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Non-Institutionalised Lay Religious Communities in the Czech Republic and the Care for the Ill Strategy

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Non-Institutionalised Lay Religious Communities in the Czech Republic and the Care for the Ill Strategy International Journal of Social Science Studies Vol. 1, No. 1; April 2013 ISSN 2324-8033 E-ISSN 2324-8041 Published by Redfame Publishing Non-institutionalised Lay Religious Communities in the Czech Republic and the Care for the Ill Strategy Jan Váně1 1Department of Sociology, Faculty of Philosophy and Arts, University of West Bohemia, Czech Republic Correspondence: Jan Váně, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Philosophy and Arts, University of West Bohemia, Avalon, Poděbradova 1, 306 14 Plzen, Czech Republic. E-mail: [email protected] Received: January 10, 2013 Accepted: February 25, 2013 Available online: February 22, 2013 doi:10.11114/ijsss.v1i1.74 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v1i1.74 This study is supported by the “Institutional support for long-term development of organization – Department of Sociology – UWB” grant. Abstract The objective of this study is to focus on how two non-institutionalised lay religious communities in the Czech Republic, selected for this research, apply an adaptation strategy called the care for the ill strategy. The aim is to demonstrate the way these communities view the phenomenon of health/illness and how it is reflected in their relationship to the Catholic Church. This paper is part of a larger ethnographic study that analyses activities carried out by non-institutionalised religious communities active in the Catholic environment. Keywords: Catholic Church in the Czech Republic, non-institutionalised communities, care for the ill strategy 1. Introduction Jose Casanova, a scholar working in the field of sociology of religion, has pointed out that in late modern societies religion has vacated the private sphere to which it had been confined earlier and is now entering the undifferentiated sphere of civil society, where it is involved in the fight over the legitimacy of society, including the conflicts over the redrawing of the social boundaries that had thus far been accepted as valid. In order to illustrate the transformation of religion and its re-entry into the public sphere, Casanova abundantly uses facts gathered mainly in the Catholic environment: these have helped him to prove that the Catholic Church has again become an influential player in the socio-political arena (Casanova, 1994: 75−134 and 167−207). An interesting question, however, presents itself when we think about the Czech Republic: what kind of activities does the Catholic Church carry out in this country, notorious for the indifference of its citizens to religion? To a certain extent, this question can be answered with a finding I formulated on the basis of data gathered through a case study that formed part of a larger research project targeting non-institutionalised religious communities active in the Catholic environment and their activities. For this reason I have concentrated mainly on the following question: how do these communities incorporate the issue of health in their agendas? Today, in a society with a lukewarm relationship to religion health represents a new type of the sacred. For this reason the links between health, religiosity and the way religious groups act on the public represent an interesting issue to explore.1 I would firstly like to describe the position of the Catholic Church in the Czech Republic. Then I will conceptualise the term non-institutionalised religious communities. Having done this, I shall outline the results of the ethnographic research.2 1 Sociology of medicine points out that in late modern society health has become the central point of interest, turning at the same time into a consumer product and life style (see Nettleton, 2006: 33-35). 2 This ethnographic research was based on the assumption that running a community or joining one represents a significant biographical event and that studying this stage of a person’s life helps provide an understanding of the metamorphosis of values, behaviour and interpretations in response both to processes inherent to the modern era and vehicles of modernisation processes. By describing strategies, I hope to help explain how actors perceive their community, the Church and modern times and how their perception has been repeatedly reassessed during the process of the building of the community. In order to to this, I have chosen to focus on the care for the ill strategy. 96 www.redfame.com/ijsss International Journal of Social Science Studies Vol. 1, No. 1; 2013 2. The Catholic Church and Its Position in the Czech Republic The status of the Catholic Church in the Czech Republic is quite interesting and there are a number of reasons for this. To begin with, it must be noted that the level of religiosity in the Czech Republic is much lower than in the rest of Europe. Findings from almost every research project have shown that affiliation or non-affilication with a Church is a differentiating principle among the Czech population (it governs the individual value frameworks on which perceptions of the world, life, society and normative systems are based) (Pickel & Sammet, 2012). Table 1. Population and Housing 2001, 2011 According to data from 2011 Population and Housing Census, only 21% of the total population see themselves as religious people. However, of this 21%, only 14% declare themselves to be followers of a Church or another religious organisation. Most (74%) of the 14% of religious people who claimed to be members of a particular religious organisation are Roman Catholics. This 74% represents approximately 10% of the total population. By contrast, 34% of respondents stated that they have no religious faith. In absolute numbers this 34% represents 3,612,804 people out of the total population of 10,562,214. Yet the largest part of respondents (45% of the population or 4,774,323 people) left the question about faith unanswered. From the above it is apparent that Roman Catholics make up the largest religious minority in the Czech Republic. This, on the one hand, makes the Catholic Church a powerful institution, formally disposing of 10% of the voices in the population, on which it can rely in political and cultural disputes with the majority society. On the other hand, however, various research projects have shown that in the eyes of the wider public, the Church does not exercise the level of influence that would correspond to its cultural and historical significance. When we look at the issue of trust in the Church from a long-term perspective, we see that Czech society has always ranked among countries with the lowest levels of religiosity3 and that since the middle of the 1990s the level of religiosity has remained stable at an average of one-third of the population. In general, however, when it comes to existential questions and various moral dilemmas, the Church is seen as a less significant actor. And the downward trend continues: society expects less and less from the Church and the only field in which it is still expected to play an important (service) role is the sphere of social services (Prudký, 2005: 55 −56). 3 Cf., for example Standard & Special Eurobarometr. http://zacat.gesis.org [quoted as of 12/12/ 2012]. 97 www.redfame.com/ijsss International Journal of Social Science Studies Vol. 1, No. 1; 2013 The Church sees the continued distrust the majority society shows towards it as an effect of systematic communist propaganda and of the negative picture painted of the Church by the media. According to the Church itself, this leads to a situation where it is seen as an institution trying to assert its ideology and its own goals without taking into consideration public well-being. Feelings of distance towards and scepticism of the Catholic Church mainly gained strength during the period of communist rule. But the real roots of mistrust and uncertainty about the Catholic Church lie in the distant past.4 One good example of this is a disagreement that arose between T. G. Masaryk (the Republic’s first president) and J. Pekar (an eminent historian) over what role the Catholic Church played and what kind of influence it had on the foundation of the First Czechoslovak Republic in 1918.5 During the process of building the First Republic, the Church was seen as one of the governing institutions of power in former Austria-Hungary and as such, the new State regarded it with reservations. The rise of communism brought yet another change to the position of the Church, as it soon became a centre of resistance to the totalitarian regime. Some Church representatives, however, joined the conformist and pro-regime organisation Pacem in Terris.6 The pressure exerted on believers by the regime and the repression of the Church by the communists had a strong impact: the Church today is very cautious when formulating opinions on the majority society and is unwilling to set the agenda for discussion in the public space.7 This means, among other things, that no effort is made to influence public opinion and that the Church has largely adopted a wait-and-see attitude. This inability to adopt a strong viewpoint is further aggravated by the hesitant and ambiguous way in which the Church deals with its internal problems: it has not yet been able to fully come to terms with the legacy of priests collaborating with the communist regime, to settle its economic affairs in a satisfactory way, or to bring an end to affairs related to the unacceptable sexual behaviour of some priests (Prudky, 2005: 7-11). The Church is convinced that this negative picture has been enhanced by the growing influence of information technologies, which have so empowered the media that they have begun to claim the right to fulfill basic human needs, including religious ones. The Church sees this as an unacceptable trend, eroding the influence of traditional institutions, such as the family, education, and the Church itself.
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