to colleague Pat Vinnicombe, the South African the extensive Kimberleys. In the wet tropics, this is an and Australian rock art specialist, who died earlier this extensive area of rugged sandstone plateau dissected by year, working on the cause of the protection of rock art in rivers, remote from main population centres (distances), Western Australia. although increasingly it is a destination for Australian and international tourists wanting a wilderness and / or Continuity of intangible cultural values often required a Indigenous Australian experience. For this area is not tangible manifestation. This may be a place where the only rich in natural biodiversity but has a rich and relationship between the physical nature of the place – its longstanding and still vital Aboriginal culture. fabric and the ‘intangible’ associations with that place and the meanings that place has to a group of people have I have explained aspects of the Australian Indigenous continued through time. Such associations and their cultures in past papers at ICOMOS Scientific Symposia, cultural significance are increasingly recognised in which although there were 300 different language groups, national and international systems. For example, Uluru- do have some overall similarities in their spiritual Kata Tjuta Naitonal Park was recognised in 1994 as World relationship people to ‘Country’ (a term applied to the Heritage for its spiritual landscape, manifested by land). Am Aboriginal community does not own the land, associated ceremony, song and dance. rather it ‘owns’ them, for they have a major obligation to the wellbeing of the land and the ancestral ‘Dreaming’ Elsewhere a continuity of the relationship of intangible figures who created the land. The term ‘Dreaming’ is a value and place is disrupted, often due to changes that are poor one to describe the Aboriginal cosmological imposed from outside. The intangible connection to that explanation of the environment. Whilst to others it may place is at risk of breaking, and may need to be revived in appear as a ‘natural landscape’, it is in fact a cultural order to continue. What does revival mean in terms of the landscape, for every hill, every waterhole, every feature is authenticity and integrity of a heritage place? the result of the actions and interaction of these creator beings as they travelled through the landscape and This paper examines two cases in Australia where the formed it. The meanings attached to these actions are revival of community intangible values has resulted in understood at many levels from stories for children, with physical manifestations that have had mixed and lessons to them of behaviour of what to do or not to do – contrasting receptions. The first example is that of the often this level is passed on to tourists – to deep repainting of the Wandjina rock art sites of the Kimberley philosophical lessons that are secret and sacred. These last region of North West Australia in 1987 by the Indigenous are only revealed to initiates at various levels, and only to community using a federal government employment those with responsibility as traditional owners or fund. The second case is that of the building of a ‘replica’ custodians for the special sites and places that reveal the mountain hut in the alpine region of North East Victoria. I creation story. These custodians may be men or women have had dealings with both projects. (Figure 1 – location and other places are special men’s or women’s sites. of both case studies) Aboriginal people do not have ‘linear time’ in their In both cases, fabric has been altered or created as part of culture, the ‘Dreaming’ is still living and current, and this cultural revival, and has raised issues relating to therefore dangerous to those who are not initiated in how potential conflicts between the management of tangible to behave at such a sacred site. Certain rituals are and intangible values. In presenting these two cases and required; these may include painting and repainting of briefly comparing them to others elsewhere, I shall look at some of those places to maintain the health of such a site the possible tensions or conflicts that may arise in the and the creator being, who is understood to dwell within management of the associations and meanings at these its image in the rock. (Sale 1993) places. To Western scientific systems, Aboriginal people first arrived in Australia some 60,000 years ago, and archaeological and new scientific dating techniques show that repainting is a very long practice. European settlement of this area was late (lat 19th century) and is still sparse – primarily for vast cattle stations. Place – memory – meaning: preserving intangible values in monuments and sites La mémoire des lieux – préserver le sens et les valeurs immatérielles des monuments et des sites Sub-theme B: Impact of change and diverse perceptions Sous-thème B : Impact du changement et perceptions diverses ________________________________________________________________________________________________ As a result, Aboriginal customary practice was little …We are proud of our effort and believe the job has been well changed until in 1967, labour laws were changed that done… required employers to pay Aboriginal workers – stockmen, domestic staff, drovers (men and women), Since then although cultural revival is strong and crocodile and buffalo hunters the same wage as non- emerging modern expressions of Ngarinyin culture in Aboriginal workers. Some pastoralists asked the music and dance are vibrant and reflect cultural Aboriginal to leave the cattle station as they could or continuity, ceremony and ritual have once again lapsed. would not pay them. In leaving, usually for coastal towns, they were leaving their land and were unable to fulfil On the other hand elsewhere in Australia, Aboriginal their sacred duty to the ‘Country’. communities have sought to re-paint rock art, or even paint new rock art, including in areas where cultural One or the best known rock art styles in the Kimberley is traditions have been disrupted for more than 200 years. A of the Wandjina, representation of spirit figures, large strong drive for such cultural revival has been in order to round-eyed mouthless anthropomorphic figures with a provide their youth with a cultural understanding in the radiating head-dress. These were first recorded by a face of despair, high unemployment and socio-economic European in 1836; they were also ‘interpreted’ by van difficulties (see Truscott 1993) Daniken as astronauts in his ‘fantasies’ of cultures introduced from outer space. To the local Aboriginal In this case study, we see how an attempt to revive a culture, the Ngarinyin people, they are ancestral beings tradition, and one that had the full community’s support, that control the weather. Other figures in this rock art fell foul of notions held by some outsiders of how such style, include identifiable zoomorphic and biological heritage should look. Those complaints by people outside figures (Figure 2). the Ngarinyin community held more sway with funding agencies and to some degree the heritage experts, many of In 1987 the media headlines blazed: ancient rock art defaced, whom were deeply divided about the re-painting, and age old culture of all mankind damaged etc. A pastoralist had who should decide about such matters. The Ngarinyin to raised the alarm at the repainting of the rock art on his whom the rock art was an important physical property (cattle station), maintaining that a federally manifestation of culture, but even more importantly, an funded employment program was used to take young intangible symbol of cultural continuity, were broadly people back to their original ‘Country’ to repaint their ignored. This would not be the case in Australia some 15 heritage rock art sites. He claimed that young town dwellers years later where there is a far greater acknowledgment of of both sexes, without supervision, with housepaint obliterated Indigenous intangible values and rights to self- past motifs, trivialising their significance and adding determination about their heritage, tangible and inappropriate graffiti (Figure 3). intangible. Although from the outset, it was understood that the Case Study 2 – Craig’s Hut pastoralist who had raised concerns about visitors preferring the ‘ancient-looking’, had interests in The second example is at the far opposite end of Australia developing tourism to the sites himself, the federal in the far south east of the mainland, in the alpine region, heritage agency was obliged to investigate, as did the and was also presented in late November 2002 at state heritage agency. Although the concerns were found Australia ICOMOS’ celebration of the International Year to be largely groundless
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