Japanese Journal of Human Geography 65―6（2013）

“Concentrated Ethnic Towns” and “Dispersed/ Assimilated Ethnic Towns” : Regional Disparities in the Formation and Development of Ethnic Towns ― Case Studies of Brazilian Residents in

KATAOKA Hiromi Kinki Univercity

Abstract This paper examines the founding and development of two Brazilian ethnic towns in Japan following the 1990 amendment to the Immigration Act. The structures of these towns fall into two patterns. The first is the “concentrated ethnic town,” which comprises a dense cluster of ethnic businesses, making its ethnic character highly visible. The second is the “dispersed/ assimilated ethnic town,” one whose ethnic nature is not evident. The factors that generate these variations include town scales, the locations of ethnic shops within business clusters, the division of social capital among entrepreneurs or between them and their host societies, and shop locations in relation to ethnic residential areas.

Key words : ethnic town, ethnic business, Brazilian residents, City, Oizumi Town

I Introduction

When we hear the words “ethnic town,” we tend to think of an area within a district characterized by a large ethnic minority population and possessing a high concentration of businesses developed by members of that ethnic group. In Japan, however, even in areas with a large ethnic minority population, there are no such large-scale clusters of ethnic businesses. In other words, ethnic neighborhoods in Japan lack the elements of a “typical” ethnic town. “Ethnic towns” are not simply neighborhoods housing a high concentration of ethnic minority residents or a cluster of ethnic businesses. Rather, they are places hugely influenced by a range of variables relating to the particular ethnic group and undergo changes in their landscape accordingly. Ethnic businesses are key elements of any ethnic town. Generally, two things are required for an establishment to be considered an “ethnic business” : the first is the existence of a “compatriot market,” and the second, as Waldinger et al. （2006） contend, is enough “critical mass” to get the ethnic business up and running. However, as evidenced in Figure 1, the number of self-employed people belonging to Japan’s various ethnic groups is not proportional to the size of their compatriot markets. This is particularly true for the Brazilian community. Despite their large population size in Japan, display an extremely low ratio of self- ― 34 ― “Concentrated Ethnic Towns” and “Dispersed/Assimilated Ethnic Towns” : Regional Disparities in the Formation and Development of Ethnic Towns ― Case Studies of Brazilian Residents in Japan（KATAOKA） 495

％ 25

20

15

10

5

0

FigureFigure 1. Ratio 1 Ratioof the Self-employed of the Self-employed in the working population in theby nationality （Source : Higuchi 2012） working population by nationality (Source: Higuchi 2012) employed members compared to other ethnic minority groups. Kataoka（ 2012） analyzed ethnic Brazilian businesses in Japan from several perspectives : the type of goods/services provided, human and social capital, and opportunity building. She then proceeded to highlight weaknesses in building opportunities that originated in the environment surrounding ethnic Brazilian businesses. In ethnic towns, ethnicity is most visible at ethnic business sites ; therefore, the low proportion of business start-ups by members of an ethnic group considerably impacts the development of the ethnic town’s landscape. This discrepancy surrounding ethnic economies not only occurs between different ethnic groups, but also within the same ethnic group. Lo （2006） reveals that the proportion of self- employed people from the same ethnic group varies by area. Thus, although the size of the ethnic market, which is regarded as a primary factor in an ethnic economy, is a precondition for the development of an ethnic town, it is not a necessary and sufficient condition. The formation of an ethnic town involves many other variables. Under the 1990 amendment to the “Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act” （hereafter, the “Immigration Act”）, second- and third-generation Japanese descendants overseas, along with their families, were granted the status of “Spouse or Child of Japanese National” or “Permanent Resident,” meaning that they could live in Japan with no restrictions on their activities. Consequently, a vast number of Brazilians of Japanese descent came to Japan from South America with their families. As the number of Brazilians increased, the host society was drawn to the ethnic businesses they established and developed. Much research on the subject has been undertaken, including work by Ishi（ 1995）, who gave an account of the life of Brazilians and the establishment of ethnic businesses in Japan ; Chiba （2001）, who discussed the development of businesses in Ota City, ; Higuchi and Takahashi（ 1998）, who analyzed entrepreneur supply systems ; Higuchi （2005）, who examined ethnic businesses from the perspective of social network reorganization ; and Kataoka （2004, 2005, 2012）, who surveyed ethnic businesses in Hamamatsu City, . Despite the growth in this field of research, to date no study has explored the development of ethnic Brazilian businesses in areas throughout Japan, nor has this development been analyzed in terms of regional variation. ― 35 ― 496 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 65―6（2013）

In 1998, Urban Geography featured articles on ethnic economies. In one of them, Light（ 1998） pointed out the “spatial aspect” as an essential perspective for any analysis of ethnic economies. In this regard, understanding space as it relates to the development of ethnic economies ― that is, “ethnic towns” ― and then identifying the factors that generate regional variation in spatial development elucidates the structure surrounding an ethnic group in the host society. However, although Light（ 1998） classified the spatial development of ethnic business clusters into “retail- store-type ethnic economies” and “manufacturing-type ethnic economies,” no clarification was provided on the regional differences in spatial development for ethnic businesses within a same group. This paper therefore conducted case studies of two areas in Japan with large Brazilian populations, comparing the spatial development of ethnic Brazilian businesses in both areas. In doing this, we aimed to highlight regional variation between ethnic towns belonging to the same ethnic group. In addition, we considered the structure surrounding an ethnic group in the host society. Regarding the organization of this paper, Chapter II provides an overview of Brazilians in Japan and Chapter III presents two patterns observed among ethnic Brazilian towns. Then, in Chapter IV, the factors that create regional variation between ethnic towns are considered.

II The Rising Brazilian Population in Japan and the Key Characteristics of Brazilian Migration to Japan

At the end of 2012, the number of Brazilian nationals registered as living in Japan totaled 190,581. Since the 1990 amendment to the Immigration Act, the number of Brazilian nationals in Japan continued to increase, albeit with a slight decline in 1998, to 316,967 at the end of 2007. With respect to Brazilians’ forms-of-stay in Japan, in 1990 most immigrants were single male migrant workers. Subsequently, as their stays became lengthier, many invited their families to join them in Japan. In this way, their dependents came to account for a sizeable proportion of Brazilians in Japan. There was also a noticeable increase in the number of second-generation migrants born in Japan. However, the financial crisis triggered by the 2008 Lehman Brothers shock was followed by a drastic decline in job opportunities in Japan, and by an increase in the number of Brazilians returning to . From April 2009 until March 2010, the Japanese government implemented a “Repatriation Assistance Program” that helped unemployed South American nationals return home by funding their travel costs. As a result of this program, the number of Brazilian nationals in Japan, which had surpassed 300,000 in 2005, dipped below 200,000 in 2012. There are certain key characteristics to consider regarding the migration patterns and livelihoods of Brazilians in Japan. We highlight a few of them. One is the high rate of manufacturing workers as compared to other ethnic groups in Japan. More than 80% of Brazilians work on production lines in manufacturing industries, the majority of whom are indirectly employed. This is related to another characteristic, namely that much immigration from Brazil to Japan is “market-mediated,” and involves the “immigration industry” （brokers and similar businesses who match people to jobs in Japan）. Higuchi （2002） explains that in “market-mediated type migration systems,” the flow of migrants is channeled according to the labor market conditions of the host country irrespective of the immigrants’ place of birth, and that it is relatively difficult for social capital to be accumulated. ― 36 ― “Concentrated Ethnic Towns” and “Dispersed/Assimilated Ethnic Towns” : Regional Disparities in the Formation and Development of Ethnic Towns ― Case Studies of Brazilian Residents in Japan（KATAOKA） 497

Aside from this, among the Brazilians in Japan, there are many “repeater type” migrants, who travel back and forth between Japan and Brazil periodically. Moreover, when viewed historically, the inward flow of Brazilians, many of whom are ethnically Japanese, is characterized as “return-flow type” migration ― that is, from Japan to Brazil, then from Brazil back to Japan.

III The Two Patterns of an “Ethnic Town”

In the areas of Japan that are home to large numbers of Brazilians, ethnic businesses targeting Brazilians （hereafter referred to as “Brazilian shops”） were established and developed in tandem with the increase in the Brazilian population. The two case studies are （1） Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture, and（ 2） Oizumi Town, Oura District, Gunma Prefecture. Hamamatsu City has the highest number of registered Brazilian nationals, whereas Oizumi Town has the highest ratio of registered Brazilian nationals of all the municipalities in Japan.

Case Study 1 : Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture, is an industrial city with a total population of 793,311 as of April 1, 2013. Many leading manufacturers of transport equipment and their sub-contractors are located in the city and the municipalities surrounding it. This is a major influencing factor in terms of the increasing number of foreign workers. The number of registered Brazilian nationals in Hamamatsu City increased after the Immigration Act was amended. At the end of March 2008, there were 19,461 Brazilian residents who comprised 2.3% of Hamamatsu’s overall population. Looking back, it is possible to see the beginnings of ethnic business development in Hamamatsu City in the period immediately following the amendment to the Immigration Act in 1990, when Japanese-run food and drink establishments started selling Brazilian food products. During this period, many of the Brazilians arrivals were male migrant workers who lived in company-owned dormitories or houses. After 1992, Brazilians living in Hamamatsu City extended their periods of work to compensate for their decline in income from the economic downturn, which resulted in many of them bringing their dependents to Japan. This led to a rise in demand for Brazilian food products. The years from 1991 to 1994 mark the period when many ethnic businesses were established in Hamamatsu City. During this time, many of the Brazilian shops were small-scale businesses, such as food and drink establishments and grocery/general stores. However, the Brazilian shops did not only provide goods and services ; they served a variety of other functions as well. For example, it was in these Brazilian shops that various types of information on housing, work, and other aspects were accumulated ; diverse services such as interpretation were provided ; and fellow Brazilians communicated with each other. It should be noted that many of the Brazilian shops were located in the city center during this period. At the time, few ethnic businesses existed in other areas in Japan, so while these Brazilian shops were small in scale, they served a wide commercial area that could, thanks to convenient transport, attract the custom of Brazilian people living across a broad territory outside the city. The years 1995 to 1999 marked a period of expansion for the ethnic businesses of Hamamatsu City, and their commercial sphere expanded spatially and socially. Accompanying the substantial increase in the number of registered Brazilian nationals was a sharp rise in the number and variety of business establishments. Aside from shops selling food products and ― 37 ― 498 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 65―6（2013）

general goods, there were now companies, banks, schools, food manufacturing businesses, secondhand car dealerships/repair service providers, and beauty parlors. Thus, the functional differentiation of businesses on the whole had advanced. Moreover, many businesses also extended to the suburbs, including large-scale enterprises such as import companies, secondhand car dealerships/repair service providers, and clothing/general stores. In addition, the emergence of numerous small-scale shops reflected the increasing number of Brazilians living in the suburbs. It should be noted that during this period, the increase in the number of Brazilians staying with dependent status expanded the “non-ethnic goods/services” market, that is, a market where businesses can easily attract the custom of those with low proficiency in the language of the host country. The years from 1999 onwards witnessed the emergence of businesses providing high-level services, such as law firms, event companies, and advertising companies. The increase in the number of businesses occurred along with the development of a functionally differentiated ethnic economy. Having undergone such development, the number of Brazilian shops in Hamamatsu City st totaled around ninety in 2000. However, the first decade of the 21 century marked a turning point ― a period of business closures for the ethnic businesses of Hamamatsu City. The Brazilian community became increasingly polarized during this time ; while there were a growing number of Brazilian residents who desired permanent residence, many began heading back to Brazil as a result of the prolonged economic downturn. More and more of the Brazilian shops in the city closed down, and there were fewer businesses starting up. In particular, the cluster of Brazilian businesses located to the south of the JR Hamamatsu station in the city center has been negatively affected. This cluster is located along the road passing a large Japanese supermarket adjacent to the station, which heads towards the immigration bureau and the public employment security office. However, it has declined in size because of the closure of the large supermarket in 2007 and the relocation of the immigration bureau to the north of the station in 2008. We see therefore that the Brazilians had successfully established and developed their ethnic businesses, but that the rapid contraction of the compatriot market after the 2008 financial crisis put many business owners in a difficult position.

Case Study 2 : Oizumi Town, Gunma Prefecture Oizumi Town had a total population of 40,681 as of the end of March 2013. Together with the city neighboring it, Ota City, it is home to many leading manufacturers of transport and electrical equipment, as well as their sub-contractors. There are many manufacturing-related job opportunities in the area. In 1989, the town’s small and medium businesses got together to form the “The Tomo District Employment Stability Promotion Committee” （which saw its dissolution in 1999）, and began welcoming . At the end of December 2008, Oizumi Town was home to 5,140 Brazilian nationals, or 12.2% of the town’s overall population. Ethnic Brazilian business in Oizumi Town began with the opening of a Brazilian restaurant in the shopping arcade around Tobu Railway Nishi-Koizumi Station in 1990. Following this, various types of businesses were established, reflecting the rise in the number of dependents residing in the area. These businesses included grocery stores, video rental stores, secondhand car dealerships, beauty parlors, and boutiques. Child care centers and large supermarkets opened in 1994. According to Chiba（ 2001）, there were approximately thirty Brazilian shops around 1994, and from 1995 onward, this number increased to ninety-six shops in 1997. The year 1996 marked ― 38 ― “Concentrated Ethnic Towns” and “Dispersed/Assimilated Ethnic Towns” : Regional Disparities in the Formation and Development of Ethnic Towns ― Case Studies of Brazilian Residents in Japan（KATAOKA） 499 the opening of the “Brazilian Plaza” around Nishi-Koizumi Station. The Brazilian Plaza was a large shopping center housing Brazilian shops such as grocery/general stores, restaurants, clothing stores, electrical appliance stores, and beauty parlors. After this, ethnic businesses in Oizumi Town continued to develop with the opening of computer classes, aesthetic salons, internet cafes, and Brazilian schools. These businesses all developed while attracting Brazilian customers living in Ota City and other municipalities in neighboring prefectures. Many of the Brazilian shops of Oizumi Town were concentrated around Nishi-Koizumi Station and along Route 354, which ran past the station entrance. As with other areas in Japan, Northern Kanto was hit by the economic downturn following the 2008 financial crisis. Consequently, the Brazilian population decreased in the region. A shrinking Brazilian market meant that a number of the Brazilian shops in Oizumi Town suffered a loss in business. In addition, fewer people visited the shopping center where many of the businesses had been concentrated. A survey conducted by Oizumi Town officials in 2009 indicated that, in comparison to previous years, most Brazilian shop owners faced changing economic circumstances, including “declining income and sales” and a “declining number of customers.” In Hamamatsu City, the high-concentration zone around JR Hamamatsu Station faded away, and the cluster of Brazilian shops dispersed into small-scale businesses in the suburbs. However, in Oizumi Town, the large-scale cluster of Brazilian shops still exists in the area around Tobu Railway Nishi-Koizumi Station. In the midst of such economic circumstances, Oizumi Town is making good use of the large-scale cluster of Brazilian shops, and new initiatives involving collaboration between the host community and Brazilian shops are beginning to get underway.

Regional Variation in the Locations of Brazilian Shops in Hamamatsu City and Oizumi Town If we take a general view of ethnic Brazilian business development in the two areas studied, we find that although they are similar in terms of the types of goods/services provided and in their development of different types of businesses, they differ substantially with regard to the locations of the Brazilian shops and their clusters. Citing Kaplan（ 1998）, who plotted the spatial development of ethnic economies, Sugiura（ 2011） elucidated the development of Japanese ethnic towns in the United States. This paper also uses Kaplan’s figures to compare the locations of ethnic Brazilian businesses in the two areas studied. Figure 2 shows the location of Brazilian shops in Hamamatsu City, where the Brazilian shops are concentrated in three areas. However, these clusters are small in scale and comprise a number of Brazilian shops dotted around JR Hamamatsu Station, the Brazilian school in the suburbs, and the Brazilian-dominated residential areas also located in the suburbs. Until the early 2000s, many Brazilian shops were concentrated on the south side of JR Hamamatsu Station, but they faded away and this cluster is now extremely small in scale. Figure 3 shows the locations of Brazilian shops in Oizumi Town. In contrast to Figure 2, there are many Brazilian shops concentrated around Tobu Railway Nishi-Koizumi Station. The center of this cluster has shifted slightly from its location in 1996, when it was centered around the Brazilian Plaza on the east side of the station, to its present location around the large Brazilian supermarket on the west side of the station. Irrespective of this slight change, the cluster remains large in scale compared to Hamamatsu City. Moreover, as this cluster zone is located around the station, it is very easy to attract customers from areas outside Oizumi Town. This factor underlies the ability ― 39 ― 500 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 65―6（2013）

ＥＣ ＮＢ ＥＣ

ＥＢ ＥＢ ＥＢ ＥＣ ＥＢ ＮＢ ＥＢ

ＮＢ Hamamatsu station ＮＢ ＥＢ line ＥＢ JR railway ＥＣ ＥＣ

EB: Ethnic Business, EC: Ethnic Customer, NB: Non-ethnic Business

The shaded area indicates the ethnic business cluster zone

Figure 2. Development in the location of ethnic Brazilian businesses in Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture（ 2013） （Source : interview survey）

line ＥＢ

ＥＢ railway obu ＥＣ T ＥＢ ＮＢ ＥＢ ＥＣ Nishi-koizumi station ＥＢ ＥＢ ＥＢ ＥＢ ＥＢ ＥＣ ＥＢ ＥＢ ＥＢ

ＥＢ

EB: Ethnic Business, EC: Ethnic Customer, NB: Non-ethnic Business

The shaded area indicates the ethnic business cluster zone

Figure 3. Development in the location of ethnic Brazilian businesses in Oizumi Town, Gunma Prefecture（ 2013） （Source : interview survey）

― 40 ― “Concentrated Ethnic Towns” and “Dispersed/Assimilated Ethnic Towns” : Regional Disparities in the Formation and Development of Ethnic Towns ― Case Studies of Brazilian Residents in Japan（KATAOKA） 501 of the Brazilian shops in Oizumi to maintain a wide market. In addition, many instances are present in Oizumi Town in which a single multi-tenant building houses a number of Brazilian shops or where a number of Brazilian shops are located next to each other. In contrast, Hamamatsu City has a number of Brazilian shops located in the same area, but these shops are interspersed by Japanese shops, and there are few Brazilian shops located adjacent to each other. Therefore, compared to Hamamatsu City, the locations of fellow Brazilian shops within the cluster zone of Oizumi Town are more closely connected in terms of both area and linearity. Thus, even if they are built by the same ethnic group, different ethnic towns take different forms depending on where they are situated. We see then that there are two patterns to an ethnic Brazilian town. One is the “concentrated ethnic town” witnessed in the close-knit, large- scale concentration of ethnic businesses in Oizumi Town. The other is the “dispersed/ assimilated ethnic town” demonstrated by the small-scale cluster of ethnic businesses of Hamamatsu City, where the outlets/offices of ethnic businesses are dispersed across different areas, mainly surrounding the Brazilian school and the Brazilian residential areas.

IV Factors Comprising the Two “Brazil Towns” : “Concentrated Ethnic Town” and “Dispersed/Assimilated Ethnic Town”

Factors of a “Brazil Town” : The Supply Side The self-employment ratio among resident Brazilians is extremely low compared to other ethnic groups. Waldinger et al.（ 2006） argue that the matter of whether or not it is possible to learn the business skills required for starting businesses while working in the host society is linked to the starting up of business. According to this view, as an extremely large number of the Brazilians in Japan work on production lines in the manufacturing sector, the opportunity structure for ethnic Brazilian businesses is extremely weak. Another factor in the low ratio of self- employment is the difficulty Brazilians face in amassing the social capital required to start a business, bearing in mind that much Brazilian migration is “market-mediated type migration.” Many of the owners of Brazilian shops in Hamamatsu City are immigrants who came to Japan shortly after the Immigration Act amendment. This is similar to the case in Oizumi Town. However, in Oizumi Town, an association of fellow Brazilian entrepreneurs formed the “Japanese Brazilian Commerce and Industry Association”（ Câmara de Comércio e Indústria Japonesa do Brasil）, which contributed to the subsequent development of ethnic businesses in the city. Though the activities of the Japanese Brazilian Commerce and Industry Association have died down, the association was active in publishing information bulletins and pamphlets for Brazilians, organizing events such as samba parades, and carrying out exchanges with local Japanese shopping arcades around the year 2000. There has also been cooperation in Hamamatsu City among fellow Brazilian business people and the establishment of ethnic entrepreneur associations. However, there have been no initiatives comparable to Oizumi Town’s “Year End Sale,” where businesses jointly carry out large-scale sales and promotions. The degree of cooperation between fellow entrepreneurs described here is a key factor in understanding regional variation in the conditions of different ethnic towns of the same ethnic group. Incidentally, Zhou （1998） noted that the places where ethnic businesses of the same ethnic group are located vary according to the type of goods and services they supply. Kataoka（ 2004） ― 41 ― 502 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 65―6（2013）

points out that in Hamamatsu City, large-scale sites such as the Brazilian school and secondhand car dealerships/repairs are located in the suburbs. However, in Oizumi Town, all types of business ― from secondhand car dealerships and grocery/general stores, to tattoo shops and bakeries ― are clustered around Nishi-Koizumi Station. This large-scale clustering of ethnic businesses gives rise to a “visible” ethnic town, and the external economy it creates attracts many entrepreneurs. With regard to the clustering and location of Brazilian shops, the business people of Oizumi Town who run publishing and advertising businesses for Brazilians argue that “Ota City and Hamamatsu City are too large （compared to Oizumi Town）.” Thus, a primary factor determining the state of an ethnic town is the opportunity structure originating on a city scale that enables Brazilian shops to occupy a sizeable commercial area around stations or national highways. An element that must not be overlooked is that ethnic business start-ups need to cooperate with the host society. The Brazilian shops that developed in Hamamatsu City and Oizumi Town were supplemented with various networks available on the host society side. This is particularly true in the case of the Brazilian shops in Oizumi Town ; these businesses had connections with the previously mentioned Tomo District Employment Stability Promotion Committee, as well as the Oizumi International Association and the Oizumi Commerce and Industry Association. These associations provided various types of support to supplement the establishment and development of ethnic businesses. The Tomo District Employment Stability Promotion Committee was a pioneer in building bridges between the Brazilian shops and local residents. For example, it promoted the opening of Brazilian restaurants and encouraged participation in samba parades in the city. On the other hand, the Oizumi International Association capitalized on the “places for compatriots to gather” aspect of Brazilian shops, and utilized them as bases for providing local information to Brazilians. For example, the association hosts “the Meeting for Multicultural Coexistence （Tabunka kyosei kondankai）.” As for the Oizumi Commerce and Industry Association and the Oizumi Tourism Association, they have positioned “Brazil Town” as one of the town’s touristic resources, and are undertaking a range of initiatives in partnership with Brazilian shops. Examples of these initiatives include the hosting of events, the preparation and distribution of “Brazilian Town maps” （Figure 4）, and the hosting of bus tours around the Brazilian shops.

Factors of a “Brazil Town” : the Demand Side Regarding the size of the Brazilian markets in the two studied areas, there are only 4,000 Brazilians in Oizumi Town itself. However, the adjacent cities of Ota City and Isezaki City have roughly the same numbers, with 4,000 and 5,000 individuals respectively. Therefore, when including the surrounding cities, Oizumi Town’s market is equal in scale to that of Hamamatsu City. Yet, Ota City and Isezaki City do not display the large-scale clusters of Brazilian shops seen in Oizumi Town. The cluster of Brazilian shops in Oizumi Town therefore functions as the center of the Brazilian market encompassing these surrounding cities. Kataoka （2005） argues that the plethora of ethnic businesses targeting Brazilian residents in Hamamatsu City helps meet Brazilians’ various needs for goods and services, while at the same time providing a social and cultural function. The social function involves Brazilian shops supplementing ethnic links in the host society that have been weakened by “market-mediation type” migration. They do this by providing “nodal points of information between compatriots” and “points of contact with the host country.” The cultural function involves “preserving and ― 42 ― “Concentrated Ethnic Towns” and “Dispersed/Assimilated Ethnic Towns” : Regional Disparities in the Formation and Development of Ethnic Towns ― Case Studies of Brazilian Residents in Japan（KATAOKA） 503

Figure 4. A map of “Brazil Town” prepared by the Oizumi Tourism Association

transmitting the home country’s culture” and “preserving and cultivating identity” for “repeater type” migrants. This is the same in Oizumi Town, where Brazilian shops play a major role as the nucleus of the ethnic group. In particular, the Brazilian shops of Oizumi Town are strengthening their social function by acting as “points of contact with the host society” through their various projects, which are undertaken in partnership with government and its associated organizations. Incidentally, the external economy created by ethnic business clustering is also an extremely important advantage on the demand side. The area where the large Brazilian supermarket is located is visited by many customers from other prefectures such as is also Christmas for example. Thus, the large-scale cluster of Brazilian shops in Oizumi Town attracts many Brazilian customers from a wide area by functioning as the “Brazil Town” where people can enjoy a Brazilian atmosphere in Japan, and also by becoming what Jones and Simmons （1990） call “the city center for that ethnic group.” The location of the cluster around the station also makes it easier for customers from other prefectures to visit, as they can take advantage of the public transport system. In addition, the density of the clustering of Oizumi Town’s Brazilian shops enables one-stop shopping in various types of Brazilian shops even when traveling by car. There is a relatively high rate of car ownership among Brazilians, so the possibility for one-stop shopping is a major factor determining business development. The longer their stay extends, the more Brazilians assimilate into a Japanese way of life. This is especially apparent in Hamamatsu City, where many Brazilians frequent large Japanese shopping malls and the large Japanese supermarkets located in numerous places in the suburbs. ― 43 ― 504 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 65―6（2013）

There are also many Brazilians who use Japanese supermarkets in residential areas to stock up on their everyday food products. However, the custom opportunities and custom time of Brazilian shops diminishes with the advance of “assimilation that is limited to consumption activities”（ Kataoka 2012）. The Brazilians of Oizumi Town do some of their shopping in Brazilian shops and some in Japanese shops. For example, they make use of the large Japanese shopping mall in Ota City. However, two large supermarkets housing Brazilian shops are located in the Brazilian residential areas, meaning that Brazilian shops have many custom opportunities when it comes to the provision of everyday food products. Thus, proximity between ethnic business clusters and ethnic residential areas is a factor enabling an ethnic town’s continued development. Incidentally, progression into the mainstream economy is required for ethnic businesses to develop continuously alongside the expanding ethnic market. Kataoka （2013a） discussed the attitudes of local residents in the host country toward ethnic business. As part of this discussion, she contends three factors explain why it is difficult for ethnic Brazilian business to progress into the mainstream economy :（ 1） The Brazilian residential areas in Japan are located in regional industrial cities, so there is little demand for ethnic goods from residents in the host society ;（ 2） the Brazilian shops are small in scale, and so residents in the host society find it difficult to make use of them ; and （3） the socioeconomic structure where Brazilians are positioned within the host society is reflected in the way the host society’s residents view Brazilian shops, and so there is no expansion of demand for ethnic goods. However, Jones and Simmons （1990） argue that ethnic business clusters not only attract people from that ethnic group, but also attract residents in the host society who are interested in the ethnic culture and goods. The case of Oizumi Town, which positions “Brazil Town” as a touristic resource, demonstrates that this progression into the mainstream economy is possible.

Ethnic Town Patterns : Determining Factors Table 1 summarizes the state of the two ethnic towns studied. As is evident in the two case studies, a major influencing factor in ethnic business development and ethnic town expansion is a certain degree of clustering of ethnic businesses on the one hand, and cluster density within the cluster area on the other. When ethnic businesses are clustered in such a manner, they make the ethnic town visible as a “concentrated ethnic town,” and form a “place of special significance.” The external economy of a “concentrated ethnic town” will then attract compatriot customers and entrepreneurs from outside the area and generate a “lock-in effect” that further stimulates clustering. Furthermore, such a “concentrated ethnic town” not only offers the general benefits of clustering, but, as seen in the case of Oizumi Town, also generates major benefits by turning the ethnic town into a tourism resource and incorporating the external mainstream economy. The causal factors of this clustering ― that is, the factors that cause the development of a “concentrated ethnic town” ― naturally include the trends of the ethnic market. They also include the city’s scale, which is something that helps ethnic businesses penetrate the areas surrounding stations and along trunk roads. As demonstrated by the case of Oizumi Town, the social capital built up between ethnic business owners and the host society, as well as that which is built up among entrepreneurs, is also a major element. Tsuzuki（ 1999） points out that the entities providing services to registered foreigners differ considerably between Hamamatsu City, Oizumi Town, and Toyota City. Likewise, there is considerable regional variation in the ― 44 ― “Concentrated Ethnic Towns” and “Dispersed/Assimilated Ethnic Towns” : Regional Disparities in the Formation and Development of Ethnic Towns ― Case Studies of Brazilian Residents in Japan（KATAOKA） 505

Table 1. Regional Variation between “Brazil Towns” in Japan

Type Dispersed/Assimilated Type Concentrated Type Example Hamamatsu City Oizumi Town ・Small-scale clusters ＞ Visibility as “ethnic town” : Low ・Large-scale cluster ＞ Visibility as “ethnic town” : Location ・Cluster centers : Station, Brazilian-dominated High residential areas in suburbs, Brazilian school in ・Cluster center : Station, national road suburbs ・Scattered/sparse ＞ Ethnic businesses in cluster ・Area-wide/linear ＞ Dense concentration of ethnic Location of businesses zones are interspersed with non-ethnic businesses businesses in cluster zone within cluster zone ・One-stop shopping （being a patron of various ・One-stop shopping （being a patron of various types of businesses） is difficult types of businesses） is possible ・City scale : Small ・City scale : Large ・Ethnic population density : High City scale/ ・Ethnic population : Large ・Residents do some shopping in ethnic shops in market scale ・Many residents frequent Japanese supermarkets residential areas and some shopping in Japanese and shopping malls located in residential areas shops in neighboring cities ・Close cooperation between fellow entrepreneurs ・Some cases of cooperation between fellow （formation of commerce and industry associations） entrepreneurs, but no commerce and industry ・Joint projects with Japanese shopping arcades association formed, and no joint projects with Social capital ・Organization of projects involving the collaboration Japanese shopping arcades of local government and trade and industry ・Participation in events hosted by local government associations and associated organizations ・“Brazil Town” promoted as a tourism resource way the host society approaches ethnic business. The building of social capital with the host society can potentially lead to ethnic businesses advancing into the mainstream economy. This is a major element determining the continuous development of ethnic businesses and, consequently, the ethnic town.

Which is the Real “Brazil Town” ? We have examined the conditions of ethnic Brazilian towns. Finally, there are some important points to be made about “Brazil towns” in Japan. Kataoka（ 2013b） argues that the “ethnic categorization” of ethnic Brazilian business in Japan is being carried out by both Brazilians and Japanese. A large proportion of the Brazilians who came to Japan after the amendment of the Immigration Act were Japanese-Brazilians, and when viewed from a historical perspective, their immigration constituted “return-flow migration.” Despite this, they are often categorized in Japan as “Brazilians” and are stereotyped as people who love “samba” and “soccer.” However, among the Brazilians residing in Japan, there are many people who led their lives in Brazil as “Japanese.” Brazilian residents’ progressive assimilation that is limited to “consumption activities” and the existence of the “dispersed/assimilated ethnic town” may be attributed to this “lack of Brazilian-ness” among those who came to Japan after the Immigration Act amendment, and so we can consider this an entirely natural phenomenon. When viewed from this perspective, careful attention should be paid to the danger that the existence of the “concentrated ethnic town” may become a causal factor in the ethnic categorization of Japanese Brazilians as “Brazilians.” In addition, if the perspective that regards “an ethnic town as a tourist resource” were to be included, the existence of Japanese Brazilians and their connection to Japan would be obscured by the consumption of “Brazilian culture” through its categorization as a distinct culture. The consequence could be “othering” and “alienation,” which are dangerous. Naturally, as suggested in Allport’s （1954） “contact theory,” the existence of Brazilian shops ― 45 ― 506 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 65―6（2013）

and events that make good use of their clusters is also extremely important for creating contact opportunities with residents of the host society. In addition, the existence of ethnic businesses and ethnic towns should probably be evaluated not only in terms of how they create contact opportunities to engender mutual understanding, but also in terms of their role in the vitalization of the local community. We should continue to consider the potential of ethnic towns both in terms of their negative aspects, namely “othering” and “ethnic categorization,” and also in terms of their positive aspects, “contact opportunity creation” and “local vitalization.”

V Conclusion

This paper has examined the formation and development of ethnic Brazilian towns in Japan following the 1990 amendment to the Immigration Act. This examination has produced the following findings. 1） The Brazilian “ethnic towns” that formed and developed in Japan following the amended Immigration Act can be divided according to two patterns depending on the clustering of ethnic businesses within the ethnic town. The first is the “concentrated ethnic town,” which comprises a dense cluster of ethnic businesses and is therefore highly visible as an ethnic town. The second is the “dispersed/assimilated ethnic town,” which is not very visible as an ethnic town. 2） The factors that generate regional variation in the state of ethnic towns include city scale, location of ethnic shops within the ethnic business cluster, social capital among fellow entrepreneurs or between the host society and entrepreneurs, and also their location in relation to the residential areas of that ethnic group. The degree of ethnic business clustering typical of the “concentrated ethnic town” generates an external economy, and makes it easy to attract compatriot customers from a wide area and to progress into the external mainstream market. 3） However, many Brazilians who came to Japan after the amended Immigration Act were Japanese-Brazilians. There is a danger that an excessive focus on the Brazilian community as “Brazil Town” may give rise to ethnic categorization and lead to the “othering” and exclusion of an ethnic group. For this reason, when discussing the making of “ethnic towns” into tourism resources, a full examination is needed of both the positive aspects of local resources, as well as their negative aspects. This study compared a city with the highest registered Brazilian population in Japan and a city with the highest ratio of Brazilians, and was able to distinguish two types of “ethnic towns.” There is a need in the future to conduct studies over a wider area and, as part of this endeavor, to analyze regional variation in the state of ethnic towns, elucidate the causal factors underlying it, and examine the challenges related to ethnic towns and the potential they hold for the host community.

Acknowledgment This work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Numbers 21242032, 23242052.

References Allport, G. W.（ 1954） The nature of prejudice. Cambridge : Addison-Wesley.

― 46 ― “Concentrated Ethnic Towns” and “Dispersed/Assimilated Ethnic Towns” : Regional Disparities in the Formation and Development of Ethnic Towns ― Case Studies of Brazilian Residents in Japan（KATAOKA） 507

Chiba, T.（ 2001） From a town of migrant labor to “Brazil Town” : Changes in two towns where Japanese-Brazilians work ― Ota and Oizumi, Gunma Prefecture. In Perspectives of Area Studies, eds. T. Koganezawa et al. 24 ―51. Taimei-do.（ In Japanese） Higuchi, N. and Y. Takahashi（ 1998） The ethnic businesses of Brazilians in Japan : Focusing on the development of an entrepreneur supply system and market expansion. Ibero-America Research, 20―1 : 1―15.（ In Japanese） Higuchi, N.（ 2002） Organizational basis of international migration : Toward a comparative analysis of migration sys- tems. Sociology, 47 : 55―71.（ In Japanese） Higuchi, N.（ 2005） The formation of an immigrant community ? In Invisible residents : Japanese Brazilians vis-a-vis the state, the market and the immigrant network, eds. Kajita, T., K. Tanno and N. Higuchi, 206 ―237. : Nagoya University Press.（ In Japanese） Higuchi, N.（ 2012） Ethnic business in Japan. Kyoto : Sekai Shisosya.（ In Japanese） Ishi, A.（ 1995） The emergence of “migrant businesses” and changes in the living environment : From the perspective of dietary lifestyle, leisure, media, etc. ed. M. Watanabe, Joint Research, Migrant Japanese-Brazilians（ Part 1）, Collection of Articles, Work and Life. 241 ―287. Akashi Shoten.（ In Japanese） Jones, K. and J. Simmons（ 1990） The retail environment. London : Routledge. Kaplan, D. H.（ 1998） The spatial structure of urban ethnic economies. Urban Geography, 19 : 489―501. Kataoka, H.（ 2004） The formation and development of ethnic business and local community in Hamamatsu. Annals of the Japan Association of Economic Geographers, 50―1 : 1―25.（ In Japanese） Kataoka, H.（ 2005） Development of ethnic solidarity based on ethnic businesses : The Brazilian community in Ham- amatsu City, Japan. Geographical Review of Japan, 78―6 : 387―412.（ In Japanese） Kataoka, H.（ 2012） Brazilians : Changing ethnic business. In Ethnic business in Japan, ed. N. Higuchi, 103―132. Kyo- to : Sekai Shisosya.（ In Japanese） Kataoka, H.（ 2013a） Cross-cultural contact in the host society : The attitudes and experiences of local residents to- wards ethnic businesses in Hamamatsu City prior to 2007. Journal of Linguistic and Cultural Studies, 40 : 149― 176.（ In Japanese） Kataoka, H.（ 2013b） Being workers, being from another country, and being ordinary people : Considering “multicul- tural coexistence” from an “ethnic business” perspective, Ikoma Journal of Economics, 11 ―1 : 115―131. Light, I.（ 1998） Maturation of the ethnic economy paradigm. Urban Geography, 19 : 577―581. Lo, L.（ 2006） Changing geography of Toronto’s Chinese ethnic economy, D. H. Kaplan and W. Li eds., Landscapes of the Ethnic Economy. 83-96. Maryland : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Sugiura, T.（ 2011） A model of ethnic town formation and development applied to four Japantowns, or concentrated Japanese ethnic business communities, in America. Quarterly Journal of Geography, 63 : 125―146.（ In Japa- nese） Tsuzuki, K.（ 1999） Who has accepted the Japanese-Brazilians ? : Case studies of the acceptance of the Japanese-Bra- zilians in TOYOTA City, OIZUMI-Cho and HAMAMATSU City. Aichi Gakusen University, Community Poli- cy Department Bulletin, No. 2 : 127―146.（ In Japanese） Waldinger, R. et al.（ 2006） Ethnic entrepreneurs : Immigrant business in industrial societies. Newbury Park : Sage Publications. Zhou, Y.（ 1998） Beyond ethnic enclaves : Location strategies of Chinese producer service firms in Los Angeles. Eco- nomic Geography, 74―3 : 228―251.

― 47 ―