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~I ~ Yotfl'lto..Aaia- \\ Fefmihibtiom Ctf Jar SEARCHING FOR HOME ABROAD Japanese Brazilians and Transnationalism Edited by JEFFREY LESSER Duke University Press Durham and London 2003 ~i ~ yOtfl'lto..AAiA- \\ FefMiHibtioM ctf Jar"ese £aii Iituv ~ y M~j ,(;tit'(M. ~ Jry;tIM- )1/ r. 1G3 - ZbO . CONTENTS Acknowledgments· ix Glossary· xi JEFFREY LESSER· I Introduction: Looking for Home in All the Wrong Places JEFFREY LESSER· 5 Japanese, Brazilians, Nikkei: A Short History ofIdentity Building and Homemaking SHUHEI HOSOKAWA· 21 Speaking in the Tongue of the Antipode: Japanese Brazilian Fantasy on the Origin ofLanguage KOICHI MORI ·47 IdentityTransformations among Okinawans and Their Descendants in Brazil Interlude KAREN TEl YAMASH ITA· 67 Circle K Rules ANGELO ISHI • 75 Searching for Home, Wealth, Pride, and "Class": Japanese ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Brazilians in the "Land ofYen" JOSHUA HOTAKA ROTH· 103 Urashima Taro's Ambiguating Practices: The Significance of Overseas Voting Rights for Elderly Japanese Migrants to Brazil TAKEYUKI (GAKU) TSUDA· 121 Homeland-less Abroad: Transnational Liminality, Social Alienation, and Personal Malaise Like many academic collections, Searching for Home Abroad has wandered down (or perhaps up) a long road on its way to completion. The authors worked KEIKOYAMANAKA· 163 ~ very hard on their chapters, and we all benefited greatly from careful readings Feminization ofJapanese Brazilian V by Dr. Lane Hirabayashi and an anonymous reader for Duke University Press. Labor Migration to Japan Dr. Hirabayashi was a splendid colleague throughout the preparation ofthis manuscript, reading some ofthe material more than once and always insist­ DANIEL T. LINGER· 201 ing that we bring the work to a higher level. His attention to d~tail and his Do Japanese Brazilians Exist? superb critiques were crucial to the intellectual labor ofthis volume and I, in the name ofall the authors, thankhim for his efforts. While each authorwas re­ Contributors· 215 sponsible for her/his own translation and transliteration, I would like to thank Index· 217 Joshua Hotaka Roth, who, like me, was in Sao Paulo conducting research dur­ ing much ofthe final preparation ofthis manuscript. He was a constant help in translating material from Japanese to English and working with me in the final editing ofsome ofthe chapters. In the early stages ofthe project, Jayme (Akers) Feagin ofthe department ofhistory at Emory University was very help­ ful in the preparation ofthe manuscript. Special thanks go to Ryan Lynch, also ofthe department ofhistory at Emory University, for her invaluable help in the final stages in the preparation ofthe manuscript. Finally, I would like to thank Valerie Millholland for her support of this project, Miriam Angress and Leigh Anne Couch for their help with my constant questions, and Patricia Mickelberry for a magnificent job ofcopy-editing this volume. KE! KO YAMANAKA Feminizationof Japanese Brazilian Labor Mi9rationto Japan In January 1998, on a Sunday afternoon in Hong Kong, I witnessed tens of thousands of Filipina housemaids congregated in parks, on sidewalks, and be­ tweenbuildings, celebrating their day off. Clustered in every possible space, they sat on plastic sheets to spend hours picnicking, chatting with friends,and exchanging letters and photos fromhome. It was a scene both astonishing and saddening. These foreignwomen are temporary workers on contract, serving Hong Kong's middle-class households as live-inmaids who cook meals, clean houses, and tend children fortheir employers. In exchange they receive wages that are beyond reach in their home country.The personal costs of this work in the alien environment are, however, heavy. As Nicole Constable (1997) reports in her ethnographic study of these immigrant women, lack of personalfree­ dom, exacerbated by separation forextende d periods of time from their own families, is demoralizing. The sight of the Filipina maids in Hong Kong struckme at once with its sharp contrast to the situation,1 familiarto me, of Japanese Brazilianw omen in Japan employed in factories, living as they do with their families in small but com­ fortableapartments. Like the Filipinas in Hong Kong, they are of third-world origin, having migrated to a first-world country where they provide cheap and expendable contract labor. Unlike the Filipinas in Hong Kong, however, they are immigrants with ancestral ties to the host country and are therefore en­ titled by law to live andwork in Japan with their families.That being the case, it remains to be explained why Nikkeijin women in Japan are factoryworkers ac­ companied by their families,whereas Filipinas inHong Kong are housemaids who have lefttheir families behind. of 164 • KtikoYamanaka Feminization Labor • 165 What followsis a case study of the feminization of Japanese Brazilian labor tion policies and practices have resulted in patterns of immigration that vary migration to Japan in the context of female migration throughout the Asia­ by industry, occupation, legalstatus, visa category,nationality, ethnicity, and 0 Pacificin the 199 s. Underlying the entire analysis is the fact that Japan's immi­ gender. 0 gration policy prohibits employment of unskilled foreignerswhich, at the peak During the 198 s economic restructuring accelerated in Singapore, Hong 0 of the economic boom in 199 , prompted the government to admit Nikk�ijin Kong, and Taiwan, as a result of which dependence on foreign labor in manu­ and their familiesas legal residents-because they were not regarded as en­ facturing industries declined. Meanwhile, the demand for female domestic 00 000 tirely foreign-forup to three years. As a result, by 1996 some 2 , of these helpers grew considerably, as an increasing number of middle-class women 0 return migrants, 4 percent of them females,had arrived fromBrazil, as well as entered the labor force.Consequently, gender emerged as a criticalfactor shap­ smaller numbers fromother Latin American countries. Most of them obtained ing the demographic and occupational profiles of their foreign labor forces work in small- to middle-scale manufacturingindustries. (Shah et al. 1991; Filipino Migrant Workers 1994; Cheng 1996; Lim and Oishi FEMINIZATION OF REGIONAL MIGRATION IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC 1996; Wong 1996; Yeoh et al. 1999). Table 1 shows occupation and immigra­ tion characteristics oflegal female immigrantworkers in fivelabor-importing MigrationPatterns countries: Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, Malaysia, and Japan. 0 In the 198 s Hong Kong moved much of its production to southern China By themid-199os the Asia-Pacific,with a migrant population estimated at more where abundant, inexpensive migrant labor was available, while the foreign one of the most active sites of international labor maid population increased within the colony. By the mid-199os Hong Kong thanfive million, had become 0 0 migration in the world (Yamanaka 1999). This was due to its rapidly developing employed more than 152, 0 foreign maids, mostly fromthe Philippines, ac­ economy and the increasing regional integration that resulted in growing eco­ counting for 76 percent of its entire immigrant population. The remaining nomic disparity between a few rich countries and their many poor neighbors. 24 percent were mostlymale workers engaged in large construction projects. The five developed countries with mature economies-Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Likewise, in Singapore during the same period, there were 81,000 female do­ ently import labor, whereas the two coun­ mestics accounting for23 percent of the migrant workforce. Taiwane mployed Hong Kong, and Singapore-curr 000 recently-Malaysiaand Thailand-importlabor and some 17, foreignw omen in both private homes and convalescent hospitals, tries that developed most 0 surplus labor. Most neighbors of these seven labor im­ which constituted 1 percent of all contract laborers in the country. simultaneously export 00 000 portersin East, Southeast, and South Asia sufferfrom stagnant economies and Malaysia harbored about 1 , female migrants working as domestics on large populations, and thereforeex port surplus unskilled labor, while import- contract, mostly from Indonesia, accounting for 14 percent of the legal mi­ ing none. grant population. Moreover, Malaysia and neighboring Thailand hosted a large The seven labor-importing countries differsignificantly from one another but unknownnumber of illegal migrants fromMyanmar, Indonesia, and other in the histories of their nation-states, levels of industrialization, demographic nearby nations (Pillai 1995; Sussangkarn 1995). In both countries, females, profiles, and ethnic relations. Immigration policies and enforcement mecha­ most of them engaged in domestic service, sex industries, and other compo­ nisms differaccordingly (Yamanaka 1999). Singapore, Hong Kong, and Tai­ nents of the informale conomy, com prised a substantialproportion of the ille­ wan import unskilled labor through an officiallysanctioned front-door policy gal, undocumented population (Hugo 1993; Stern 1996; Asia Watch19 93). De­ comprising a number of state-run contractwor ker programspromulgated to spite growing public and international concern for their health and human benefitlabor short industries. Malaysia and Thailand also admit unskilled for­ rights, accurate informationis not yet available,nor haveeffectiv e public poli­ eigners on legalc ontract, but their porous national borders comprise a "loose cies addressed the dire needs of immigrant women working under substandard door" through which a much larger number of foreigners enter unnoticed. In conditions in Southeast
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