Labor, Race, and the Police Officers Federation of Minneapolis, 1945–1972

POLICING POLITICS Labor, Race, and the Police Officers Federation of Minneapolis, 1945–1972

Michael J. Lansing

On June 10, 1949, just days before the mayor. In a story published on all shaped an emerging political iden- the upcoming mayoral election, Min- the front page of the Minneapolis Star, tity for Minneapolis policemen. Like neapolis mayor Eric Hoyer fired the Joyce noted that any time policemen other public sector workers around city’s police chief, Glenn MacLean. “attempt to influence government or the country agitating for labor rights, Chief MacLean had publicly declared the outcome of elections . . . we have members of the city’s Police Officers that the mayor’s opponent would the makings of a police state.”1 Federation began directly participat- “be a greater guarantee that we will In the decades that followed, the ing in municipal politics.2 continue to have proper police admin- Police Officers Federation rejected While the federation advocated istration and law enforcement.” Hoyer that position. Far from staying out of for the city’s police officers, its rank- insisted on the chief’s departure in politics, between 1945 and 1972 the order to “prevent . . . any political federation became a powerful force above: In 1946, the Minneapolis Police clique or party taking control of our in Minneapolis. Postwar efforts to Department was the first force in the nation police department.” William Joyce, eliminate racial prejudice, attempts to to receive race relations training. Here, MPD president of the Police Officers Fed- professionalize policing, and an ongo- candidates show their stuff on the Memorial eration of Minneapolis, agreed with ing struggle for better compensation Stadium gridiron, 1947.

226 MINNESOTA HISTORY and-file members enforced racial a human relations advisory commit- hierarchies in Minneapolis. By the tee made up of prominent citizens. mid-1960s, when civil rights orga- Humphrey hoped the committee nizations successfully challenged would mitigate the city’s reputation racist policing as a long-standing for racial and religious discrimina- problem in Minneapolis, the Police tion. Besides unfair employment Officers Federation began obstructing and housing practices, the city’s new attempts to reform the Minneapolis human relations committee also took Police Department (MPD). Deny- on racial bias in the almost entirely ing charges of police brutality and white police force.4 bias, the Police Officers Federation In March 1946, Humphrey deployed its newly earned political announced that the MPD would power to protect the interests of the be the first force in the nation to mostly white rank and file serving on receive race relations training. That the city’s force.3 training—proffered by a former Labor advocacy proved to be a Milwaukee police chief—proceeded potent way to defend racialized polic- from the principle that “fair [law] ing. The combination fostered the enforcement is merely applying good racial tumult that shook Minneap- sound public relations policies to all Minneapolis mayor Hubert H. Humphrey olis in the late 1960s, forging a base people in the community, regardless speaking in support of revisions to the city for the political career of Charles A. of race, creed, or color.” Part of a charter, the legal foundation for the organiza- Stenvig. The Police Officers Feder- broader national effort to simulta- tion of city government, 1948. ation president from 1965 to 1969, neously reform and professionalize Stenvig garnered national attention policing, such training presumed as Minneapolis’s law-and-order to suppress racial prejudice among Minneapolis Central Labor Union (the mayor in the early 1970s. Labor advo- white officers. In Minnesota, where umbrella organization for all unions cacy and racialized policing became according to a 1947 study 60 percent in the city), succeeded, but his efforts the foundation for the federation’s of whites openly favored residential to increase the number of sworn offi- widely recognized influence in city segregation, this was a tall order. cers fell short.6 politics that persists to this day. The Though a December 1948 article Brimming with energy, Humphrey Police Officers Federation conflated in the Saturday Evening Post on the used his second two-year term as workers’ rights and whiteness, which race relations effort in Minneapolis mayor to target the city’s charter, the ultimately led to decades of division, helped burnish the city’s reputation legal foundation for the organization inequity, and grief in Minneapolis. nationally, the attempt to reform of city government. The charter’s Minneapolis policing by focusing on clear limits on mayoral power meant Labor, race, policing, and poli- patrolmen’s racial bias changed little. that Minneapolis mayors—then tics converged in Minneapolis as early Indeed, just a few months later two and now—could do little more than as the mid-1940s with the election African American teenagers found appoint the police chief and other of Hubert H. Humphrey as mayor themselves arrested by Minneapolis officials (such as city engineer or city in 1945. Humphrey pledged to root policemen without cause.5 assessor). Through referenda, voters out crime, corruption, and racism The Police Officers Federation— could change the charter. The popular in the city—goals that depended on which, though it did not possess politician began a campaign to give organized labor’s support. The city’s formal bargaining powers until 1972, the mayor more power by relegating first Democratic mayor in decades, represented officers in contract the city council to legislative duties.7 Humphrey empowered unions as well negotiations with the city—did not Though staunchly behind Hum- as the African American and Jewish formally object to Humphrey’s call for phrey, the city’s unions opposed the communities. Overhauling the MPD racial bias training. After all, the fed- effort to change Minneapolis govern- stood out among the new mayor’s ini- eration appreciated Humphrey’s other ment. They worried that corporate tiatives. He paired a “cleanup job on proposals: give officers a raise and leaders could use more mayoral underworld operations” in a city well hire more cops. The mayor’s efforts to power to undo labor’s hard-earned known for its criminal element with improve police wages, backed by the gains in what had, until recently,

SPRING 2021 227 been a notoriously anti-union city in support of rank-and-file policemen, turned to “politics, behind-the-scenes which the police protected businesses Hoyer’s effort to change the city char- deals with officials, lobbying, appeals instead of workers. For their part, ter went nowhere.9 to the public, and other kinds of infor- business leaders who backed Hum- Even as Hoyer attempted to create mal activities.” This proved true for phrey in his 1947 reelection campaign tenure for the police chief, the Police the Police Officers Federation of Min- also hesitated to expand the mayor’s Officers Federation proposed a dif- neapolis, which represented police powers, fearing a challenge to their ferent charter amendment. Because officers in negotiations with city hall own. Additionally, Humphrey’s 1948 underpaid and increasingly over- but did not possess legally recognized campaign for the US Senate—which worked policemen could not legally collective bargaining privileges.11 proved successful—absorbed most of strike, police federation president Furthermore, as elected officials his attention. Consequently, the pro- Johnson argued that the city’s voters and police chiefs embraced police posed charter changes were defeated should change the charter to provide reforms in the 1950s and 1960s, at the polls that same year.8 for the “compulsory arbitration of policemen often dissented. They In 1951, Humphrey’s successor as pay and working condition disputes” looked to strengthen their own fed- mayor, Eric G. Hoyer, turned again to between the city and public safety erations and associations in response changing the city’s charter. He had a employees. Noting the growing pro- to new expectations and perceived more targeted change in mind. Hoyer fessionalization of policing—“a high restrictions in their workplace. The hoped to protect the appointed police school diploma is a prerequisite” and Minneapolis Police Officers Federa- chief regardless of who was mayor. He “we have on our force today a number tion was no exception. The push for sought a charter amendment estab- of college men”—Johnson argued public sector unionism offered a way lishing a fixed tenure of six years for that recognition of the labor rights of to do exactly that. One new expecta- appointed police chiefs. Because the police officers mattered.10 tion that strengthened police officers’ proposal focused on the police depart- Johnson’s proposal (which went resolve to unionize emerged in 1952. ment, the city’s charter commission largely unnoticed by Minneapolis MPD Chief Tom Jones announced the requested that Carl G. Johnson, the voters) reflected a national push for creation of a new “training course for new president of the Police Officers the formal recognition of organized officers” in “racial tensions” as well Federation, get involved. Johnson, a public sector workers. Throughout as the establishment of “an ‘incident’ former electrician who served as a the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s, city, state, file to help control and prevent race deputy license inspector in the MPD, and federal employees across the disturbances.” Some Minneapolis conducted a ballot of the rank and file. United States advocated for the right policemen balked. Nonetheless, Chief Almost three-quarters of all police- to unionize. Public employees facing Jones insisted the two new initiatives, men opposed the idea. Without the legal limits on formal organizing gleaned from a recent seminar at the University of Chicago, would “mean improved police protection to all residents” in Minneapolis.12 Though the federation did not publicly comment on the initiative, in April 1953 delegates from across the nation elected Carl Johnson vice president of the National Conference of Police Associations (NCPA). The 100,000-member organization aimed not only to strengthen police associations but also to “combat efforts to discredit police officers through false charges of brutality.” Johnson soon

Humphrey’s successor as mayor, Eric G. Hoyer, sought to shield appointed Minneapolis police chiefs from politics by creating a fixed tenure of six years, 1948. at the pleasure of the mayor and often police attracted “vicious and profes- represented the mayor’s interest, sional criminals” to Minneapolis. policemen struggling for better wages Given the political impossibility of and control of their own workplace raising taxes, however, the report allied themselves with those that recommended enrolling volunteers often opposed their boss’s boss.14 and one-man squad cars. The Minne- Immediately after the 1953 elec- apolis Tribune agreed with the report’s tion, the city council established a suggestions. The Police Officers committee that proposed pegging Federation, though, publicly rejected police officers’ and firemen’s wages the recommendations, claiming they to 85 percent of the salaries in eight were “against the best interests” of local building trades. The Police Minneapolis policemen.16 Officers Federation backed the plan In 1957, when Fortune magazine because it meant police salaries chose the eight “best-run” cities in the would begin catching up with those nation, Minneapolis failed to make of private sector wageworkers in the the list. City leaders challenged “the city. In June 1954, the city adopted miserable showing,” but admitted the formula. Heartened by this vic- that an understaffed police depart- tory, the federation tried to address ment and ongoing crime loomed as Carl G. Johnson, head of the Minneapolis Police Officers Federation, advocated for another concern—understaffing. Carl problems. For its part, the Citizens policemen’s rights at the local and national Johnson and the federation again League saw this issue as only one level, 1956. also found himself organizing the In 1955, a Citizens League report cited a “frightening” National Police Officers Association, increase “in major crime” across the city and suggested serving as the advocacy group’s first president. Leadership experiences “the undermanned condition” of the police attracted in these national organizations “vicious and professional criminals” to Minneapolis. pushed Johnson to further promote policemen’s interests back home in Minneapolis. That meant direct proposed a charter amendment. This of many in Minneapolis municipal involvement in Minneapolis politics.13 one set the workforce requirement politics. The league used the bad for city police at “1.6 per 1000 inhabi- publicity to advocate for a complete tants.” An editorial in the Minneapolis overhaul of the city’s charter. Like Police federation enters politics Tribune admitted that MPD faced a others before them, league members Weeks after Johnson returned from “manpower pinch.” Nonetheless, the hoped to transform city government the NCPA meetings, the Minneapolis proposal, sure to raise taxes as well as by strengthening the mayor’s office Police Officers Federation publicly the number of sworn officers, did not and weakening the city council.17 endorsed city council candidates for move forward.15 The Citizens League claimed the first time. All but two won their Even so, the influential Citizens that a transformed city government June 1953 election races. By openly League—a local, nonpartisan, non- would better serve the changing city. supporting politicians, Johnson and profit policy group that counted Those changes included Minneap- the federation sought to place allies politicians, businessmen, academ- olis’s racial demography. As late as on the city council. The presence ics, and union leaders (including 1950, African Americans made up of these allies would improve their federation head Carl Johnson) as less than 2 percent of city residents. negotiating position with the city. The members—agreed the city suffered But many migrated to Minneapo- government structure enshrined in a shortage of police officers. In lis in the ensuing decade, even as the city’s charter meant that the city 1955, a Citizens League report cited whites fled to nearby suburbs. By council not only held a great deal of a “frightening” increase “in major 1957, the city’s African American power but often opposed the city’s crime” across the city and suggested population had increased by nearly mayor. Because the police chief served “the undermanned condition” of the 60 percent. One of those migrants,

SPRING 2021 229 Toyse Kyle, remembered that when As early as 1953, Black civil rights leader Cecil Newman her family arrived at their new lodg- ings on the city’s south side, “white protested that African Americans faced arrests dispro- neighbors came out of their houses portionate to their presence in Minneapolis. The MPD’s and apartments to watch” while their children shouted racial epithets. own annual reports bore out his claim. Black residents of Minneapolis, newly arrived or not, faced racism in nearly every venue—especially insolent language” be avoided and housing. Indeed, ongoing residen- instructed officers to “only use force tial segregation attracted much of as may reasonably be necessary.”21 the attention of Minneapolis’s civil Other reforms further suggested rights movement.18 all was well with Minneapolis Though racialized policing rarely policing. In 1959—just one year made headlines, African Americans after the founding, in Philadelphia, routinely encountered police bias in of the nation’s first police review Minneapolis. In 1951, the Minneapolis authority—the Minneapolis chapter Tribune’s only Black reporter, Carl of the American Civil Liberties Union Rowan, reported that when he called a pushed Mayor P. Kenneth Peterson to Minneapolis police captain for infor- create a citizens’ police review board. mation related to a story, the officer, He did so, but it had “no legal status” “unaware that I was a Negro,” referred and filed no complaints. Just months to another African American with later, the police watchdog quietly “dis- a common racial slur. Rowan, who banded” itself.22 eventually found fame as a deputy Instead, community conflict came secretary of state in John F. Kennedy’s Newspaper publisher and civil rights leader from a fight over the city’s charter. administration and as a prominent Cecil E. Newman. The Citizens League’s 1957 proposal syndicated columnist, suggested for fundamentally transforming that the incident illustrated that the Lester Granger, national director of Minneapolis city government had “inequality of treatment of Negroes the Urban League, visited the city in picked up steam. The creation of a at the hands of the law” continued 1954, he rightly noted that “he could unabated in Minneapolis.19 name many cities more deserving of Restricted to specific areas of an award for good race relations than the city by real estate covenants, the Minneapolis.”20 rapidly growing African American White residents thought other- community experienced unequal wise. When Fortune magazine’s 1957 policing in new ways. During the list of best-run cities snubbed Minne- 1950s, increasing numbers attracted apolis, a local reporter claimed that inordinate police attention. As early the magazine “completely ignored” as 1953, Black civil rights leader the city’s strong record on race rela- Cecil E. Newman protested that tions. The journalist cited the lack of African Americans faced arrests formal discrimination in parks and disproportionate to their presence in employment, as well as the long- Minneapolis. The MPD’s own annual standing “police training” programs reports bore out his claim. In 1950, which helped to “minimize the abuse 14 percent of all those arrested in of racial minorities” by officers. the city were African American. By Official regulations first issued to 1960, 21 percent of all those arrested Minneapolis police officers in 1945 At the urging of the Minneapolis chapter of in the city were Black—though by enshrined some of that training in the NAACP, MInneapolis mayor P. Kenneth that year they made up only 8 per- writing. By 1955, the regulations Peterson created what turned out to be a cent of the city’s population. When insisted that “coarse, profane or short-lived citizens' police review board.

230 MINNESOTA HISTORY of the amendment would fix a ratio of 1.7 police officers to every 1,000 city residents. In turn, the federation sent a letter to all its members with clear instructions. They were to support all the incumbents on the city council—“the policemen’s friends”—in the upcoming elections and to actively campaign for the amendment.26

Police union openly advocates for charter reform The open politicking of the Police Officers Federation again sparked controversy. The Tribune opined, “the Minneapolis police force . . . should be a non-political body.” If it became Spectators viewing display, “Know Your Police Week,” July 1959. “an instrument of ward politics,” the federation would be no more than a Joint Committee on Charter Review and the city council. Furthermore, “partisan tool.” The Star shared these in 1958 and the Charter Improvement the new structure would force the concerns, calling the endorsement Volunteer Information Committee federation “to take part in mayoralty letter from the Police Officers Fed- in 1959 led to the presentation of campaigns.”24 eration a “crude maneuver.” Indeed, significant reforms to Minneapolis In May 1960, reporters learned Johnson had pointed out that “the voters in 1960. Mayor Peterson, the that policemen used the MPD’s offices aldermen give out the salaries and League of Women Voters, the Jay- in city hall to “enlist Minneapolis fringe benefits. And we feel they’ve cees, the Chamber of Commerce, the policemen in the campaign against” done a good job.” The Democratic- Minneapolis Tribune, and both major what the federation called the “dicta- Farmer-Labor (DFL) candidate for political parties endorsed the scheme. torship charter.” Controversy ensued. mayor, University of Minnesota It looked to centralize administra- Mayor Peterson proclaimed that the political scientist Arthur Naftalin, tive power in the mayor’s office, Police Officers Federation did not called the letter “highly improper” reduce the city council’s reach, and violate city rules barring political and declared, “we must remove the streamline the city’s byzantine tax activity during working hours. He department from politics.” But Mayor structure—which levied specific taxes admitted, however, that it was “a Peterson and the city’s civil service for specific services and agencies.23 close call.” The federation continued commission did little more than warn Organized labor—and, in particu- to publicly oppose the changes. In the police officers to obey standing reg- lar, the Police Officers Federation— June special election, Minneapolis ulations regarding political activity. strongly opposed the charter voters decided against the massive For his part, Carl Johnson pointed out revision. Unable to legally strike and charter reform.25 that the Police Officers Federation lacking formal arbitration processes, In 1961, a thankful city council “‘keeps its nose out of the mayor’s policemen looked to defend their rewarded the Police Officers Fed- race. After all, the mayor’s sort of allies on the city council, which stood eration by pushing the mayor to the police chief.’” Worried about los- to lose most. Protecting the council resuscitate the federation’s 1954 ing the support of organized labor, meant protecting the federation’s proposal for a charter amendment Naftalin withdrew his objections. In political influence. The federation requiring a set number of sworn offi- fact, Naftalin and Peterson both sup- encouraged members and city resi- cers. The Chamber of Commerce also ported the effort to embed a required dents alike to reject the reforms. Carl backed the plan. They wanted more number of sworn officers in the city Johnson announced that the pro- police to limit crime in a downtown charter. By an almost two to one posed changes would result in “con- shopping district challenged by the margin, voters approved the charter stant conflict” between the mayor rise of suburban malls. This iteration amendment (despite a tax increase to

SPRING 2021 231 fund the measure) in June 1961 even down to defeat. Despite endorsements as they put Naftalin in the mayor’s from the city’s labor unions, less than office.27 30 percent of voters—and not a single The federation’s victory attracted city ward—supported it. The loss was national attention. Less than two a crushing blow for the federation. At months later, the National Confer- the end of the year, they negotiated ence of Police Associations again little more than a small raise.31 elected Carl Johnson as a vice pres- Chastened, but not defeated, the ident. The success also steeled the Police Officers Federation announced Police Officers Federation for more a renewed charter amendment effort politicking. The federation quickly in February 1963. Their proposal proposed another charter amend- stipulated equal pay (not just a mini- ment. This time, they sought wages mum of equal pay) with the building (at a minimum) equal to those of trades and specified the taxes to be eight local building trades. Their pro- levied by the city council. The Tri- posed amendment also gave the city bune responded that the “bitter and council the right to levy a tax to that Arthur Naftalin served as Minneapolis mayor divisive” campaign of the previous end (as long as it was not a property from July 1961 to July 1969. year problematically pitted many tax, sales tax, or income tax). Most citizens against their own public importantly, the federation contended The Citizens League issued a safety agencies. Thus, the newspa- that its proposed charter amendment scathing response. They noted that per again opposed the amendment. would eliminate yearly struggles with officers already received wages “in Nonetheless, the federation believed the city council over compensation, excess of the maximum” outlined its modifications proved an adequate and thus altogether “remove” the in the 1954 ordinance. The response response to critics and would attract police “from politics.” They rolled out also pointed out that the proposed more support from voters.32 the initiative with a news conference power granted to the city council to at the Radisson Hotel.28 levy unspecified taxes in the amend- The city’s charter commission ment would be unprecedented and Police commitment to bias-free rejected the idea. Policemen and dangerous. Finally, the Citizens policing questioned firemen successfully petitioned to League argued that the amendment That belief was soon tested by put the charter amendment on the would intensify the presence of the emerging questions regarding police ballot anyway. Then they put up Police Officers Federation in munic- officers’ commitments to bias-free thousands of yard signs, handed out ipal politics because the language policing. Just days after the Tribune bumper stickers, threw “coffee par- identified only a minimum for police editorial, a white patrolman stormed ties,” and opened a pro-amendment salaries. From their perspective, the out of a training session “on dealing campaign office. Most on the city federation’s need to raise wages via with the problems of minorities” council refused to publicly comment. skillfully applied political pressure on led by the director of the city’s Fair The new mayor, Arthur Naftalin, city council members would continue Employment Practices Commission opposed the amendment. He thought unabated even if citizens approved (FEPC). The officer claimed he was it “improper” for a “group of city the amendment.30 “being brain washed.” The depart- employees” to hold a “special wage This public critique of the Police ment briefly removed the FEPC’s status” in the charter. Unable to Officers Federation brought amend- Louis Ervin, a longtime African legally strike, the Police Officers ment opponents together in a new American labor and civil rights Federation responded that their only coalition. Led by the Chamber of leader, from the sessions. After the way to gain leverage in negotiations Commerce and the League of Women incident became public knowledge, with the city was “through backing Voters, a “vote no” campaign emerged Ervin was reinstated. The police chief certain candidates” for city council. just weeks before the election. A then suspended the offending officer. The amendment would eliminate battle of brochures, newspaper ads, One observer opined this counted as that problem and ensure that police telephone calls, and door knocking “progress in the handling of minority salaries would not “be a political ensued. On November 7, 1962, the fed- group situations in the city.” Further football.”29 eration’s proposed amendment went events soon undercut such claims.33

232 MINNESOTA HISTORY arrived,” noted witnesses, “the distur- Officers Federation took up a collec- bance grew worse.” Officers arrested tion for the suspended officer. The three more African American men north side precinct captain who led before restoring calm.34 the fundraiser then found himself The next day, the whole city suspended. Both suspended police- learned that Minneapolis only “nar- men began receiving threatening rowly . . . averted” a full-blown “race anonymous phone calls and letters at riot between police and Negroes.” The their homes.37 policemen involved denied that they Civil rights groups demanded were “abusive, prejudiced, or used more from Mayor Naftalin and the poor judgment.” More than 30 Afri- police. Wells himself noted that can American witnesses suggested “prejudice in Minneapolis has been otherwise. Civil rights groups sprang hidden for years, and now that it’s into action.35 out in the open, I think the entire The city’s National Association for situation—not only the police the Advancement of Colored People incident—should be brought to a (NAACP) chapter, carefully review- head.” The NAACP and the local ing the incident, demanded change. chapter of the Congress of Racial The NAACP pointed out, “we have Equality (CORE) did exactly that. long known . . . that there is a serious One week later, CORE “announced

Merton W. Palmer aims revolver at the cam- lack of understanding . . . of racial ‘demands for actions now,’” and the era, police department shooting practice, problems among many Minneapolis NAACP called for the “immediate East Side Police Station, 1950. policemen.” In fact, “many policemen abolition of every facet of segregation in Minneapolis treat Negroes and and discrimination in this city.”38 On the night of May 18, 1963, two members of other minority groups as Announced on June 25, CORE’s policemen stopped Charles Daniels, a second class citizens—that is . . . dif- specific demands included more young Black man, on the city’s north ferently than they treat white people.” police training, an MPD “watchdog side. They accused Daniels of “using Until this changed, “tensions will committee,” and more African Amer- obscene language,” and a scuffle continue to mount and someday the ican officers. They also called directly ensued. One officer used a racial slur. city of Minneapolis will reap the con- on the Police Officers Federation to “adopt a code of fair practices and practices toward minority groups “We have long known . . . that there is a serious lack and to condemn derogatory remarks of understanding . . . of racial problems among many and conduct by officers against minority groups.” The NAACP did Minneapolis policemen.” not expressly name the federation, though its four-point program to Daniels responded by grabbing one sequences.” In response, the police “abolish discrimination in Minneapo- of their service revolvers and firing chief suspended the officer who used lis” included hiring Black cops.39 six shots. He wounded one of the a blackjack to beat Wells.36 Early the next morning, bombs cops. Three hours later and just a few Mayor Arthur Naftalin admitted exploded at the Minneapolis homes blocks away, other policemen stopped to “tensions” between African Amer- of the two suspended police officers. a driver, attracting a mostly African icans and the police but also claimed No one was hurt or injured. Shocked American crowd. After exchanging “there is no serious problem of racial civil rights advocates immediately insults, the cops moved to arrest Ray- discrimination in the Police Depart- condemned the acts. They “warned mond Wells, the boxing instructor at ment.” In fact, he argued, “there is a against assuming” the culprit was the nearby Phyllis Wheatley House. tendency to indict our Police Depart- African American. Black churches Then a fight broke out. One police- ment unfairly.” Angry members of began a fundraising campaign for man used a blackjack to severely beat the city’s Human Rights Commission the policemen and their families Wells. Others in the crowd sprang to responded with a “blistering attack” even as Black pastors declared the Wells’s defense. “As more policemen on the mayor. Meanwhile, the Police deed “dastardly.”40

SPRING 2021 233 Denouncing the bombings, Mayor the Minnesota Supreme Court. But Naftalin insisted the perpetrators within weeks, Mayor Naftalin agreed would be pursued and caught. Gover- with the Police Officers Federation, nor Karl Rolvaag called the bombings noting, “it is harmful to restrict the “an attempt to embarrass and frus- residency of city employees.” Though trate responsible Negro and white the ordinance remained in place for community leaders who have been two more years, strict enforcement working together to guarantee civil ended. Minneapolis police officers rights and freedom to all citizens.” began buying homes in the suburbs.43 Angry Minneapolis police officers already upset by the suspensions— including one lieutenant, who told The rise of Charles Stenvig reporters that “the police don’t need In December 1965, after a bitter, to take this kind of stuff”—turned nearly yearlong internal struggle to the federation to raise funds for between young and veteran officers a reward. Police chief E. I. Walling over seniority and promotions, feder- noted that “his officers” had “been ation head Carl Johnson announced Elected head of the Police Officers Federa- ‘dragged through the mud’” and he would step down. The leader of the tion in 1965, Charles Stenvig led officers into that he would “back to the limit any younger cops—the acclaimed Charles city politics in “unprecedented strength and arrests—Negro or white—made by Stenvig—won the post. Stenvig grew numbers.” Four years later, he was elected his officers.” The investigation went up in south Minneapolis, graduated Minneapolis mayor; 1971. nowhere.41 from Augsburg College, and joined Nonetheless, the bombings blew the MPD in 1956. He pledged to secure tigators found little actual evidence up more than property. Changes higher wages and better working that Minneapolis policemen regularly demanded by CORE and the NAACP conditions, and to improve relations engaged in extensive antidiscrimina- lost support among white residents, with the police chief, the mayor, and tion trainings. Calls for the hiring of while rank-and-file police officers felt the city council. Two decades of feder- Black officers, as well as for the estab- further besieged. The Police Officers ation work to build political influence lishment of a civilian oversight body, Federation began using its political meant the association’s new president rounded out the report.45 acumen to protect policemen from immediately became a major player With Stenvig at the helm, the growing charges of racism and calls in municipal affairs.44 politically potent Police Officers for reform. For instance, officers publicly rejected calls for a civilian review board. Instead, they pointed to The Police Officers Federation began using its political the deeds of a young white patrolman acumen to protect policemen from growing charges named Charles Stenvig, who gained citywide attention for performing of racism and calls for reform. For instance, officers lifesaving CPR on a dying African publicly rejected calls for a civilian review board. American child.42 In the months after the bombings, more and more Police Officers Fed- Stenvig’s pledge to improve Federation rejected these recom- eration members—now fearing for rank-and-file relationships with the mendations. In fact, one reporter their personal safety—decided that chief and elected officials proved proclaimed that under Stenvig’s “mil- municipal laws requiring police to difficult to fulfill. A formal report itant leadership,” officers “plunged live in Minneapolis should be chal- on police-community relations into city politics” in “unprecedented lenged. In November 1964, the police in Minneapolis—begun after the strength and number.” For example, chief suspended two officers for what racial unrest in 1963—identified the members of the federation marched he called a “willful, deliberate” viola- absence of formal mechanisms for through city streets and picketed tion of the long-standing residency civilian complaints regarding police city hall for higher wages for the first ordinance. The federation pledged prejudice and brutality. Despite stated time in January 1967. That same year, to defend these officers all the way to policies and journalistic claims, inves- the federation also defended officers

234 MINNESOTA HISTORY engaged in high-paying off duty work as bar bouncers.46 But the policemen wanted more than better compensation. They expressed “discontent with department disciplinary procedures.” They demanded legal counsel for disciplined officers and formal federation representation in disciplinary hearings. They also spurned the widespread dissemination of civilian complaint procedures “designed to inform Negroes of their rights to complain about police procedures,” claiming the complaints would “harm police morale and efficiency.” These struggles intensified divides between the Police Officers Federation and the police chief and mayor. They also cemented the conflation of the federation’s effort to protect policemen’s labor interests with racialized policing in the city.47 Questions of civilian oversight amid tense police relations with Black and Indigenous residents rose to the fore in July 1967, following a full-fledged uprising on Plymouth

Avenue by young African Americans Tense police relations with Black and Indigenous residents rose to the fore in July 1967, following railing against police mistreatment. a full-fledged uprising on Plymouth Avenue in north Minneapolis by young African Americans Even though the National Guard soon railing against police mistreatment. restored order in north Minneapolis, racial discord consumed the city. eration president—Charles Stenvig— empower police and ignore decades African Americans created new insti- ran for mayor as an independent. He of racial inequities proved popular tutions and organizations, such as pledged to restore law and order and with many voters. Stenvig earned a the Urban Coalition, to fight racism. to “take the handcuffs off the police.” second term as mayor of Minneapolis Native people, responding to their With organized labor’s support, Sten- by soundly defeating African Ameri- own frustrations with MPD brutality, vig won handily. Reporting on his can civil rights leader Harry Davis in formed the American Indian Move- surprise victory, the New York Times 1971—the same year the Minnesota ment in 1968. Nonetheless, the Police pointed out that the new mayor was Legislature legalized public sector Officers Federation used its consid- “a policeman, committed to strength- unions. In 1972, during Stenvig’s erable power to resist the combined ening the power of the police.” As for second term, the Police Officers Fed- efforts of these civil rights groups charges of racism, in his inauguration eration finally earned formal collec- along with community organizers, speech Stenvig claimed color blind- tive bargaining rights and became a business leaders, and Mayor Arthur ness. “Color should not be a cause of full-fledged union. The institutional- Naftalin to fully address intertwined harassment, nor a shield for wrong- ization of the police union’s power in police power and racism in the city. doing,” he proclaimed, pointing out Minneapolis was complete.49 Citing exhaustion, Naftalin chose not that “nothing” troubled him more That same year, after a brief to run for reelection in 1969.48 during the campaign than the charges struggle within the Police Officers Taking advantage of the vacuum “that I am not sensitive to the prob- Federation over “getting out of in city politics, the Police Officers Fed- lems of the minorities.” His efforts to the business of endorsing political

SPRING 2021 235 olis Police Department, 1872–1973: 101 Years of Service (Minneapolis: MPD, 1974) and Michael A. Fossum, History of the Minneapolis Police Depart- ment (Minneapolis: no publisher, 1996). 2. Christopher Lowen Agee, “Crisis and Redemption: The History of American Police Reform Since World War II,” Journal of Urban His- tory 46, no. 5 (Sept. 2020): 951–60. Historian Robert Fogelson noted that urban police officers often expressed “a strong sense of alienation, a sharp feeling of persecution, and other severe anxieties which for want of a better term might be called occupational paranoia.” For this emer- gent “occupational paranoia,” see Robert M. Fogelson, Big-City Police (Cambridge, MA: Har- vard University Press, 1977), 112, 239–42. For the history of policing in US cities Police federation president Charles Stenvig successfully ran for Minneapolis mayor in 1969 as an between 1945 and 1965, see Simon Balto, Occu- independent on a law and order platform. pied Territory: Policing Black Chicago from Red Summer to Black Power (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019); Christopher Lowen candidates in city elections,” the rank the union consolidated its already Agee, The Streets of San Francisco: Policing and and file overwhelmingly voted for outsize presence. the Creation of a Cosmopolitan Liberal Politics, a president “that championed the Futile attempts to reform the MPD 1950–1972 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014); Eric C. Schneider, Christopher federation’s role in politics.” They in the 1980s, failed efforts to address Agee, and Themis Chronopoulos, “Dirty Work: rejected the concerns of some union soaring murder rates in the 1990s, Police and Community Relations and the Limits members that “our activities in this and the intensifying use of deadly of Liberalism in Postwar Philadelphia,” Journal of Urban History 46, no. 5 (Sept. 2020): 961–79; The- area have done little to enhance our force against communities of color in mis Chronopoulos, “Police Misconduct, Commu- public image.” A large majority— the 2000s all highlighted the politi- nity Opposition, and Urban Governance in New some of whom spoke “fondly of our cal brawn of the city’s police union. York City, 1945–1965,” Journal of Urban History 44, ‘political muscle’”—instead chose to Indeed, in 1985, a Minneapolis Star no. 4 (July 2018): 643–68; Simon Balto, “‘Occu- pied Territory’: Police Repression and Black continue “endorsing candidates who Tribune editorial on racism, policing, Resistance in Postwar Milwaukee, 1950–1968,” will listen to law and order issues and and reform openly wondered if “the Journal of African American History 98, no. 2 problems.” Given a clear choice—the mayor and council will control the (Spring 2013): 229–52; Karl E. Johnson, “Police- Black Community Relations in Postwar Philadel- same one they had faced 23 years police department or whether power phia: Race and Criminalization in Urban Social earlier—the federation doubled down will shift to the police union.” But by Spaces, 1945–1960,” Journal of African American on policing politics.50 then, it was too late. Established in History 89, no. 2 (Spring 2004): 118–34. 3. For the history of police brutality, see Clar- the 1950s and early 1960s, the Police ence Taylor, Fight the Power: African Americans In the years that followed, Officers Federation’s ability to police and the Long History of Police Brutality in New York the Police Officers Federation of city politics as well as city streets City (New York: New York University Press, 2019). Minneapolis—dedicated to protecting ensured that the MPD continued 4. Jennifer A. Delton, Making Minnesota Lib- eral: Civil Rights and the Transformation of the the labor interests of a mostly white to enforce deep and painful racial Democratic Party (Minneapolis: University of police force—used the political clout divides in Minneapolis.51 Minnesota Press, 2002); Hubert H. Humphrey, it first acquired in the 1950s and early “Police Reforms Bring New Era of Enforcement,” Minneapolis Tribune, July 1, 1946; Gary W. Reich- 1960s to blunt multiple efforts to ard, “Mayor Hubert H. Humphrey,” Minnesota reform policing. It fused traditional History 56 (Summer 1998): 50–67; Timothy N. union goals of wages and job protec- Notes Thurber, The Politics of Equality: Hubert H. Hum- phrey and the African American Freedom Struggle tions with the protection of whiteness The author wishes to thank William Green, Jeff (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), in a predominantly white city. Even Kolnick, Kirsten Delegard, Annette Atkins, B. 23–48; Carey McWilliams, “Minneapolis: The before the Plymouth Avenue upris- Erin Cole, Deborah Miller, Marcia Anderson, Curious Twin,” Common Ground 7, no. 1 (Autumn ing of 1967, the federation’s ability Nancy Rosenbaum, and the anonymous reviewer 1946): 61–65. The Democratic Party merged with for their insights, suggestions, and support. the Farmer-Labor Party in April 1944, making to police city politics had shaped the 1. “MacLean Replies,” Minneapolis Star, June Humphrey the first Democratic-Farmer-Labor trajectory of racial disparities as well 9, 1949, 24; “Hoyer Tells Why He Fired Chief,” mayor of Minneapolis. The last Democrat to as Minneapolis itself. When the fed- Minneapolis Star, June 10, 1949, 1; “Federation have been elected mayor of Minneapolis was J. C. Raps Police Influence in Politics,” Minneapolis Haynes (1907–13). eration’s former leader became mayor Star, June 10, 1949, 1. For the history of the Min- 5. “Consultant to Chart Race Training Plan,” and it became a legal bargaining unit, neapolis Police Department (MPD), see Minneap- Minneapolis Star, Mar. 21, 1946, 19; Joseph T.

236 MINNESOTA HISTORY Kluchesky, “Police Action in Minority Problems,” University of California, Berkeley, 2012, 1–22; States Government Against the Negro People (New reprint of address before 52nd Annual Confer- “Police Will Study Race Problems,” Minneapolis York: Civil Rights Congress, 1951). ence of the International Association of Police Star, Aug. 13, 1952, 29. The emergence of police 20. Carl T. Rowan, “Social, Economic Condi- Chiefs, Miami, Dec. 1945; “Around the Town,” unions in the years after World War II stood in tion Blamed for Negro Crimes,” Minneapolis Tri- Minneapolis Star, Sept. 5, 1946, 6; Alexander B. stark contrast to previous decades, when munic- bune, Nov. 6, 1957, 11. For the persistent power of Elkins, “Battle of the Corner: Urban Policing and ipal police forces often broke up strikes and racial covenants in post–World War II Minneapo- Rioting in the United States, 1943–1971,” PhD gained reputations for being notoriously anti lis, see the Mapping Prejudice project, University diss., Temple University, 2017, 113–22; Governor’s labor. During the 1934 general strike in Minneap- of Minnesota, https://mappingprejudice.umn Interracial Commission, The Negro and His Home olis, for instance, the MPD engaged in violent .edu/; “The Negro Dope Peddler,” Minneapolis in Minnesota (St. Paul: State of Minnesota, 1947), clashes with striking workers: see Bryan D. Tribune, Oct. 7, 1953, 6; Minneapolis Police Depart- 5; “Cops Don’t Have to Be Brutal,” Saturday Palmer, Revolutionary Teamsters: The Minneapolis ment (MPD) Annual Report, 1950 (Minneapolis: Evening Post 219, no. 26 (Dec. 28, 1946): 20–21; Truckers’ Strikes of 1934 (Chicago: Haymarket Minneapolis Police Press), 19; MPD Annual “City’s Race Relations Work Gets Nation-Wide Books, 2014). Report, 1951, 19; MPD Annual Report, 1952, 19; MPD Acclaim,” Minneapolis Tribune, Dec. 27, 1946, 8; 13. “Carl G. Johnson Elected by U.S. Police Annual Report, 1953, 19; MPD Annual Report, 1954, “Bias Charged in Arrest of Two,” Minneapolis Officers,” Minneapolis Tribune, Apr. 11, 1953, 21; 19; MPD Annual Report, 1955, 19; MPD Annual Tribune, Aug. 30, 1946, 13. For the persistent and “Here’s a Quick Look At: Carl G. Johnson,” Minne- Report, 1956, 20; MPD Annual Report, 1957, 21; MPD assumed correlation of criminality and Black- apolis Star, Jan. 2, 1956, 10B. Annual Report, 1958, 23; MPD Annual Report, 1959 ness in the decades before the 1960s, see Khalil 14. “Six Groups Endorse Candidates,” Minne- (Minneapolis: Argus Publishing Co., 1960), 22; Gibran Muhammad, The Condemnation of Black- apolis Tribune, May 10, 1953, 6UM; “Hoyer MPD Annual Report, 1960 (Argus, 1961), 21; “City ness: Race, Crime, and the Making of Modern Urban Re-Elected: Liberals Control Council, 8–5,” Min- Urged to Take Lead in Race Relations,” Minneap- America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University neapolis Tribune, June 9, 1953, 1. olis Tribune, Mar. 27, 1954, 12. Press, 2011) and Jeffrey S. Adler, “Less Crime, 15. Charles E. Boyer, “Behind School Head- 21. Bradley L. Morison, “City Ranks High in More Punishment: Violence, Race, and Criminal lines,” Minneapolis Labor Review, Jan. 22, 1953, 4; Race Relations,” Minneapolis Tribune, Nov. 21, Justice in Early Twentieth-Century America,” “Minneapolis Charter Amendment #18: Pay Lev- 1957, 6; Rules and Regulations of the Police Depart- Journal of American History 102, no. 1 (June 2015): els for Fire and Police,” Citizens League Report ment of the City of Minneapolis (Minneapolis: no 34–46. No. 147, Oct. 1962, 2; Carl G. Johnson, “Policemen, publisher, 1945); Rules and Regulations of the 6. Report on a Survey of the Police Department, Firemen, and Wages,” Minneapolis Star, Jan. 29, Police Department, City of Minneapolis (Minneapo- City of Minneapolis, Minnesota (Chicago: Public 1958, 14A; “Hearing Set on Charter ‘Floor’ for lis: no publisher, 1955), 17, 19. Administration Service, 1947); “Firemen and Police Force,” Minneapolis Star, Dec. 10, 1954, 45; 22. “New Board Will Review Police Actions,” Policemen Get Raise of $25,” Minneapolis Labor “‘A Policeman’s Lot,’” Minneapolis Tribune, Apr. 8, Minneapolis Tribune, Dec. 2, 1959, 15; “A Check on Review, Nov. 6, 1947, 1; “Mayor Asks More Police,” 1954, 4. the Police,” Minneapolis Tribune, Dec. 5, 1959, 4; Minneapolis Tribune, Dec. 10, 1946, 11; Reichard, 16. John Fitzgerald, “Citizens League,” Bob Ylvisaker, “Police Review Board Gets No Com- “Mayor Hubert H. Humphrey,” 56. MNopedia, https://www.mnopedia.org/group plaints,” Minneapolis Tribune, Jan. 17, 1960, 4UM; 7. For a history of struggles over the Minne- /citizens-league; “Minneapolis Police Depart- Josiah E. Brill, “City Had Police Review Board, apolis city charter, see Iric Nathanson, Minneapo- ment: 2nd Report,” Citizens League Report No. Briefly,”Minneapolis Star, Aug. 16, 1963, 10A. lis in the Twentieth Century: The Growth of an 48, Sept. 1955, 2–3; “Our Police Manpower,” Min- 23. “Is Park Board Needed?” Minneapolis Tri- American City (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical neapolis Tribune, Sept. 24, 1955, 6; “Citizens bune, July 30, 1958, 14A; “Group Formed to Push Society Press, 2010), 13–38. League Offers Police Plan,” Minneapolis Tribune, for City Charter,” Minneapolis Tribune, Dec. 18, 8. “News Trust Seeks to Railroad Dictator City Sept. 21, 1955, 17. 1959, 35; “Jaycees Back Change in Charter,” Charter,” Minneapolis Labor Review, Nov. 11, 1948, 17. Carl G. Johnson, “Only One Policeman Minneapolis Star, Apr. 23, 1960, 5A; Nathanson, 1; Nathanson, Minneapolis in the Twentieth Cen- Does Clerical Work,” Minneapolis Tribune, Oct. 12, Minneapolis in the Twentieth Century, 27–29. tury, 26–27; William Millikan, A Union Against 1957, 8; Seymour Freedgood, “New Strength in 24. “Proposed Dictator Charter is Conspiracy Unions: The Minneapolis Citizens Alliance and Its City Hall,” in The Exploding Metropolis (New York: Against People,” Minneapolis Labor Review, June Fight Against Organized Labor, 1903–1947 (St. Paul: Doubleday, 1958), 62–91; Daniel M. Upham, 2, 1960, 1; “Jaycees Back Change in Charter,” Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2003), “City’s Ranking Fails to Jibe with Figures,” Minne- Minneapolis Star, Apr. 23, 1960, 5A; Ted Kolderie, 197–212; Carl Solberg, Hubert Humphrey: A Biogra- apolis Tribune, Nov. 3, 1957, 1E; “Proposed Charter “Labor Fails to Delay March to Charter Vote,” phy (St. Paul, MN: Borealis Books, 1984), 109–10. Changes for City Government,” Citizens League Minneapolis Tribune, Jan. 15, 1960, 13. 9. “Hoyer Urges Fixed Term for Chief of Report No. 81, Oct. 1957. 25. Frank Wright, “Police Foes of Charter Use Police,” Minneapolis Star, July 6, 1949, 1; “Flash,” 18. Carl T. Rowan, “Housing is Negro’s Great- City Hall Facilities,” Minneapolis Tribune, May 30, Minneapolis Labor Review, Oct. 4, 1951, 1; “Police est Need,” Minneapolis Tribune, Nov. 7, 1957, 7; 1960, 1; “Close Call Is Right!” Minneapolis Star, Federation Elects Johnson,” Minneapolis Labor Toyse Kyle, “Minnesota Black, Minnesota Blue,” June 2, 1960 10A; Ted Kolderie, “Charter Proposal Review, May 31, 1951, 4; “Here’s a Quick Look At: in Growing Up in Minnesota: Ten Writers Remember Killed by Voters, 54,730 to 43,819,” Minneapolis Carl G. Johnson,” Minneapolis Star, Jan. 2, 1956, Their Childhoods, ed. Chester G. Anderson (Min- Tribune, June 8, 1960, 1. 10B; “City Police Department Opposes Tenure neapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1976), 26. “Chamber Backs Amendment to Enlarge for Chief,” Minneapolis Star, Oct. 4, 1951, 48. 174; Leonard Inskip, “Do Negroes Find Equality of Police,” Minneapolis Star, May 22, 1961, 21A; 10. Carl G. Johnson, “Policemen Seek Strike Opportunity in Minneapolis?” Minneapolis Tri- Charles Hanna, “Internal Dispute, Tax Bid Com- Substitute,” Minneapolis Star, Oct. 10, 1952, 26, bune, May 13, 1956, 16A; “Paint Hurled as plicate Library Race,” Minneapolis Tribune, June 4, and “Police Group Asks Council for More Pay,” Negroes Move to White Area,” Minneapolis Tri- 1961, 1UM; “135,000 May Vote in City’s Election,” Minneapolis Star, Apr. 19, 1952, 10. bune, Sept. 15, 1955, 19. Minneapolis Star, June 5, 1961, 13A; Frank Prem- 11. Joseph E. Slater, Public Workers: Govern- 19. Carl T. Rowan, “Still 2 Kinds of Law in the ack, “Police Group Urges Backing for Aldermen,” ment Employee Unions, the Law, and the State, South,” Minneapolis Tribune, Mar. 3, 1951, 1. Across Minneapolis Tribune, May 15, 1961, 1. 1900–1962 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, the nation, police brutality continued to be a 27. “An Improper Letter,” Minneapolis Tribune, 2004), 8. central issue for African Americans in the years May 16, 1961, 4; “A Crude Maneuver,” Minneapolis 12. Megan Marie Adams, “The Patrolmen’s after World War II: see William L. Patterson, We Star, May 18, 1961, 10A; Frank Premack, “Police Revolt: Chicago Police and the Labor and Urban Charge Genocide: The Historic Petition to the Group Urges Backing for Aldermen,” Minneapolis Crises of the Late Twentieth Century,” PhD diss., United Nations for Relief from a Crime of the United Tribune, May 15, 1961, 1; “City Employes [sic] Get

SPRING 2021 237 Warning on Politics,” Minneapolis Star, May 22, 39. David Mazie, “City Rights Programs Pre- Nimmer, “Naftalin Says He Won’t Seek Reelec- 1961, 1; “Letter Stirs Censure by COPE,” Minneap- sented,” Minneapolis Tribune, June 26, 1963, 1. tion,” Minneapolis Star, Dec. 20, 1968, 1; Fred olis Star, June 8, 1961, 1B; David Mazie, “Police Tax 40. “Explosions Set Off at Two Suspended Powledge, “The Flight from City Hall,” Harpers Increase Wins; Library Loses,” Minneapolis Tri- Policemen’s Homes,” Minneapolis Star, June 26, (Nov. 1969): 69–86. bune, June 14, 1961, 10. 1963, 1; “Home Bombing Shocks City Negro 49. E. W. Kennorthy, “Policeman Wins Min- 28. “City Policeman Gets National Post,” Min- Leaders,” Minneapolis Star, June 26, 1963, 1; Dick neapolis Race,” New York Times, June 11, 1969, 16; neapolis Star, July 27, 1961, 1B; “Group Gets Fire, Cunningham, “Rights Leaders Warn of Hasty “Text of Stenvig’s Inaugural Address as City’s Police Pay Plan,” Minneapolis Star, Feb. 22, 1962, Assumptions,” Minneapolis Tribune, June 27, 1963, Mayor,” Minneapolis Star, July 7, 1969, 2; Jeffrey T. 7A; “League Urges ‘No’ on Amendment 18,” Min- 1; “Negroes Raise Funds to Aid Bomb Victims,” Manuel and Andrew Urban, “‘You Can’t Legislate neapolis Star, Oct. 4, 1962, 19B; “Firemen and Minneapolis Tribune, June 27, 1963, 1. the Heart’: Minneapolis Mayor Charles Stenvig Police Plan for Pay Raise,” Minneapolis Labor 41. “Police Bitter over Penalties, Bombings,” and the Politics of Law and Order,” American Review, Oct. 12, 1961, 1. Minneapolis Star, June 26, 1963, 1; “Mayor Vows Studies 49, no. 3–4 (Fall/Winter 2008): 195–219; 29. “Pay Formula Opposed for Policemen, All-out Search,” Minneapolis Star, June 26, 1963, Jeffrey Bloodworth, Losing the Center: The Decline Firemen,” Minneapolis Star, Apr. 27, 1962, 2; Frank 1; “Police Vote Is Sought on Reward,” Minneapolis of American Liberalism, 1968–1992 (Lexington: Premack, “Firemen, Police Push Amendment,” Tribune, June 28, 1963, 1; “Police Meet ‘Blank University Press of Kentucky, 2013), 37–56; Jef- Minneapolis Tribune, Sept. 30, 1962, 1UM; Frank Wall’ in Bomb Probe,” Minneapolis Tribune, July frey Bloodworth, “‘The Little Guy for the Little Premack, “Council Silent on Amendment,” Min- 12, 1963, 7. Guy’: 1969 Minneapolis and the White Working- neapolis Tribune, Sept. 27, 1962, 1. 42. Frank Premack, “Fire, Police Raise Backed Class Revolt,” in The Conservative Heartland: A 30. “Minneapolis Charter Amendment #18 by Council Unit,” Minneapolis Tribune, Dec. 27, Political History of the Postwar American Midwest, Pay Levels for Fire and Police,” Citizens League 1963, 1; Jay Edgerton, “Police Oppose Citizen eds. Jon K. Lauck and Catherine McNicol Stock Report No. 147, Oct. 1962, 3–4. Boards,” Minneapolis Star, Aug. 12, 1963, 6; (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2020), 31. Martin Merrick, “Amendment 18 Drive “Policeman to Be Cited,” Minneapolis Star, Aug. 171–89; “The Minnesota Public Labor Relations Enters Second Round,” Minneapolis Star, Nov. 3, 22, 1963, 19B. Act of 1971: Another Public Employment Experi- 1962, 5A; “Amendment 18 Defeated by Big Mar- 43. David Nimmer, “Policemen Living in the ment,” Minnesota Law Review 57 (1972): 134–78. gin,” Minneapolis Tribune, Nov. 7, 1962, 1; “Amend- Suburbs Suspended,” Minneapolis Star, Nov. 12, For more on the pernicious effects of so-called ment 18 Beaten,” Minneapolis Tribune, Nov. 7, 1964, 1; John Shaver, “Court Test Planned of Resi- color blindness in law enforcement, see Michelle 1962, 8; David Mazie, “5 Major Actions by City dence Rule,” Minneapolis Star, Nov. 13, 1964, 1; Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration Council,” Minneapolis Tribune, Dec. 29, 1962, 1. “Naftalin Condemns Rule on Residence,” Minne- in the Age of Colorblindness (New York: New Press, 32. Frank Premack, “Police Federation Seeks apolis Star, Jan. 14, 1965, 1Y; “City Residency Rule 2010). New Charter Amendment on Salaries,” Minneap- Dropped for Most Employees,” Minneapolis Tri- 50. “Detective Nelson Reelected President olis Tribune, Feb. 12, 1963, 14; “Amendment 18 bune, Apr. 28, 1967, 31. of Minneapolis Police Federation,” Minneapolis Again?” Minneapolis Tribune, Feb. 13, 1963, 4. 44. “Head of Police Federation Not to Run Tribune, Apr. 25, 1972, 6B; Stephen Hartgen, 33. “Lawyer, FEPC Head Removed from Again,” Minneapolis Star, Dec. 1, 1965, 15C; “C. S. “Two Police Federation Candidates Differ Widely,” Police Race Relations Panel,” Minneapolis Tri- Stenvig Heads Police Federation,” Minneapolis Minneapolis Star, Apr. 12, 1972, 8B. bune, Feb. 15, 1963, 1; “Labor Leader Named Tribune, Dec. 28, 1965, 1. 51. “The Campaign Against Tony Bouza,” Min- Director of City’s FEPC,” Minneapolis Tribune, Feb. 45. “Hearings to Explore Injustices to neapolis Star Tribune, Oct. 21, 1985, 14A. Tony 6, 1956, 17. Minority Groups,” Minneapolis Labor Review, July Bouza, Minneapolis police chief (1980–89), noted, 34. “Officer Shot,” Minneapolis Tribune, May 18, 1963, 4; Minnesota State Advisory Committee “the Minneapolis Police Department was politi- 20, 1963, 18; “NAACP Plans Inquiry in City Negro to US Commission on Civil Rights, “Report on cized in a way no other law enforcement agency Arrest,” Minneapolis Tribune, May 24, 1963, 39; Police-Community Relations in Minneapolis and had ever experienced”: see Anthony V. Bouza, Richard Conlon, “Testimony Hints at Fear of St. Paul,” Sept. 1965. Police Unbound: Corruption, Abuse, and Heroism by Race Riot,” Minneapolis Tribune, May 25, 1963, 1; 46. Dick Cunningham, “Rights Workers Split the Boys in Blue (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, “Policeman Testifies on Altercation,” Minneapolis on Civilian Review Board,” Minneapolis Tribune, 2001), 189. For more on the Minneapolis Police Tribune, May 30, 1963, 1; “Police Tell of Near Race Oct. 21, 1965, 25; John Shaver, “Police, Firemen Department during this period, see Kevin Riot,” Minneapolis Star, June 1, 1963, 5A. Actively Plunge into City Politics,” Minneapolis Ehrman-Solberg, “The Battle of the Bookstores 35. “Testimony Hints at Fear of Race Riot,” Tribune, May 8, 1966, 17B; Wayne Wangstad, and Gay Sexual Liberation in Minneapolis,” Middle Minneapolis Tribune, May 25, 1963, 1; “Policeman “Police, Firemen Will Banner City Hall Today,” West Review 3, no. 1 (Fall 2016): 1–24. Testifies on Altercation,” Minneapolis Tribune, Minneapolis Tribune, Jan. 9, 1967, 1; “More Pay, For national context, see Elizabeth Hinton, May 30, 1963, 1; “Abuse in Arrest Denied,” Minne- Less Moonlighting?” Minneapolis Tribune, Sept. From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime: The apolis Star, May 30, 1963, 4C. Thomas Sugrue 27, 1967, 18A. Making of Mass Incarceration in America (Cam- notes that “nothing mattered more than police- 47. Pat McCarty, “Police-Complaint Brochure bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2016) and community conflict” in the racial unrest of the Opposed,” Minneapolis Tribune, Feb. 17, 1966, 13; Stuart Schrader, Badges Without Borders: How urban North during the 1960s: see Thomas J. “Those Police Objections to a Pamphlet,” Minne- Global Counterinsurgency Transformed American Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Strug- apolis Tribune, Feb. 19, 1966, 4. Policing (Berkeley: University of California Press, gle for Civil Rights in the North (New York: Random 48. Susan Marks, “Civil Unrest on Plymouth 2019). House, 2008), 327. Avenue, Minneapolis, 1967,” MNopedia, https:// 36. “City NAACP Warns Against Bias by www.mnopedia.org/event/civil-unrest-plymouth Police,” Minneapolis Tribune, June 15, 1963, 1. -avenue-minneapolis-1967; Harry W. Davis, Over- Images on p. 226, 227, 231, 233, Hennepin County 37. Frank Premack, “Mayor Denies Any Seri- coming: The Autobiography of W. Harry Davis Library; all others, MNHS Collections. ous Race Bias Among Policemen,” Minneapolis (Afton, MN: Afton Historical Society Press, Tribune, June 19, 1963, 1. 2002); “Indians Vote to Continue Franklin 38. Richard Conlon, “3 Negroes Urge Rein- Patrol,” Minneapolis Tribune, Aug. 28, 1968, 18; statement of City Policeman,” Minneapolis Tri- Christine Birong-Smith, “The Influence of Police bune, June 19, 1963, 1; David Mazie, “City Rights Brutality on the American Indian Movement’s Programs Presented,” Minneapolis Tribune, June Establishment in Minneapolis, 1968–1969,” MA 26, 1963, 1. thesis, University of Arizona, 2009; David

238 MINNESOTA HISTORY

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