Communist Party Gene Dennis

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Communist Party Gene Dennis 20c. \ MAY 1940 THE B.QLSHEVIZATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY GENE DENNIS ' SOCIAL-DEMOCRATISM: THE MAIN OBSTACLE TO OVERCOME (REV.IEW OF THE MONTH) THE HAYMARKET MARTYRS AND MAY DAY,. 1940 OAKLEY JOHNSON .THE VATICAN AND ROOSEVELT LOUIS F. BUDENZ ,' ZIONISM AND THE IMPERIALIST WAR PAUL NOVICK FOR SPRING PUBLICATION Dialectics of Nature, by Fre9erick Engels . $2.50 Translated into English for the first time by Clemens .. Du tt, witn an introduction by J. B. S. Haldane, this invaluable wo rk on dialectical materialism and the I natuq;l l_scie[l ces has been _eagerly_awaited by Ameri­ can readers. Its publication in May constitutes an · important contribution t~ the al'senal of Marxism­ . Leninism. Why Farmers Are Poor: The Agricultural Crisis in the ' ... United States, by An.na Rochester $2.50 The scope of thi.s- fundamental study of the farm problem in the United States is indicated by some <?f the chapter neadings: Agriculture as Part of Capi­ talist Economy; How Capitalism Develops Wi+hin Agricultu re; Rent and Land Tenure; Farm Wage Workers; The Crisis of Small F<!rmers; The Farmers' Price Problem, etc. Salute to-Spring, by -Meridel Le Sueur $1.50 A volume of short stories which have been highly praised by many critics. Some of the .selections in this b~ok include: " No W ine in His C art," "Fable of a Man and Pigeons," "A Hungry Intellectual," "Biography of My Daughter," "Tonight Is Part of the Struggle." • Order from W 0 R K E R S L I B R A R Y .P U B L. I S li E R S P. 0. Box 148, :Station Q.. New York, N.Y. VOL. XIX, No. 5 MAY, 1940 THE COMMUNIST A MAGAZINE OF THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF MARXISM-LENINISM PUBLISHED MONTHLY BY THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE U.S.A. EDITOR: EARL BROWDER CONTENTS Review of the Month A. B. 387 The Bolshevization of the Communist Party of the United States in the Struggle Against the Imperialist War Gene Dennis 403 The Haymarket Martyrs and May Day, 1940 Oakley Johnson 418 The Reactionary Political Role of the Vatican Louis F. Budenz 431 The Impact of the War on the Structure of Capitalism George Brahns 451 Zionism and the Imperialist War Paul Novick 463 Greetings to "Clarity" 480 Entered as second class matter November 2, r927, at the Post Office at New York, N. Y., under the Act of March 3, r879. Send checks, money orders and correspondence to THE CoMMUNIST, P. 0. Box r48, Sta. D (5o E. r3th St.), New York. Subscription rates: $2.00 a year; $r.oo for six months; foreign and Canada $2.50 a year. Single copies .20 cents. · PRINTED IN THE U.S.A. .....209 ON IMPERIALISM AND WAR Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, by V. I. Lenin $.30 The War and the Second International, by V. I. Lenin .20 Is This a War for Freedom? by Ernst Fischer . .10 The People Against the War-Makers, by Earl Browder .05 Social-Democracy and the War, by V. J. Jerome . .05 The War and the Working Class of the Capitalist Countries by Georgi Dim;troff . .02 The War Crisis: Questions and Answers, by William Z. Foster .05 A Negro Looks at War, by John Henry Williams . .03 The War and the Workers, by V. I. Lenin (Ready in May) .10 I Didn't Raise My Boy to Be a Soldier-For Wall Street, by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn .01 • Imperialism and the Imperialist War (1914-1917) by V. I. Lenin 2.00 Marxism and the National and Colonial Question, by Joseph Stalin . 1.50 • WORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS P. 0. Box 148, Station D, New York, N.Y. REVIEW OF THE MONTH The Forthcoming Communist Nominating Convention. Candidates and Platform. Promoting the Anti-Imperialist People's Front and Building the Communist Party. Social-Democratism Is the Main Obstacle to Combat. What Is the Role of Norman Thomas & Co.? Communist Policies in National Elections. The Growth of Anti-War Movements. External and Internal Factors in the Anti-War Struggle. Molotov's Report. Greater Vigilance and Renewed Confidence. For Resistance to All Manifestations of Capitalist Offensive. Dies and the Com­ munists. On Certain Anti-Marxist Criticisms. Stalin's Contribu­ tions to Marxism. Scientific Spirit Versus Bourgeois Class Spirit. Theory and Experience. The Struggle for Bolshevization. On Stalin's Art to Foresee Events. The Power of Revolutionary Theory and Self-Crit-ical Evaluations. HE forthcoming National Con­ tained in the election struggle. They T vention of the Communist are: to stimulate further the de­ Party, to be held May 30-June 3 in velopment and struggles of the New York City, will be a Presiden­ anti-imperialist and anti-war mass tial nominating convention for the movements, the struggle for the purpose of nominating candidates economic standards and civil rights for President and Vice President of the masses, to promote the strug­ and for the adoption of an election gle for the class unity of the prole­ platform. Thus the Communist tariat, bringing forth the working Party will equip itself for entering class ever more prominently as the the election struggle in order to initiator and leader of these strug­ promote the movements of the gles. They are--these practical ob­ masses against the imperialist war, jectives-to help secure the maxi­ against capitalist reaction and in­ mum possible independent political tensified exploitation and for the action of labor and its allies in the further strengthening of the Party forthcoming elections, orientating as the revolutionary vanguard of these developments towards an the American working class. We are anti - imperialist, anti - monopoly on the eve of a significant stage in party of peace. They are to build the fight for the anti-imperialist and strengthen the Communist people's front and in the historic Party itself, to widen and solidify march to socialism. its contacts with the masses, to pro­ In other words, we have imme­ tect and defend its legal existence, diate practical objectives to be at- to raise to new heights the ideologi- 387 388 REVIEW OF THE MONTH cal and political level of our entire historic mission of leading the toil­ work. ing people to the abolition of capi­ These practical objectives arise talism and the establishment of so-· from the most intimate and burning cialism. needs of the masses of the people. And it is for these purposes, for They are the major immediate the realization of these great aims, needs of the American working that the Communist Party enters class and its allies-the toiling the election struggle with its own farmers, the youth, the Negro peo­ candidates and platform. The Com­ ple, the women, and the aged. They munist Party, says Comrade Stalin are the needs of the great gathering in his Bolshevization principles, coalition of labor with all common must not regard itself "as an appen­ people, the coalition for which John dage of the parliamentary election L. Lewis again spoke so eloquently machine," as the Socialist Party before the miners of northern West does, or as "a free supplement of Virginia on April 1. More than that: the trade unions," as certain an­ the immediate practical objectives archo-syndicalists say, "but as the of the Communist Party in the elec­ highest form of class combination tions are the very objectives for of the proletariat." (Quoted by which progressive labor and its Georgi Dimitroff, "Stalin and the allies are already fighting. There­ World Proletariat," The Communist fore, in fighting for the realization International, No. 1, 1940, pp. 18- of the practical objectives of the 19.) And this means the carrying Communist Party in the elections, out in the election struggles of a we shall be standing shoulder to rounded-out campaign to intensify shoulder with the progressive mass the mass struggles on all fronts, to movements and in their front ranks. unify and concentrate their political But this is not all. The Commu­ expression in the maximum mass nist Party aims to build itself into support for the platform and stand­ a leading vanguard party of the ard-bearers of the Communist American working class. It strives Party, to build the anti-imperialist to become a true Bolshevik Party. people's front under labor's leader­ What does that mean? It means that ship, to project the further perspec­ every immediate and practical ac­ tives of this struggle on the road tion that we engage in must be so to socialism, to train the working planned and carried out as to lead class in its historic liberating naturally to the deepening of the mission. political understanding of the From this it follows that one of working class, to the raising of its the chief political tasks of the elec­ political position of initiative and tion campaign is to expose the im­ leadership, to accelerating the his­ perialist, war-making and capitalist toric movement of labor to becom­ reactionary character of the two ing the leader of the nation. It bourgeois parties and thus to stim­ should naturally train and educate ulate further the separation of the the working class in the spirit of its American working class and its REVIEW OF THE MONTH 389 allies from these parties. Having vancement of the working class and this clearly in mind, it must also its allies. That is why the bour­ be realized that one of the main geoisie fears and hates it. That is . obstacles to the fulfilment of this why its reformist agents, its agents task is Social-Democratism in its in the labor movement, work un­ various forms: Norman Thomasism, ceasingly for the weakening and Waldman-Dubinsky-Rose & Co., wrecking of this movement.
Recommended publications
  • Chapter One: Introduction
    CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF IL DUCE TRACING POLITICAL TRENDS IN THE ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEDIA DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF FASCISM by Ryan J. Antonucci Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2013 Changing Perceptions of il Duce Tracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism Ryan J. Antonucci I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Ryan J. Antonucci, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Brian Bonhomme, Committee Member Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Carla Simonini, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Associate Dean of Graduate Studies Date Ryan J. Antonucci © 2013 iii ABSTRACT Scholars of Italian-American history have traditionally asserted that the ethnic community’s media during the 1920s and 1930s was pro-Fascist leaning. This thesis challenges that narrative by proving that moderate, and often ambivalent, opinions existed at one time, and the shift to a philo-Fascist position was an active process. Using a survey of six Italian-language sources from diverse cities during the inauguration of Benito Mussolini’s regime, research shows that interpretations varied significantly. One of the newspapers, Il Cittadino Italo-Americano (Youngstown, Ohio) is then used as a case study to better understand why events in Italy were interpreted in certain ways.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record—Senate S 10075
    July 14, 1995 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Ð SENATE S 10075 of South Vietnam, he was placed under house tograph of the March 16, 1968, My Lai mas- Private visits and business relationships arrest for ``re-education'' when the com- sacre that shocked the conscience of Amer- are pushing the process along. Just this munist North captured Saigon in 1975. But ica adorns one wall. Other photos show the week, a Massachusetts trade delegation led later he emerged as the principal economic deforming effects of U.S. bombs and the defo- by Lt. Gov. Paul Cellucci is talking business adviser to the unified government, was al- liant Agent Orange on the women and chil- in VietnamÐbusiness that can create local lowed to set up an international manage- dren of Vietnam. jobs. And the U.S. already has opened a dip- ment and finance company, and eventually There are, of course, no similar photos of lomatic liaison office in Hanoi. became a millionaire again. the hurt and sorrow caused by the North Vi- The next logical step is to exchange am- ``I gambled (by not fleeing Vietnam), and I etnamese military. To the victor goes the bassadors, and there's little to be gained by won,'' he said. ``My message to American privilege of selecting which images of war's waiting. The sooner we open an embassy, the business is you can also win.'' hell go on public display. better we'll be positioned to expand trade, Still, most U.S. companies are cautious American planes, tanks, bombs and other investment and influence in this vibrant na- about investing in Vietnam right now.
    [Show full text]
  • Ken Magazine, the Consumer Market, and the Spanish Civil
    The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School Department of English POLITICS, THE PRESS, AND PERSUASIVE AESTHETICS: SHAPING THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR IN AMERICAN PERIODICALS A Dissertation in English by Gregory S. Baptista © 2009 Gregory S. Baptista Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2009 ii The dissertation of Gregory S. Baptista was reviewed and approved* by the following: Mark S. Morrisson Associate Professor of English Graduate Director Dissertation Advisor Chair of Committee Robin Schulze Professor of English Department Head Sandra Spanier Professor of English and Women’s Studies James L.W. West III Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of English Philip Jenkins Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of the Humanities *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School iii ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the presentation of the Spanish Civil War in selected American periodicals. Understanding how war-related works functioned (aesthetically and rhetorically) requires a nuanced view of the circumstances of their production and an awareness of their immediate cultural context. I consider means of creation and publication to examine the complex ways in which the goals of truth-seeking and truth-shaping interacted—and were acted upon by the institutional dynamics of periodical production. By focusing on three specific periodicals that occupied different points along a line leading outward from the mainstream of American culture, I examine the ways in which certain pro- Loyalist writers and editors attempted to shape the truth of the Spanish war for American readers within the contexts and inherent restrictions of periodical publication. I argue that responses to the war in these publications are products of a range of cultural and institutional forces that go beyond the political affiliations or ideological stances of particular writers.
    [Show full text]
  • Fascism and Right-Wing Extremism in Pennsylvania, 1933-1942
    31 "It Can't Happen Here": Fascism and Right-Wing Extremism in Pennsylvania, 1933-1942 Philip Jenkins The Pennsylvania State University 1The local history of American fascism remains to be written.' If we con- sider the numerous books on fascism and fascist movements written over the last half century, there is an elaborate historiography for virtually every fringe move- ment in most countries of Europe and the Americas, with the conspicuous excep- tion of the United States.2 However, it would be misleading to suggest that Ameri- cans were singularly lucky in escaping this particular political temptation. In real- ity, between about 1920 and 1945, fascist groups of every tendency flourished in the United States and often achieved significant popular support. As the nation approached what seemed inevitable participation in the Second World War, the degree of support for far-Right movements caused great concern both on the po- litical Left and in law enforcement agencies. There were a number of official inves- tigations and investigative exposes by journalists, who charged that the fascist-lean- ing groups were indeed conspiring with foreign governments to undertake sabo- tage and terrorist violence. The truth of such charges remains uncertain, and of course the America that entered the war was, mercifully, almost wholly free of the feared fifth column ac- tivities. However, this does not mean that the earlier investigators had been en- gaged in unsupported panic-mongering, or that the violence of which they warned might not have occurred if events had developed somewhat differently. In the late 1930s, there were millions of Americans with at least some sympathy for the cause of the Axis powers.
    [Show full text]
  • Annotative Journalism in IF Stone's Weekly and Talking Points Memo
    JOU0010.1177/1464884914545740JournalismGraves 545740research-article2014 Article Journalism 2015, Vol. 16(1) 99 –118 Blogging Back then: Annotative © The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: journalism in I.F. Stone’s Weekly sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1464884914545740 and Talking Points Memo jou.sagepub.com Lucas Graves University of Wisconsin–Madison, USA Abstract This article develops the concept of ‘annotative journalism’ through a close review of two muckraking investigations, 50 years apart, by the newsletter I.F. Stone’s Weekly and the website Talking Points Memo. These cases stand out in hindsight as investigative coups, though neither relied on the tools we associate with that kind of journalism: anonymous sources, secret documents, and so on. Instead, both investigations proceeded mainly through the analysis of published texts, in particular news reports, in light of a wider media and political critique. Annotative journalism unsettles core practices and assumptions of objective reporting. It rejects narrative coherence in favor of a set of critical textual practices, revealing reporting routines to the reader and building explicit arguments from and about the work of other journalists. And it troubles the professional distinction between reporting and opinion; these ‘scoops’ came through, not in spite of, the politics of the journalists who worked on them. Keywords Annotation, blogging, I.F. Stone, intertextuality, muckraking, objectivity Introduction Online journalism in general, and blogging in particular, have invited frequent compari- sons to earlier eras of journalism: to ancien regime France, to pre-revolutionary pam- phleteering, to the party press of the 19th century (e.g. Barlow, 2007; Darnton, 2010).
    [Show full text]
  • Alwood, Edward, Dark Days in the Newsroom
    DARK DAYS IN THE NEWSROOM DARK DAYS in the NEWSROOM McCarthyism Aimed at the Press EDWARD ALWOOD TEMPLE UNIVERSITY PRESS Philadelphia Temple University Press 1601 North Broad Street Philadelphia PA 19122 www.temple.edu/tempress Copyright © 2007 by Edward Alwood All rights reserved Published 2007 Printed in the United States of America Text design by Lynne Frost The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Alwood, Edward. Dark days in the newsroom : McCarthyism aimed at the press / Edward Alwood. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 13: 978-1-59213-341-3 ISBN 10: 1-59213-341-X (cloth: alk. paper) ISBN 13: 978-1-59213-342-0 ISBN 10: 1-59213-342-8 (pbk.: alk. paper) 1. Anti-communist movements—United States—History—20th century. 2. McCarthy, Joseph, 1908–1957—Relations with journalists. 3. Journalists— United States—History—20th century. 4. Journalists—United States— Political activity—History—20th century. 5. Press and politics—United States—History—20th century. 6. United States—Politics and government— 1945–1953. 7. United States—Politics and government—1953–1961. I. Title. E743.5.A66 2007 973.921—dc22 2006034205 2 4 6 8 9 7 5 3 1 In Memoriam Margaret A. Blanchard Teacher, Mentor, and Friend Do the people of this land . desire to preserve those so carefully protected by the First Amendment: Liberty of religious worship, freedom of speech and of the press, and the right as freemen peaceably to assemble and petition their government for a redress of grievances? If so, let them withstand all beginnings of encroachment.
    [Show full text]
  • The Duce, Or the Romance of Undemocratic Governing
    PART THREE The Duce, or the Romance of Undemocratic Governing 7 Promoting a Romantic Biography The public man is born “public”—he bears the stigma from his birth. [. .] He can never escape it. [. .] I am perfectly resigned to my lot as a public man. In fact, I am enthusiastic about it. Mussolini, 19251 The rise of Benito Mussolini on the world stage is conventionally associated with the March on Rome of late October 1922, which forced the Italian king to appoint the Fascist leader to the post of prime minister. The American media coverage of the events was extensive: interest in his striking rise to power, original personality, and leadership pervaded daily reports and editorials. Soon periodicals devoted commentary and illustrations to the iconic Fascist leader, and within a few short years newsreels began to feature him as an alluring celebrity. Economic and geo- political factors explain the interest that American financial and political centers had in his anti-Communist leadership but do not clarify his status as an iconic public personality, which resulted from a host of public relations efforts informing an intense media coverage. In truth, Mussolini had already attracted the attention of a very limited but not inconsequential group of individuals years before the March on Rome. After the United States joined the hostilities, American officials found themselves ben- efitting from this pro-war socialist’s remarkable ability of stirring public opinion to accept Italy’s participation in the conflict and alliance with the United States. In the late 1910s and early 1920s, he positioned himself as an invaluable anti-Bolshevik interlocutor and a loyal ally to financial centers seeking to invest in a strike-free nation.
    [Show full text]
  • HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES Amendment Bills of the House of the Fol­ Lowing .Titles: 1103
    118 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE JANUARY 13 citizens of Massachusetts, advocating enact­ 1109. By Mr. MILLER of Maryland: Peti­ which is good for humanity, and thus ment of universal military training; to the tion of 85 citizens of Snow Hill, Md., in sup­ keep America strong and courageous, Committee on Armed Services. port of S. 265, a. bill to prohibit the trans­ 1093. By Mr. JENKINS of Pennsylvania: portation of alcoholic-beverage advertising that she may fulfill her assigned des­ Petition of K. McNally, legislative chairman in interstate commerce and the broadcasting tiny. In every crisis of our country, of the American Legion Auxiliary, No. 592, of alcoholic-beverage advertising over the vouchsafe to make us free from weak­ White Haven, Pa., containing the signatures radio; to the Committee on Interstate and ness and uncertainty, and constrain us of 62 residents of White Haven, urging the Foreign Commerce. to do the right in all ministries of Chris­ enactment during the Eightieth Congress of 1110. By Mr. PATMAN: Petition of M. L. tian service. 0 give our land a release legislation establishing a system of universal Johnson, Jr., Texarkana, Tex., and a num­ from the confusion of tongues, and to military training, as recommended by the ber of other people, urging the Eightieth all doubting ones send the challenge President's Advisory Commission on Uni­ Congress to support and vote for legislation versal Training; to the Committee on Armed establishing a system of universal military that in the encroachment of any pagan Services. training, as recommended by the President's philosophy America is in the hands of 1094.
    [Show full text]
  • Origins of Fascism
    ><' -3::> " ORIGINS OF FASCISM by Sr. M. EVangeline Kodric, C.. S .. A. A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette Unive,r s1ty in Partial FulfillmeIlt of the Re­ qUirements for the Degree of Master of Arts M1lwaukee, Wisconsin January, -1953 ',j;.",:, ':~';'~ INTRODUCTI ON When Mussolini founded the Fascist Party in 1919, he " was a political parvenu who had to create his ovm ideological pedigree. For this purpose he drew upon numerous sources of the past and cleverly adapted them to the conditions actually existing in Italy during the postwar era. The aim of this paper 1s to trace the major roots of the ideology and to in­ terpret some of the forces that brought about the Fascistic solution to the economic and political problems as t hey ap­ peared on the Italian scene. These problems, however, were not peculiar to Italy alone. Rather they were problems that cut across national lines, and yet they had to be solved within national bounda­ ries. Consequently, the idea that Fascism is merely an ex­ tension of the past is not an adequate explanation for the coming of Fascism; nor is the idea that Fascism is a mo­ mentary episode in history a sufficient interpr etat ion of the phenomenon .. ,As Fascism came into its own , it evolved a political philosophy, a technique of government, which in tUrn became an active force in its own right. And after securing con­ trol of the power of the Italian nation, Fascism, driven by its inner logic, became a prime mover in insti gating a crwin of events that precipitated the second World War.
    [Show full text]
  • Front Matter
    Cecil_J Edgar Hoover & Amer Press 11/19/13 1:39 PM Page v © University Press of Kansas. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution prohibited without permission of the Press. CONTENTS List of Illustrations vii Preface ix Introduction 1 1. The FBI’s Ongoing Crisis of Legitimacy 12 2. A Bureau Built for Public Relations 43 3. Enforcing the Bureau’s Image of Restraint 76 4. Silencing a “Useful Citizen” 101 5. Investigating Critics on the Left 124 6. Dividing the Press 156 7. Engaging Defenders in the Press 177 8. Corresponding with Friends in the Press 193 9. Managing Friends in the Broadcast Media 217 10. Renewing the FBI Story in Bureau-Authorized Books 239 11. Building a Television Audience 265 Conclusion 282 Notes 289 Selected Bibliography 339 Index 345 Cecil_J Edgar Hoover & Amer Press 11/19/13 1:39 PM Page vi © University Press of Kansas. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution prohibited without permission of the Press. Cecil_J Edgar Hoover & Amer Press 11/19/13 1:39 PM Page vii © University Press of Kansas. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution prohibited without permission of the Press. ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Reporters interviewing “Hoover” 7 2. Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer 17 3. J. Edgar Hoover at his Justice Department desk 20 4. Harlan Fiske Stone 23 5. Louis B. Nichols 29 6. Hoover congratulates assistant director William C. Sullivan 32 7. Columnist and broadcaster Walter Winchell 38 8. President Roosevelt signs into law the Twelve Point Crime Control Program 49 9. Hoover speaks with unidentified reporters 53 10. Washington Star reporter Neil “Rex” Collier fingerprints Hoover 59 11.
    [Show full text]
  • The Business Plot in the American Press by Bradley M. Galka
    The Business Plot in the American Press by Bradley M. Galka B.S., University at Albany, 2015 A THESIS submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS Department of History College of Arts and Sciences KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 2017 Approved by: Major Professor Donald J. Mrozek Copyright © Bradley Galka 2017. Abstract In the fall of 1934 Major General Smedley Butler, U.S.M.C. (ret.) testified before Congress that he had been approached by a representative of a cabal of wealthy Wall Street bankers, powerful industrial magnates, and shady political operatives to lead a fascist coup to overthrow the administration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Congress investigated Butler’s allegations of a conspiracy against the government and deemed them to be true. The American news media, however, was noticeably divided in the nature of their coverage of the congressional investigation. Previous historians have claimed that elements of the American news media were markedly sympathetic toward fascism in the United States during the 1930s. An analysis of the newspaper coverage of this investigation reveals a stark contrast between ways in which media outlets headed by individuals suspected of fascist sympathies portrayed the story as opposed to media outlets known to be editorially anti-fascist. These findings lend credence to previous historians’ claims about identifiably pro-fascist strains in the American media during the time in question. Table of Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • America's Homegrown Fascism
    Americas Homegrown Fascism By George Seldes, foreign correspondent during WWI and about to collapse. Their main object was to end the civil WWII, media critic and author. (See back cover.) liberties of the nation, destroy the labor unions, end the free press, and make more money at the expense of a slave he U.S. Office of War Information (OWI) published nation. Both succeeded. In America, they have already: millions of words, thousands of pamphlets and (1) Organized big business in a movement against labor. Tposters to inspire people and raise the morale of the (2) Founded the American Liberty League to fight civil lib- soldiers of production and the soldiers of the field. But, the erties. OWI did not publish a single pamphlet, poster or paper (3) Subsidized anti-labor, Fascist and anti-Semitic groups. telling either the civilian population or the men and women (4) Signed a pact with Nazi agents for political and eco- in uniform what Fascism really is, what the forces are behind nomic (cartel) penetration of U.S. the political and military movements generally known as (5) Founded a $1,000,000-a-year propaganda outfit to cor- Fascism, who puts up the money, who make the tremendous rupt the press, radio, schools and churches. profits which Fascism has paid its backers in Germany, Italy, (6) Stopped the passage of food, drug and other laws aimed Japan, Spain and other nations. to safeguard the consumer. When it comes to relating foreign Fascism with (7) Conspired, with du Pont as leader, in September 1942, native American Fascism there is a conspiracy of silence in to sabotage the war effort in order to maintain profits.
    [Show full text]