DOCSLIB.ORG

Resilience Against Influence Operations in the Eastern

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Resilience Against Influence Operations in the Eastern No.5 2018 PUBLISHED BY THE SWEDISH INSTITUTE brief OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS. WWW.UI.SE UI Resilience Against Influence Operations in the Eastern Partnership Countries Henrik Sundbom and Martin Kragh Table of Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 6 An Economic Overview: Political and Business Risks 8 Trade and Foreign Direct Investments 8 Economic Inequality and Organized Crime 10 Concluding Discussion 10 Political Parties 12 Ukraine 12 Moldova 13 Georgia 14 A Shift from Left to Right 14 Political Parties – Concluding Discussion 15 Civil Society 16 GONGOs and Ofcial Tink Tanks 16 Local NGOs in the EaP Countries 16 Western NGOs and Tink Tanks 17 GONGOs in Multilateral Organizations 17 Election Monitoring 18 Educational Ties 19 Religious Organizations 20 Concluding Discussion 21 Media 23 News Consumption 23 Entertainment 24 Social Media 25 Countermeasures 25 Media – Concluding Discussion 26 We are grateful to Luca Karafath for valuable support in the research for this report. All the usual disclaimers apply. Te report was written with the fnancial support from the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Afairs (#UD20017/13864/ EC). © SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS | NUMBER 5/2018 2 Resilience against Infuence Operations in the Eastern Partnership Countries Executive Summary he focus of this study are the potentially subversive markets such as Ukraine and Georgia. Tese changes and less transparent dimensions of the geostrategic can be expected to alter the geostrategic environment, toolbox which states may apply in order to infu- as new actors compete to shape local conditions to their Tence and shape the political and security development in advantage. the European Union’s Eastern neighbourhood. It examines Russia’s economy has an international competitiveness the various vectors of infuence that operate in the public problem, and the Kremlin lacks in traditional soft power space, nominally independent but in practice controlled infuence. Russia is, however, able to undermine further and funded by foreign states or non-state actors. In other integration with the EU. Moscow has a range of instru- words, the report is limited to what may primarily be consi- ments at its disposal – from the military to the economic, dered the external threat environment, the associated risks, political, diplomatic and informational – which can be and how these interact with and infuence local developme- deployed simultaneously to varying degrees in order to nts in the Eastern Partnership countries. hinder reform or stimulate counter-reforms. Especially Tree Eastern Partnership countries are struggling demo- notable are business connections between Russian elites cracies – Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, while three are and political leaders in virtually all the Eastern Partner- more or less authoritarian states – Armenia, Azerbaijan ship countries. Te increasing presence of other import- and Belarus. All states face non-negligible challenges in ant actors, such as China, Turkey or Iran, can likewise fghting corruption, enforcing private property, refor- disinterest regional elites in the pursuit of EU integra- ming courts, police and legislature, and building Wes- tion, which may potentially threaten their ability to cap- tern-style state capacity. Although several or most of ture rents and maintain the political status quo. these issues have domestic and historical roots, outside Te second section gives short introductions to the threats to the countries’ reform agenda cannot be igno- political landscapes in Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, red. Te primary focus of this study is on Georgia, Mol- with a focus on vulnerabilities to infuence operations. dova and Ukraine. Attempts to infuence politics comes in diferent shapes: Additionally, the study ofers suggestions for counterbal- direct support of parties, politicians or infuence groups; ancing this infuence and promoting democratic devel- fnancial infuence via businesspeople in politics, or cor- opment in the targeted countries. ruption; strengthening of separatist movements and trouble-makers, etc. Factors such as corruption, volatil- Te frst section describes the various economic and busi- ity and person-orientation afects the countries’ vulnera- ness interests in the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood, with a bility to such infuences. particular focus on Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Te section describes the economic interests of other coun- Instead of the traditional left-right divide, politics in the tries in the region, including Russia, Turkey and China, region is defned by key fgures and their geostrategic ori- but also the role of the EU. Particular emphasis is placed entations. Te presence of strongmen and high corrup- on issues such as corruption, political and business risks, tion creates a volatile political environment, making the and the economic consequences of military confict. future difcult to predict. Lack of trust in the political elite is a general characteristic in these countries, creating Te main factor behind economic underperformance in fertile soil for the emergence of radical movements that the Eastern Partnership countries since 1992 has been promise to change the political orientation of their coun- the lack of political reforms, and the countries can be tries. In the long-term, it is crucial to rebuild people’s expected to proceed more slowly and unevenly with trust in both politics and ofcial institutions in order to reforms than what many Western modernizers would create lasting democratic resilience. ideally prefer. Te attractive position of the European market, however, will perhaps remain the primary pull Te third section discusses how civil society is infu- factor for further modernization. At the same time, enced by Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), trends suggest that other countries, such as China and so-called Government Organized NGOs (GONGOs), Turkey, will be able to improve their relative weight in and religious denominations. Te use of state-sponsored the region as well. Russia, meanwhile, has experienced NGOs, or GONGOs, has become a conventional com- a decline in its economic role in historically important ponent of the geostrategic toolbox of many countries. In © SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS | NUMBER 5/2018 3 Resilience against Infuence Operations in the Eastern Partnership Countries the Eastern Partnership countries, they are visible in the Te media sector in the Eastern Partnership countries form of nominally independent think tanks, religious has been highly afected by foreign infuence operations organizations, and educational institutions. Although for several reasons. Te media landscape of these coun- Russia is the leading country within this domain, coun- tries is in most cases characterized by an overconcentra- tries such as Belarus, Turkey and China are embracing tion of ownership in the hands of powerful oligarchs similar methods. GONGOs can be used to build con- and/or politicians. Cultural and linguistic proximity has nections to local organizations, promote anti-EU narra- allowed Russian propaganda outlets to actively dissemi- tives, disrupt multilateral negotiations and deploy fake nate their narratives in these countries, both directly and election monitors in order to promote their interests. through local media. Religious organizations such as the Russian Orthodox Traditionally, news consumption has been dominated by Church play a key role in promoting pro-Russian and television channels throughout the region, with a strong anti-Western narratives in the region. presence of Russian propaganda channels such as RT Te fourth and fnal section investigates media con- and Sputnik. However, the use of social media is increas- sumption in Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova. It addresses ing in all three countries. Te three countries in question the issue of news reporting infuenced by domestic and have opted for diferent solutions to tackle the problem foreign political interests, as well as entertainment con- of disinformation, ranging from an outright ban on Rus- taining elements of propaganda. In the Eastern Partner- sian media in Ukraine to softer regulative measures in ship countries, television has long been the dominant Georgia. medium, but the Internet and social media are catching Some examples from Ukraine show the risks of govern- up as major news outlets. Hence, we pay special atten- ment-supported projects against disinformation. Civil tion to social media usage. Te three countries in this servants engaging in counter-propaganda, troll attacks study have chosen diferent paths in tackling foreign pro- against independent journalists, and legislation violating paganda, with Ukraine as the most radical example. the principles of free speech and media freedom are all pitfalls. Recommendations Te level of quality of a country’s institutions is key to building resilience. Weak protection of property rights, cor- ruption, absence of rule of law, poor safeguards for human rights, and inequality in options create the most con- ducive local conditions for outside attempts to shape political developments. In its negotiations with the Eastern Partnership countries, the EU needs to make clear its commitment to reform and democratization. Furthermore, it needs to be stressed that for the EU, its targets and demands require commitment and strict conditionality. Recent revelations of corruption schemes in Moldova and Ukraine should be met with resolute countermeasures by the EU, such as the withdrawal of fnancial and political support,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Russia Reform Monitor No. 2464 | American Foreign Policy Council
    Russia Reform Monitor No. 2464 May 26, 2021 Matt Maldonado, Ilan I. Berman Related Categories: Democracy and Governance; Human Rights and Humanitarian Issues; International Economics and Trade; Turkey; Russia; Ukraine; Balkans PARALLEL MILITARY DRILLS IN THE BALKANS Russia and the U.S. are holding nearly simultaneous military exercises with their respective allies in the Balkans. Near Belgrade, Russian and Serbian troops staged "anti-terrorist" and other exercises with 200 special forces operators through May 25th. After several post-communist states joined NATO in the 2000s, Serbia is Russia's last major ally in the Balkan region, an area Moscow claims as its historic sphere of influence. Elsewhere on the peninsula and across Europe, however, the U.S. Army is leading 28,000 participants in the "DEFENDER Europe 2021" exercises across 12 countries, including Romania, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Croatia, and other Balkan states. Military personnel from 26 countries are participating, including NATO members and partner allies. ( Associated Press, May 20, 2021; U.S. Army, May 2021) SAKHAROV FREEDOM PRIZE AWARDED TO JAILED GULAG HISTORIAN Yuri Dmitriyev, a Russian historian famous for identifying the victims of Soviet atrocities by assembling human remains from mass graves in the Karelia region, has just been awarded the Sakharov Freedom Award by the Norwegian Helsinki Committee. Dmitriyev is currently serving a 13-year prison sentence in Russia for a child pornography conviction that is viewed by many as having been politically motivated. According to Geir Hønneland, Secretary General of the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, Dmitriyev's research into the Stalin-era killings in Karelia is seen as a threat by the current Russian government, which fabricated the charges of child sexual abuse against him.
    [Show full text]
  • Traditional Religion and Political Power: Examining the Role of the Church in Georgia, Armenia, Ukraine and Moldova
    Traditional religion and political power: Examining the role of the church in Georgia, Armenia, Ukraine and Moldova Edited by Adam Hug Traditional religion and political power: Examining the role of the church in Georgia, Armenia, Ukraine and Moldova Edited by Adam Hug First published in October 2015 by The Foreign Policy Centre (FPC) Unit 1.9, First Floor, The Foundry 17 Oval Way, Vauxhall, London SE11 5RR www.fpc.org.uk [email protected] © Foreign Policy Centre 2015 All rights reserved ISBN 978-1-905833-28-3 ISBN 1-905833-28-8 Disclaimer: The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors alone and do not represent the views of The Foreign Policy Centre or the Open Society Foundations. Printing and cover art by Copyprint This project is kindly supported by the Open Society Foundations 1 Acknowledgements The editor would like to thank all of the authors who have kindly contributed to this collection and provided invaluable support in developing the project. In addition the editor is very grateful for the advice and guidance of a number of different experts including: John Anderson, Andrew Sorokowski, Angelina Zaporojan, Mamikon Hovsepyan, Beka Mindiashvili, Giorgi Gogia, Vitalie Sprinceana, Anastasia Danilova, Artyom Tonoyan, Dr. Katja Richters, Felix Corley, Giorgi Gogia, Bogdan Globa, James W. Warhola, Mamikon Hovsepyan, Natia Mestvirishvil, Tina Zurabishvili and Vladimir Shkolnikov. He would like to thank colleagues at the Open Society Foundations for all their help and support without which this project would not have been possible, most notably Viorel Ursu, Michael Hall, Anastasiya Hozyainova and Eleanor Kelly.
    [Show full text]
  • European Xenophobia and Radicalism (2016)
    Valery Engel, PhD, President of the European Center for Democracy Development (Latvia) EUROPEAN XENOPHOBIA AND RADICALISM (2016) The preparation of the material involved researchers from various European universities and research centers: Department of History at Northampton University, UK; the Center for the Study of Fascism, Antifascism, and Post-Fascism at Teesside University, UK; the Institute for Strategic Studies of France; Department of Sociology and the Department of Social Research Methodology at Eötvös Loránd University (ELTE), Budapest; Political Capital Institute, Budapest; Faculty of Social Science at The Pantheon University of Athens; the Berlin Register for documentation of manifestations of right-wing extremism and discrimination in the district of Steglitz- Zehlendorf, Germany; the Institute for the Study of Crime and Law Enforcement, Netherlands; The history of the Jagiellonian University, Krakow; the Russian Institute for the Study of National Politics and Interethnic Relations, Moscow; the Ukrainian Institute of Analysis and Management. Analysis is given on the basis of 8 EU countries (France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland and the United Kingdom), as well as Russia and Ukraine, as countries who play a significant role in political and economic processes in Europe. The problem of Xenophobia and Radicalism remains for a number of years one of the main problems in the so-called "Greater Europe." What has changed over the past year? The level of Xenophobia as a whole decreased, except for countries facing the worst consequences of the migration crisis (Italy, Greece), as well as those states where governments for political purposes artificially inflamed the situation of fear of migrants and Muslims (Hungary, Poland).
    [Show full text]
  • Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine • Economic Vision - 3
    Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine • Economic vision - 3 • Macroeconomic policy - 12 • International economic policy and trade - 27 • Investment attractiveness - 43 • Agricultural industry - 69 • Energy sector - 92 • Mineral industry - 107 • Transport and infrastructure - 121 • Industry - 138 Source: Centre for Economic Recovery CabinetCabinet ofof MinistersMinisters of of Ukraine Ukraine MISSION OF UKRAINE’S ESTABLISHMENT IN THE SCOPE OF ECONOMIC STRATEGY To lay the groundwork for fulfillment available geographic, resource and human potential of the country to provide welfare, self-fulfillment, safety and freedoms of each citizen of Ukraine through innovative and advanced economic development ECONOMIC VISION OF UKRAINE Free country with the high level of welfare and effective service digital country which is a reliable economic partner globally and an example of development for all Eastern Partnership countries.. The most attractive country of economic opportunities for investments and doing business; the best place for creative potential fulfillment, ideas realization and self-development. UKRAINIAN STRATEGY To realize the vision it is necessary to (1) develop competitive conditions for business and investments and recover trust to the state, (2) win in competition for capital in the international market, (3) facilitate development of innovations and modernization of economic sectors to provide their competitiveness in the international market, (4) facilitate development of human potential and win competition for talents. Source: Centre for Economic Recovery ECONOMIC VISION OF UKRAINE Free country with the high level of welfare and effective service digital country which is a reliable economic partner globally. The most attractive country of economic opportunities for investments and doing business; the best place for creative potential fulfillment, ideas realization and self-development.
    [Show full text]
  • Media Oligarchs Go Shopping Patrick Drahi Groupe Altice
    MEDIA OLIGARCHS GO SHOPPING Patrick Drahi Groupe Altice Jeff Bezos Vincent Bolloré Amazon Groupe Bolloré Delian Peevski Bulgartabak FREEDOM OF THE PRESS WORLDWIDE IN 2016 AND MAJOR OLIGARCHS 2 Ferit Sahenk Dogus group Yildirim Demirören Jack Ma Milliyet Alibaba group Naguib Sawiris Konstantin Malofeïev Li Yanhong Orascom Marshall capital Baidu Anil et Mukesh Ambani Rupert Murdoch Reliance industries ltd Newscorp 3 Summary 7. Money’s invisible prisons 10. The hidden side of the oligarchs New media empires are emerging in Turkey, China, Russia and India, often with the blessing of the political authorities. Their owners exercise strict control over news and opinion, putting them in the service of their governments. 16. Oligarchs who came in from the cold During Russian capitalism’s crazy initial years, a select few were able to take advantage of privatization, including the privatization of news media. But only media empires that are completely loyal to the Kremlin have been able to survive since Vladimir Putin took over. 22. Can a politician be a regular media owner? In public life, how can you be both an actor and an objective observer at the same time? Obviously you cannot, not without conflicts of interest. Nonetheless, politicians who are also media owners are to be found eve- rywhere, even in leading western democracies such as Canada, Brazil and in Europe. And they seem to think that these conflicts of interests are not a problem. 28. The royal whim In the Arab world and India, royal families and industrial dynasties have created or acquired enormous media empires with the sole aim of magnifying their glory and prestige.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016-1471
    - THE CHRONICLE OF NOVGOROD 1016-1471 TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN BY ROBERT ,MICHELL AND NEVILL FORBES, Ph.D. Reader in Russian in the University of Oxford WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, D.Litt. Professor of Modern History in the University of Birmingham AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE TEXT BY A. A. SHAKHMATOV Professor in the University of St. Petersburg CAMDEN’THIRD SERIES I VOL. xxv LONDON OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY 6 63 7 SOUTH SQUARE GRAY’S INN, W.C. 1914 _. -- . .-’ ._ . .e. ._ ‘- -v‘. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE General Introduction (and Notes to Introduction) . vii-xxxvi Account of the Text . xxx%-xli Lists of Titles, Technical terms, etc. xlii-xliii The Chronicle . I-zzo Appendix . 221 tJlxon the Bibliography . 223-4 . 225-37 GENERAL INTRODUCTION I. THE REPUBLIC OF NOVGOROD (‘ LORD NOVGOROD THE GREAT," Gospodin Velikii Novgorod, as it once called itself, is the starting-point of Russian history. It is also without a rival among the Russian city-states of the Middle Ages. Kiev and Moscow are greater in political importance, especially in the earliest and latest mediaeval times-before the Second Crusade and after the fall of Constantinople-but no Russian town of any age has the same individuality and self-sufficiency, the same sturdy republican independence, activity, and success. Who can stand against God and the Great Novgorod ?-Kto protiv Boga i Velikago Novgoroda .J-was the famous proverbial expression of this self-sufficiency and success. From the beginning of the Crusading Age to the fall of the Byzantine Empire Novgorod is unique among Russian cities, not only for its population, its commerce, and its citizen army (assuring it almost complete freedom from external domination even in the Mongol Age), but also as controlling an empire, or sphere of influence, extending over the far North from Lapland to the Urals and the Ob.
    [Show full text]
  • Responses, Resilience, and Remaining Risks in the Eastern Neighbourhood Evidence from Radicalization and Migration
    Working Paper No. 11 April 2021 Responses, Resilience, and Remaining Risks in the Eastern Neighbourhood Evidence from Radicalization and Migration Agnieszka Legucka, Jakub Benedyczak, Arkadiusz Legieć, Maria Piechowska, Jakub Pieńkowski, and Daniel Szeligowski This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement no. 769886 The EU-LISTCO Working Papers are peer-reviewed research papers published based on research from the EU Horizon 2020 funded project no. 769886 entitled Europe’s External Action and the Dual Challenges of Limited Statehood and Contested Orders which runs from March 2018 to February 2021. EU-LISTCO investigates the challenges posed to European foreign policy by identifying risks connected to areas of limited statehood and contested orders. Through the analysis of the EU Global Strategy and Europe’s foreign policy instruments, the project assesses how the preparedness of the EU and its member states can be strengthened to better anticipate, prevent and respond to threats of governance breakdown and to foster resilience in Europe’s neighbourhoods. Continuous knowledge exchange between researchers and foreign policy practitioners is the cornerstone of EU-LISTCO. Since the project's inception, a consortium of fourteen leading universities and think tanks have been working together to develop policy recommendations for the EU’s external action toolbox, in close coordination with European decision-makers. FOR MORE INFORMATION: EU-LISTCO WORKING PAPERS
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Origins of the First World War
    The Russian Origins of the First World War The Russian Origins of the First World War Sean McMeekin The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press Cambridge, Massachusetts • London, Eng land 2011 Copyright © 2011 by Sean McMeekin All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in- Publication Data McMeekin, Sean, 1974– The Russian origins of the First World War / Sean McMeekin. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-674-06210-8 (alk. paper) 1. World War, 1914–1918—Causes. 2. World War, 1914–1918—Russia. 3. Russia—Foreign relations—1894–1917. 4. Imperialism—History— 20th century. 5. World War, 1914–1918—Campaigns—Eastern Front. 6. World War, 1914–1918—Campaigns—Middle East. I. Title. D514.M35 2011 940.3'11—dc23 2011031427 For Ayla Contents Abbreviations ix Author’s Note xi Introduction: History from the Deep Freeze 1 1. The Strategic Imperative in 1914 6 2. It Takes Two to Tango: The July Crisis 41 3. Russia’s War: The Opening Round 76 4. Turkey’s Turn 98 5. The Russians and Gallipoli 115 6. Russia and the Armenians 141 7. The Russians in Persia 175 8. Partitioning the Ottoman Empire 194 9. 1917: The Tsarist Empire at Its Zenith 214 Conclusion: The October Revolution and Historical Amnesia 234 Notes 245 Bibliography 289 Acknowledgments 303 Index 307 Maps The Russian Empire on the Eve of World War I 8 The Polish Salient 18 The Peacetime Deployment of Russia’s Army Corps 20 The Initial Mobilization Pattern on the Eastern Front 83 Russian Claims on Austrian and German Territory 91 “The Straits,” and Russian Claims on Them 132 Russia and the Armenians 167 Persia and the Caucasian Front 187 The Partition of the Ottoman Empire 206 The Eastern Front 219 Abbreviations ATASE Askeri Tarih ve Stratejik Etüt Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archive of the Turkish Gen- eral Staff).
    [Show full text]
  • Russian-Ukrainian Crisis, National Identity and Democratic Consolidation in Ukraine
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Helsingin yliopiston digitaalinen arkisto RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN CRISIS, NATIONAL IDENTITY AND DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN UKRAINE Dinara Pisareva University of Helsinki Faculty of Social Sciences Politics Master’s Thesis May 2016 Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Political and Economic Studies Tekijä– Författare – Author Dinara Pisareva Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Russian-Ukrainian Crisis, National Identity and Democratic Consolidation in Ukraine Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Politics Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Date Sivumäärä – Sidoantal – Number of pages Master’s Thesis May 2016 74 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract The research explores Russian-Ukrainian crisis 2014 in order to see (i) how it has impacted Ukrainian identity split between pro-Western and pro-Russian supporters and (ii) the situation with the process of democratic consolidation in Ukraine. The first research question uses data from public surveys and results of presidential and parliamentary elections 2014 and local elections 2015 in order to demonstrate that Ukrainian national identity has become more consolidated in its commitment to integration with the European Union. At the same time, there has been a significant rise of negative attitude towards Russia even in previously pro-Russian regions. The second research question is concerned with the democratic consolidation in Ukraine and whether resolution of pro- Russian vs. pro-Western identity conflict has resulted in enhanced democracy. In order to assess democratic consolidation in Ukraine the research looks at two main indicators post-crisis political party system and public support of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of Ukrainian Oligarchsdownload
    Ukrainian Institute for the Future is an independent analytical center that: • forecasts changes and models possible scenarios for events in Ukraine; • makes a competent assessment of the Ukrainian events; • makes specific recommendations for actions; • offers effective solutions; • offers a platform for discussions on current topics. It is a project of representatives of Ukrainian business, politics and the public sector. Founded in summer 2016. AUTHORS Victor Andrusiv Executive Director of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, PhD in Political Science, analyst and opinion journalist, author of the book “Change the future” Oleg Ustenko Executive Director of the Bleyzer Foundation, President of Harvard Club of Ukraine alumni association Yurii Romanenko Co-founder of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, head of the International and Domestic Policy programme, editor-in-chief of the portal Hvylya Ihar Tyshkevich Expert of International and Domestic Politics programme of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future (UIF) © Art-direction D!VANDESIGN © Idea and design INCOGNITA INTRODUCTION. THE BRITISH DISEASE IN UKRAINE Content 05 THEORY AND STRUCTURE OF THE UKRAINIAN OLIGARCHY 06 INFLUENCE OVER ENERGY INDUSTRY 14 INFLUENCE OVER METALLURGY 26 INFLUENCE OVER TRANSPORT INFRASTRUCTURE 38 INFLUENCE OVER MEDIA 50 INFLUENCE OVER POLITICS 62 THREE SCENARIOS FOR THE FUTURE OF THE OLIGARCHS 72 Victor Andrusiv Executive Director of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, PhD in Political Science, analyst and opinion journalist, author of the book “Change the future” Introduction: the British disease in Ukraine After the fall of the Soviet Union, the starting conditions for economic development in Ukraine were advanta- geous. However, after 27 years of independence, we continue to be the most backward country of the post-Sovi- et bloc.
    [Show full text]
  • Tip of the Iceberg
    TIP OF THE ICEBERG Religious Extremist Funders against Human Rights for Sexuality and Reproductive Health in Europe 2009 - 2018 TIP OF THE ICEBERG Religious Extremist Funders against Human Rights for Sexuality and Reproductive Health in Europe 2009 – 2018 ISBN: 978 2 93102920 6 Tip of the Iceberg: Religious Extremist Funders against Human Rights for Sexuality and Reproductive Health in Europe 2009 - 2018 Written by Neil Datta, Secretary of the European Parliamentary Forum for Sexual and Reproductive Rights. Brussels, June 2021 Copyright © EPF 2021 All Rights Reserved. The contents of this document cannot be reproduced without prior permission of the author. EPF is a network of members of parliaments from across Europe who are committed to protecting the sexual and reproductive health of the world’s most vulnerable people, both at home and overseas. We believe that women should always have the right to decide upon the number of children they wish to have, and should never be denied the education or other means to achieve this that they are entitled to. Find out more on epfweb.org and by following @EPF_SRR on Twitter. 2 TIP OF THE ICEBERG Religious Extremist Funders against Human Rights for Sexuality and Reproductive Health in Europe 2009 – 2018 Tip of the Iceberg is the first attempt understand the anti-gender mobilisation in Europe through the perspective of their funding base. This report assembles financial data covering a ten year period of over 50 anti-gender actors operating in Europe. It then takes a deeper look at how religious extremists generate this funding to roll back human rights in sexuality and reproduction.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Interventions: Counterrevolutionary Power
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Gligorov, Vladimir Research Report Russia's interventions: Counterrevolutionary power wiiw Essays and Occasional Papers, No. 1 Provided in Cooperation with: The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (wiiw) - Wiener Institut für Internationale Wirtschaftsvergleiche (wiiw) Suggested Citation: Gligorov, Vladimir (2016) : Russia's interventions: Counterrevolutionary power, wiiw Essays and Occasional Papers, No. 1, The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (wiiw), Vienna This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/213920 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen
    [Show full text]