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Toponymy and the Spatial Politics of Power on the Urban Landscape of Nairobi, Kenya

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Toponymy and the Spatial Politics of Power on the Urban Landscape of Nairobi, Kenya Toponymy and the Spatial Politics of Power on the Urban Landscape of Nairobi, Kenya March 2018 WANJIRU Melissa Wangui i Toponymy and the Spatial Politics of Power on the Urban Landscape of Nairobi, Kenya Graduate School of Systems and Information Engineering University of Tsukuba March 2018 WANJIRU Melissa Wangui ii ABSTRACT Names of places, otherwise known as toponyms, have in the past been viewed as passive signifiers on the urban space. However, in the last two decades, scholarly attention has focused on reading toponyms within the broader socio-political context — a concept referred to as critical toponymy. Critical toponymy refutes the notion that place names are simple, predictable and naturally occurring features which give descriptions of locations of places. In Nairobi, no critical research has been done to find out the motivations behind place naming and the implications of certain naming patterns, especially in showing the linkage between the power struggles and the toponymic inscriptions on the urban landscape. The main objective of this study is to investigate the meaning and processes behind the inscription of place names and their role in the spatial politics of power on the urban landscape of Nairobi, Kenya. To analyse toponymy and the spatial politics that influenced the city over time, Nairobi’s toponymic history was analysed chronologically based on three political epochs: the colonial period 1899–1963; the post-independence period 1964–1990; and the contemporary period 1990–2017. The third period was further sub-divided into two phases, with its latter phase starting in 2008, the year when the debate surrounding privatisation of naming rights began. These three periods were then analysed based on the actors and socio-political processes involved in shaping Nairobi’s toponymic inscriptions; and the extent to which these politics of power, memory, and identity were manifested on the landscape through toponymy. Four toponymic themes emerged and formed the base for the analytical chapters of this thesis, which are: toponymy in British colonial Nairobi, street toponymic (re)inscriptions in post- independence Nairobi, toponymy in Nairobi’s informal settlements, and toponymic commodification in Nairobi. Various methods were applied for research whereby, extensive archival research was done in Kenya and Britain (because Kenya was a British colony) and information was gathered from newspaper reports. Furthermore, interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted among residents of informal settlements. Finally, field surveys were also carried out to see the nature and manifestation of toponymy on the urban landscape of Nairobi. This thesis concludes by synthesising the main findings and contributions, and formulation of three main toponymic inferences based on the three periods: colonial, post-independence and contemporary. 1) The colonial period was characterised by the conquest of a new land by the British colonial government. The British used toponymy as a tool to impose their political and iii cultural ideology. 2) In the post-independence period, the mass erasure of British colonial names was a powerful symbolic resistance against a former oppressive regime and a toponymic re-appropriation by the new political regime to propagate an optimistic agenda of nationalism and pan-Africanism. 3) The contemporary period is one of toponymic innovation. First, the people in the informal settlements formulate names that delineate villages according to ethnic communities. Further, they embrace names of other places in the world that have undergone war and violence thereby identifying with them. This informal toponymy is powerfully innovative and communicates about their struggles as a marginalised urban community. Second, toponymic commodification is an innovative strategy for global companies to market themselves using public spaces and on the other hand, it provides a source of funds for those facilities to be improved so that they can serve the urban communities better. These three toponymic inferences of imposition, re-appropriation, and innovation, show how toponymy in Nairobi has evolved over the years and how it has been instrumental in shaping the symbolic urban landscape of Nairobi. Keywords: Critical toponymy, colonialism, post-independence, globalisation, informal settlements, toponymic commodification iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First, I thank the almighty God, who has given me life through his son Jesus Christ, who is my Lord and Saviour. I pray that the successful completion of this thesis will bring Him glory and work for my good (Romans 8:28). Second, my gratitude goes to the various institutions that have funded my studies. 1) The Japanese Government through the Monbukagakusho (MEXT) scholarship, for providing me with a scholarship to undertake both my masters and Ph. D studies in Japan. 2) The University of Tsukuba Global Research Project for funding my data collection in the UK in February 2016. 3) The Foundation of Urban and Regional Studies (FURS) for a research grant that enabled me to carry out a data collection exercise in May–June 2016. Third, I am grateful to my main supervisor, Prof. Matsubara Kosuke, for his academic guidance and advice. I am happy to have been a member of the Urban Multicultural Laboratory, where I had the opportunity to present and learn from other student’s presentations. The international focus of the laboratory has helped me to learn about and visit many exciting cities. I am also grateful to members of the lab with whom we have shared ideas, and I believe, formed meaningful friendships. I also wish to acknowledge the support given by my thesis advisory committee comprising of Prof. Fujikawa Masaki, Prof. Okamoto Naohisa, Prof. Turnbull Stephen, Prof. Kida Tsuyoshi, and Prof. Shima Norihisa. Their helpful comments and criticism have helped to remarkably improve the quality of this work. I am indeed grateful to my extended family and friends in Kenya and Japan, for their unwavering support during my studies. I also thank the brethren of Tokyo Bible Church and Tsukuba Mikotoba Church for the beautiful and encouraging fellowship we have had. I wish to give special mention to the Tanaka Family (Kaoru San, Okaa San, and Yoshia San) for their undeserved love and support. May our good Lord bless you for the kindness you have shown me. Finally, to my husband Joe, for being my dearest friend and confidant; for your prayers and encouragement; and for always pointing me to Christ — thank you! v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ....................................................................................................... v TABLE OF CONTENTS .......................................................................................................... vi LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................... x LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................... xii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................ xiii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................. 1 1.1 Background ...................................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Problem statement ............................................................................................................ 5 1.3 Research objective and questions .................................................................................... 6 1.4 Importance of this study................................................................................................... 7 1.5 Thesis structure ................................................................................................................ 8 CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL AND ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK ................................. 9 2.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 9 2.2 Theoretical framework ................................................................................................... 10 2.2.1. Cultural geography................................................................................................. 10 2.2.2 Toponymy and the socio-semiotics of urban space ................................................ 11 2.2.3 Critical toponymy ................................................................................................... 12 2.2.4 Colonialism and colonial urbanism ........................................................................ 13 2.2.5 Postcolonialism ....................................................................................................... 15 2.2.6 Urban informality and spatial marginalisation ....................................................... 16 2.2.7 Globalisation ........................................................................................................... 18 2.3 Analytical framework .................................................................................................... 19 2.3.1 Interpretive map for critical toponymy ................................................................... 19 2.3.2 Chronological
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