Japanese Journal of Human Geography 65―6（2013） “Concentrated Ethnic Towns” and “Dispersed/ Assimilated Ethnic Towns” : Regional Disparities in the Formation and Development of Ethnic Towns ― Case Studies of Brazilian Residents in Japan KATAOKA Hiromi Kinki Univercity Abstract This paper examines the founding and development of two Brazilian ethnic towns in Japan following the 1990 amendment to the Immigration Act. The structures of these towns fall into two patterns. The first is the “concentrated ethnic town,” which comprises a dense cluster of ethnic businesses, making its ethnic character highly visible. The second is the “dispersed/ assimilated ethnic town,” one whose ethnic nature is not evident. The factors that generate these variations include town scales, the locations of ethnic shops within business clusters, the division of social capital among entrepreneurs or between them and their host societies, and shop locations in relation to ethnic residential areas. Key words : ethnic town, ethnic business, Brazilian residents, Hamamatsu City, Oizumi Town I Introduction When we hear the words “ethnic town,” we tend to think of an area within a district characterized by a large ethnic minority population and possessing a high concentration of businesses developed by members of that ethnic group. In Japan, however, even in areas with a large ethnic minority population, there are no such large-scale clusters of ethnic businesses. In other words, ethnic neighborhoods in Japan lack the elements of a “typical” ethnic town. “Ethnic towns” are not simply neighborhoods housing a high concentration of ethnic minority residents or a cluster of ethnic businesses. Rather, they are places hugely influenced by a range of variables relating to the particular ethnic group and undergo changes in their landscape accordingly. Ethnic businesses are key elements of any ethnic town. Generally, two things are required for an establishment to be considered an “ethnic business” : the first is the existence of a “compatriot market,” and the second, as Waldinger et al. （2006） contend, is enough “critical mass” to get the ethnic business up and running. However, as evidenced in Figure 1, the number of self-employed people belonging to Japan’s various ethnic groups is not proportional to the size of their compatriot markets. This is particularly true for the Brazilian community. Despite their large population size in Japan, Brazilians display an extremely low ratio of self- ― 34 ― “Concentrated Ethnic Towns” and “Dispersed/Assimilated Ethnic Towns” : Regional Disparities in the Formation and Development of Ethnic Towns ― Case Studies of Brazilian Residents in Japan（KATAOKA） 495 ％ 25 20 15 10 5 0 FigureFigure 1. Ratio 1 Ratioof the Self-employed of the Self-employed in the working population in theby nationality （Source : Higuchi 2012） working population by nationality (Source: Higuchi 2012) employed members compared to other ethnic minority groups. Kataoka（ 2012） analyzed ethnic Brazilian businesses in Japan from several perspectives : the type of goods/services provided, human and social capital, and opportunity building. She then proceeded to highlight weaknesses in building opportunities that originated in the environment surrounding ethnic Brazilian businesses. In ethnic towns, ethnicity is most visible at ethnic business sites ; therefore, the low proportion of business start-ups by members of an ethnic group considerably impacts the development of the ethnic town’s landscape. This discrepancy surrounding ethnic economies not only occurs between different ethnic groups, but also within the same ethnic group. Lo （2006） reveals that the proportion of self- employed people from the same ethnic group varies by area. Thus, although the size of the ethnic market, which is regarded as a primary factor in an ethnic economy, is a precondition for the development of an ethnic town, it is not a necessary and sufficient condition. The formation of an ethnic town involves many other variables. Under the 1990 amendment to the “Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act” （hereafter, the “Immigration Act”）, second- and third-generation Japanese descendants overseas, along with their families, were granted the status of “Spouse or Child of Japanese National” or “Permanent Resident,” meaning that they could live in Japan with no restrictions on their activities. Consequently, a vast number of Brazilians of Japanese descent came to Japan from South America with their families. As the number of Brazilians increased, the host society was drawn to the ethnic businesses they established and developed. Much research on the subject has been undertaken, including work by Ishi（ 1995）, who gave an account of the life of Brazilians and the establishment of ethnic businesses in Japan ; Chiba （2001）, who discussed the development of businesses in Ota City, Gunma Prefecture ; Higuchi and Takahashi（ 1998）, who analyzed entrepreneur supply systems ; Higuchi （2005）, who examined ethnic businesses from the perspective of social network reorganization ; and Kataoka （2004, 2005, 2012）, who surveyed ethnic businesses in Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture. Despite the growth in this field of research, to date no study has explored the development of ethnic Brazilian businesses in areas throughout Japan, nor has this development been analyzed in terms of regional variation. ― 35 ― 496 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 65―6（2013） In 1998, Urban Geography featured articles on ethnic economies. In one of them, Light（ 1998） pointed out the “spatial aspect” as an essential perspective for any analysis of ethnic economies. In this regard, understanding space as it relates to the development of ethnic economies ― that is, “ethnic towns” ― and then identifying the factors that generate regional variation in spatial development elucidates the structure surrounding an ethnic group in the host society. However, although Light（ 1998） classified the spatial development of ethnic business clusters into “retail- store-type ethnic economies” and “manufacturing-type ethnic economies,” no clarification was provided on the regional differences in spatial development for ethnic businesses within a same group. This paper therefore conducted case studies of two areas in Japan with large Brazilian populations, comparing the spatial development of ethnic Brazilian businesses in both areas. In doing this, we aimed to highlight regional variation between ethnic towns belonging to the same ethnic group. In addition, we considered the structure surrounding an ethnic group in the host society. Regarding the organization of this paper, Chapter II provides an overview of Brazilians in Japan and Chapter III presents two patterns observed among ethnic Brazilian towns. Then, in Chapter IV, the factors that create regional variation between ethnic towns are considered. II The Rising Brazilian Population in Japan and the Key Characteristics of Brazilian Migration to Japan At the end of 2012, the number of Brazilian nationals registered as living in Japan totaled 190,581. Since the 1990 amendment to the Immigration Act, the number of Brazilian nationals in Japan continued to increase, albeit with a slight decline in 1998, to 316,967 at the end of 2007. With respect to Brazilians’ forms-of-stay in Japan, in 1990 most immigrants were single male migrant workers. Subsequently, as their stays became lengthier, many invited their families to join them in Japan. In this way, their dependents came to account for a sizeable proportion of Brazilians in Japan. There was also a noticeable increase in the number of second-generation migrants born in Japan. However, the financial crisis triggered by the 2008 Lehman Brothers shock was followed by a drastic decline in job opportunities in Japan, and by an increase in the number of Brazilians returning to Brazil. From April 2009 until March 2010, the Japanese government implemented a “Repatriation Assistance Program” that helped unemployed South American nationals return home by funding their travel costs. As a result of this program, the number of Brazilian nationals in Japan, which had surpassed 300,000 in 2005, dipped below 200,000 in 2012. There are certain key characteristics to consider regarding the migration patterns and livelihoods of Brazilians in Japan. We highlight a few of them. One is the high rate of manufacturing workers as compared to other ethnic groups in Japan. More than 80% of Brazilians work on production lines in manufacturing industries, the majority of whom are indirectly employed. This is related to another characteristic, namely that much immigration from Brazil to Japan is “market-mediated,” and involves the “immigration industry” （brokers and similar businesses who match people to jobs in Japan）. Higuchi （2002） explains that in “market-mediated type migration systems,” the flow of migrants is channeled according to the labor market conditions of the host country irrespective of the immigrants’ place of birth, and that it is relatively difficult for social capital to be accumulated. ― 36 ― “Concentrated Ethnic Towns” and “Dispersed/Assimilated Ethnic Towns” : Regional Disparities in the Formation and Development of Ethnic Towns ― Case Studies of Brazilian Residents in Japan（KATAOKA） 497 Aside from this, among the Brazilians in Japan, there are many “repeater type” migrants, who travel back and forth between Japan and Brazil periodically. Moreover, when viewed historically, the inward flow of Brazilians, many of whom are ethnically Japanese, is characterized