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The Hezbollah-Israeli
The Hizbullah-Israeli War: an American Perspective Aaron David Miller It was unusual for an Israeli Prime Minster to break open a bottle of champagne in front of American negotiators at a formal meeting. But that’s exactly what Shimon Peres did. It was late April 1996, and Peres was marking the end of a bloody three week border confrontation with Hizbullah diffused only by an intense ten day shuttle orchestrated by Secretary of State Warren Christopher. Those understandings negotiated between the governments of Israel and Syria (the latter standing in for Hizbullah) would create an Israeli-Lebanese monitoring group, co-chaired by the United States and France. These arrangements were far from perfect, but contributed, along with on-again-off-again Israeli-Syrian negotiations, to an extended period of relative calm along the Israeli- Lebanese border. The April understandings would last until Israel’s withdrawal. The recent summer war between Hizbullah and Israel, triggered by the Shia militia’s attack on an Israeli patrol on July 12, masked a number of other factors which would set the stage for the confrontation as well as the Bush administration’s response. Six years of relative quiet had witnessed Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from Lebanon in June of 2000, a steady supply of Katushya rockets—both short and long range—from Iran to Hizbullah, the collapse of Israel’s negotiations with Syria and the Palestinians, and the onset of the worst Israeli-Palestinian war in half a century. A perfect storm was brewing, spawned by the empowerment of both Hizbullah and Hamas, Iranian reach into the Arab-Israeli zone, Syria’s forced withdrawal from Lebanon, a determination by Israel to restore its strategic deterrence in the wake of unilateral withdrawals from Lebanon and Gaza, and an inexperienced Israeli prime minister and defense minister uncertain of how that should be done. -
Amir Peretz Begins As Defense Minister by J. Zel Lurie
Amir Peretz Begins as Defense Minister by J. Zel Lurie While this three-day symposium [at AJ Committee — with Yehoshua] was going on in Washington, Ehud Olmert was introducing his new government in Jerusalem. Most newsworthy are the two of the five new Labor ministers, Amir Peretz, minister of defense and Yuli Tamir, minister of education. Peretz confronts a large group of army officers and bureaucrats who have been coddling and cooperating with the settlers for decades They are accustomed to running the West Bank arbitrarily and no one dared question their decisions. Here is one small example of what Peretz is up against: A couple of Saturdays ago, the Jewish settlers in Maon, south of Hebron, wearing masks, attacked Israeli soldiers who were escorting 18 Arab kids to the regional school in at-Tawani. On the following Saturday, Peace Now received the army’s permission to send two busloads of peaceniks to a demonstration in at-Tawani. At Gush Etzion junction the buses were stopped. “Since we gave permission, the area has been declared a closed military zone,” the Peace Now demonstrators were told. “You cannot proceed.” Ran Cohen, a Meretz M.K., was on one of the buses. He called Peretz who must have raised the roof with his army subordinates. After an hour the buses were allowed to continue on their journey and hold their demonstration. Brigadier General Ilan Paz, who recently retired after 28 years in the army, seven of which were in the West Bank. commented: “For 18 months the settlers in Maon have been harassing kids passing their farm on their way to school. -
Adolf Eichmann in Buenos Aires
CAPTURING THE DEVIL The real story of the capture of Adolph Eichmann Based on the memoirs of Peter Zvi Malkin A feature film written and directed by Philippe Azoulay PITCH Peter Zvi Malkin, one of the best Israeli agents, is volunteering to be part of the commando set up to capture Adolf Eichmann in Buenos Aires. As the others, he wants to take revenge for the killing of his family, but the mission is to bring Eichmann alive so that he may be put on trial in Jerusalem. As Peter comes to consider his prisoner an ordinary and banal being he wants to understand the incomprehensible. To do so, he disobeys orders. During the confrontation between the soldier and his prisoner, a strange relationship develops… CAPTURING THE DEVIL HISTORICAL CONTEXT 1945 The Nuremberg trial is intended to clear the way to for the rebuilding of Western Europe Several Nazi hierarchs have managed to hide or escape Europe 1945 Adolph Eichmann who has organized the deportations and killings of millions of people is hiding in Europe. 1950 Eichmann is briefly detained in Germany but escapes to South America thanks to a Red Cross passport. In Europe and in Israel, Jews who survived the camps try to move into a new life. The young state of Israel fights for its survival throughout two wars in 1948 and 1956. The Nazi hunt is considered a “private“ matter. 1957 the Bavarian General Attorney Fritz Bauer, who has engaged into a second denazification of Germany’s elite, gets confirmation that Eichmann may be located in Argentina. -
Privatizing Religion: the Transformation of Israel's
Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious- Zionist community BY Yair ETTINGER The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. This paper is part of a series on Imagining Israel’s Future, made possible by support from the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund. The views expressed in this report are those of its author and do not represent the views of the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund, their officers, or employees. Copyright © 2017 Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu Table of Contents 1 The Author 2 Acknowlegements 3 Introduction 4 The Religious Zionist tribe 5 Bennett, the Jewish Home, and religious privatization 7 New disputes 10 Implications 12 Conclusion: The Bennett era 14 The Center for Middle East Policy 1 | Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious-Zionist community The Author air Ettinger has served as a journalist with Haaretz since 1997. His work primarily fo- cuses on the internal dynamics and process- Yes within Haredi communities. Previously, he cov- ered issues relating to Palestinian citizens of Israel and was a foreign affairs correspondent in Paris. Et- tinger studied Middle Eastern affairs at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and is currently writing a book on Jewish Modern Orthodoxy. -
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel Armed Conflicts Report Israel-Palestine (1948 - first combat deaths) Update: February 2009 Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of the Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Economic Factors Summary: 2008 The situation in the Gaza strip escalated throughout 2008 to reflect an increasing humanitarian crisis. The death toll reached approximately 1800 deaths by the end of January 2009, with increased conflict taking place after December 19th. The first six months of 2008 saw increased fighting between Israeli forces and Hamas rebels. A six month ceasefire was agreed upon in June of 2008, and the summer months saw increased factional violence between opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah. Israel shut down the border crossings between the Gaza strip and Israel and shut off fuel to the power plant mid-January 2008. The fuel was eventually turned on although blackouts occurred sporadically throughout the year. The blockade was opened periodically throughout the year to allow a minimum amount of humanitarian aid to pass through. However, for the majority of the year, the 1.5 million Gaza Strip inhabitants, including those needing medical aid, were trapped with few resources. At the end of January 2009, Israel agreed to the principles of a ceasefire proposal, but it is unknown whether or not both sides can come to agreeable terms and create long lasting peace in 2009. 2007 A November 2006 ceasefire was broken when opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah renewed fighting in April and May of 2007. In June, Hamas led a coup on the Gaza headquarters of Fatah giving them control of the Gaza Strip. -
Israel: Growing Pains at 60
Viewpoints Special Edition Israel: Growing Pains at 60 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org The maps on pages 96-103 are copyright The Foundation for Middle East Peace. Our thanks to the Foundation for graciously allowing the inclusion of the maps in this publication. Cover photo in the top row, middle is © Tom Spender/IRIN, as is the photo in the bottom row, extreme left. -
2007 Israeli Democracy Index Is Dedicated to Captain Zur Zarhi from Nahalal, a Beloved Friend Who Went to War and Did Not Come Back
Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2007 Cohesion in a Divided Society Asher Arian, Nir Atmor, Yael Hadar The Israel Democracy Institute is an independent, non-partisan body on the seam of academia and politics. The Institute proposes policy recommendations and reforms for government and public administration agencies. In its plans and endeavors, the Institute strives to support the institutions of Israel’s developing democracy and consolidate its values. The Institute’s research is followed up by practical recommendations, seeking to improve governance in Israel and foster a long-term vision for a stable democratic regime adapted to the structure, the values, and the norms of Israeli society. The Institute aspires to further public discourse in Israel on the issues placed on the national agenda, to promote structural, political, and economic reforms, to serve as a consulting body to decision-makers and the broad public, to provide information, and present comparative research. Researchers at the Israel Democracy Institute are leading academics directing projects in various areas of society and governance in Israel. The IDI Press produces, markets, and distributes the results of their work in several series of books (“The Democracy Library”), policy papers, the Caesarea Forum Series, periodicals, and conference proceedings. The Guttman Center was established in its present form in 1998, when the Guttman Institute for Applied Social Research became part of the Israel Democracy Institute. Professor Louis Guttman founded the original Institute in 1949 as a pioneering center for the study of public opinion and the advancement of social science methodology. The goal of the Guttman Center is to enrich public discourse on issues of public policy through the information retrieved from the Center’s databases and through public opinion surveys conducted by the Center. -
Britain's Broken Promises: the Roots of the Israeli and Palestinian
Britain’s Broken Promises: The Roots of the Israeli and Palestinian Conflict Overview Students will learn about British control over Palestine after World War I and how it influenced the Israel‐Palestine situation in the modern Middle East. The material will be introduced through a timeline activity and followed by a PowerPoint that covers many of the post‐WWI British policies. The lesson culminates in a letter‐writing project where students have to support a position based upon information learned. Grade 9 NC Essential Standards for World History • WH.1.1: Interpret data presented in time lines and create time lines • WH.1.3: Consider multiple perspectives of various peoples in the past • WH.5.3: Analyze colonization in terms of the desire for access to resources and markets as well as the consequences on indigenous cultures, population, and environment • WH.7.3: Analyze economic and political rivalries, ethnic and regional conflicts, and nationalism and imperialism as underlying causes of war Materials • “Steps Toward Peace in Israel and Palestine” Timeline (excerpt attached) • History of Israel/Palestine Timeline Questions and Answer Key, attached • Drawing paper or chart paper • Colored pencils or crayons (optional) • “Britain’s Broken Promises” PowerPoint, available in the Database of K‐12 Resources (in PDF format) o To view this PDF as a projectable presentation, save the file, click “View” in the top menu bar of the file, and select “Full Screen Mode” o To request an editable PPT version of this presentation, send a request to -
7. Politics and Diplomacy
Hoover Press : Zelnick/Israel hzeliu ch7 Mp_119 rev1 page 119 7. Politics and Diplomacy as israeli forces were clearing recalcitrant settlers from their Gaza homes on August 16, 2005, Khalil Shikaki, director of the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PSR) in Ra- mallah, published a column in the Jerusalem Post headlined, “How Sharon and Abbas Can Both Win.”1 Shikaki, a pollster and political analyst respected in Israel and the west, questioned the wisdom of Israeli unilateralism in Gaza and on the West Bank as opposed to Lebanon, where no one on the other side wanted to talk. Here, he argued, Hamas may be as close-minded as Hez- bollah, preferring to paint Israel’s withdrawal as a victory for Pal- estinian resistance, but Abu Mazen, supported by Palestinian pub- lic opinion, wanted to reduce tensions and negotiate. Make him look good by easing restrictions on Palestinian trade and move- ment, and he will help Sharon and Israel by defeating Hamas and talking about the terms for settling the conflict. In other words, let the PA rather than Hamas control the Palestinian narrative of withdrawal. Shakaki updated his survey data two months later for a con- ference at Brandeis University hosted by Shai Feldman, director of the Crown Center for Middle East Studies and former director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies in Tel Aviv. By that October conference, 84 percent of Palestinians were convinced that violence had played a role in the Israeli withdrawal. Irre- 1. Khalil Shikaki, “How Sharon and Abbas Can Both Win,” Jerusalem Post, August 16, 2005. -
The Fatah-Hamas Reconciliation: Threatening Peace Prospects
The Fatah-Hamas Reconciliation: Threatening Peace Prospects Testimony by David Makovsky Director, Project on the Middle East Peace Process The Washington Institute for Near East Policy February 5, 2013 Hearing of the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Relations Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa Thank you, Madam Chairwoman, Ranking Member Deutch, and distinguished members of the subcommittee for this wonderful opportunity to testify at your very first session of the new Congress. The issue of unity between Fatah and Hamas is something that the two parties have discussed at different levels since 2007 -- and certainly since the two groups announced an agreement in principle in May 2011. Indeed, a meeting between the groups is scheduled in Cairo in the coming days. One should not rule out that such unity will occur; but the past failures of the groups to unite begs various questions and suggests why unity may not occur in the future. While the idea of unity is popular among divided publics everywhere, there have been genuine obstacles to implementing any unity agreement between Fatah and Hamas. First, it seems that neither Fatah -- the mainstream party of the Palestinian Authority (PA) -- nor Hamas wants to risk what it already possesses, namely Hamas's control of Gaza and the PA's control of its part of the West Bank. Each has its own zone and wants to maintain corresponding control. Second, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas has not been willing to commit to a Hamas demand for the end of PA security cooperation with Israel in the West Bank, which has resulted in the arrests of Hamas operatives by the PA. -
Caesarea Forum - Xvii
CAESAREA FORUM - XVII PROGRAM Chair: Dr. Yuval Steinitz, Minister of Finance Academic Director of the Forum: Mr. David Brodet Wednesday and Thursday, 1st -2nd July 2009 Hotel Royal Beach, Eilat WEDNESDAY, 1st JULY 2009 8:30 - 9:30 Registration and assembly 9:30 - 13:00 First Session : "The Requisite Size of the Government - between Economy and Politics" [The Olive and Acacia Hall] Presentation of the Team's Recommendations: Prof. Joseph Zeira , Department of Economics, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Presenters: Prof. Avishai Braverman, Minister of Minority Affairs Mr. Yoram Ariav , Director General and Acting Head of the Budget Department, Ministry of Finance Prof. Zvi Eckstein , Deputy Governor, Bank of Israel Dr. Michel Strawczynski, Director, Macro-Economic and Policy Department, Bank of Israel Prof. Omer Moav, Department of Economics, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Prof. Manuel Trajtenberg , Head, National Economic Council, Prime Minister's Office Ms. Yael Andorn, Director General, Amitim Pension Funds Dr. Yossi Bachar , Economic Consulting and Business Development Ltd. Dr. Eldad Shidlovsky , Head, Economics and Research Department, Ministry of Finance Plenary discussion 13:00 - 14:15 Minister of Finance's Session : [The Ranch House Restaurant] Luncheon Address by the Dr. Yuval Steinitz, Minister of Finance 14:30 - 18:15 Second Session : "The Future of Growth Promotion in Israel: A Return to Boosting Avant-garde Industries and Scientific Technological Innovation" [The Olive and Acacia Hall] 14:30-16:30 Presentation of the Team's Recommendations: Prof. Arnon Bentor, Dean, Civil and Environmental Engineering Faculty, and Senior Researcher, The Neaman Institute, The Technion Presenters: Mr. Eli Hurvitz, Chairman, Teva Pharmaceutical Industries Ltd. -
Undecided Past – National Identities and Politics of Diversity: the Mount Eytan Commemoration Site
Undecided Past – National Identities and Politics of Diversity: The Mount Eytan Commemoration Site udi lebel Sapir College and Ariel University Center, Israel zeev drory Kinneret College, Israel in 1982 the israeli government launched a proposal to establish a national commemoration site on Mount Eytan. Despite intensive activity, the project was shelved in 2002. The article presents official discourses regarding memory, commemoration, and setting collective boundaries. It presents the theoretical arguments as well as conflicting processes in politics of memory in Israel, which occurred along a different axis and regarding different variables. Finally we discuss the social and political significance arising from the project’s management and in terms of creating consensus in an age of privati- zation, to the extent that projections can be made from an event of this nature. The museum is a cultural agent acting within national politics to manufacture representation of (subjects of) the past and ‘graft’ them as objects (Katriel 1997b, 147). Museums are sites where links between memory and history are created, in such a way that the sub-group which initiates the memory aspires, using a unique narrative, for its past to be transformed into the individual memory of each visitor (Katriel 1994, 1). Narratives of the past thus become relevant both for understanding the present and for internalizing recommended ways of coping with it (Katriel 1993, 69). If the process unfolds in a manner approved by the establishment, this sites will become state-supported museums that the public is encouraged to visit (Barena 1989, 118). Economic considerations, among others, propel many museums into the heart of consensus.