Captured and Interned Ukrainians in Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey (1918–1923): a Comparative Analysis in the Context of Unknown Documents of 1921
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Russia Reform Monitor No. 2464 | American Foreign Policy Council
Russia Reform Monitor No. 2464 May 26, 2021 Matt Maldonado, Ilan I. Berman Related Categories: Democracy and Governance; Human Rights and Humanitarian Issues; International Economics and Trade; Turkey; Russia; Ukraine; Balkans PARALLEL MILITARY DRILLS IN THE BALKANS Russia and the U.S. are holding nearly simultaneous military exercises with their respective allies in the Balkans. Near Belgrade, Russian and Serbian troops staged "anti-terrorist" and other exercises with 200 special forces operators through May 25th. After several post-communist states joined NATO in the 2000s, Serbia is Russia's last major ally in the Balkan region, an area Moscow claims as its historic sphere of influence. Elsewhere on the peninsula and across Europe, however, the U.S. Army is leading 28,000 participants in the "DEFENDER Europe 2021" exercises across 12 countries, including Romania, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Croatia, and other Balkan states. Military personnel from 26 countries are participating, including NATO members and partner allies. ( Associated Press, May 20, 2021; U.S. Army, May 2021) SAKHAROV FREEDOM PRIZE AWARDED TO JAILED GULAG HISTORIAN Yuri Dmitriyev, a Russian historian famous for identifying the victims of Soviet atrocities by assembling human remains from mass graves in the Karelia region, has just been awarded the Sakharov Freedom Award by the Norwegian Helsinki Committee. Dmitriyev is currently serving a 13-year prison sentence in Russia for a child pornography conviction that is viewed by many as having been politically motivated. According to Geir Hønneland, Secretary General of the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, Dmitriyev's research into the Stalin-era killings in Karelia is seen as a threat by the current Russian government, which fabricated the charges of child sexual abuse against him. -
1768-1830S a Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate
A PLAGUE ON BOTH HOUSES?: POPULATION MOVEMENTS AND THE SPREAD OF DISEASE ACROSS THE OTTOMAN-RUSSIAN BLACK SEA FRONTIER, 1768-1830S A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Andrew Robarts, M.S.F.S. Washington, DC December 17, 2010 Copyright 2010 by Andrew Robarts All Rights Reserved ii A PLAGUE ON BOTH HOUSES?: POPULATION MOVEMENTS AND THE SPREAD OF DISEASE ACROSS THE OTTOMAN-RUSSIAN BLACK SEA FRONTIER, 1768-1830S Andrew Robarts, M.S.F.S. Dissertation Advisor: Catherine Evtuhov, Ph. D. ABSTRACT Based upon a reading of Ottoman, Russian, and Bulgarian archival documents, this dissertation examines the response by the Ottoman and Russian states to the accelerated pace of migration and spread of disease in the Black Sea region from the outbreak of the Russo-Ottoman War of 1768-1774 to the signing of the Treaty of Hünkar Iskelesi in 1833. Building upon introductory chapters on the Russian-Ottoman Black Sea frontier and a case study of Bulgarian population movements between the Russian and Ottoman Empires, this dissertation analyzes Russian and Ottoman migration and settlement policies, the spread of epidemic diseases (plague and cholera) in the Black Sea region, the construction of quarantines and the implementation of travel document regimes. The role and position of the Danubian Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia as the “middle ground” between the Ottoman and Russian Empires -
Traditional Religion and Political Power: Examining the Role of the Church in Georgia, Armenia, Ukraine and Moldova
Traditional religion and political power: Examining the role of the church in Georgia, Armenia, Ukraine and Moldova Edited by Adam Hug Traditional religion and political power: Examining the role of the church in Georgia, Armenia, Ukraine and Moldova Edited by Adam Hug First published in October 2015 by The Foreign Policy Centre (FPC) Unit 1.9, First Floor, The Foundry 17 Oval Way, Vauxhall, London SE11 5RR www.fpc.org.uk [email protected] © Foreign Policy Centre 2015 All rights reserved ISBN 978-1-905833-28-3 ISBN 1-905833-28-8 Disclaimer: The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors alone and do not represent the views of The Foreign Policy Centre or the Open Society Foundations. Printing and cover art by Copyprint This project is kindly supported by the Open Society Foundations 1 Acknowledgements The editor would like to thank all of the authors who have kindly contributed to this collection and provided invaluable support in developing the project. In addition the editor is very grateful for the advice and guidance of a number of different experts including: John Anderson, Andrew Sorokowski, Angelina Zaporojan, Mamikon Hovsepyan, Beka Mindiashvili, Giorgi Gogia, Vitalie Sprinceana, Anastasia Danilova, Artyom Tonoyan, Dr. Katja Richters, Felix Corley, Giorgi Gogia, Bogdan Globa, James W. Warhola, Mamikon Hovsepyan, Natia Mestvirishvil, Tina Zurabishvili and Vladimir Shkolnikov. He would like to thank colleagues at the Open Society Foundations for all their help and support without which this project would not have been possible, most notably Viorel Ursu, Michael Hall, Anastasiya Hozyainova and Eleanor Kelly. -
Media Oligarchs Go Shopping Patrick Drahi Groupe Altice
MEDIA OLIGARCHS GO SHOPPING Patrick Drahi Groupe Altice Jeff Bezos Vincent Bolloré Amazon Groupe Bolloré Delian Peevski Bulgartabak FREEDOM OF THE PRESS WORLDWIDE IN 2016 AND MAJOR OLIGARCHS 2 Ferit Sahenk Dogus group Yildirim Demirören Jack Ma Milliyet Alibaba group Naguib Sawiris Konstantin Malofeïev Li Yanhong Orascom Marshall capital Baidu Anil et Mukesh Ambani Rupert Murdoch Reliance industries ltd Newscorp 3 Summary 7. Money’s invisible prisons 10. The hidden side of the oligarchs New media empires are emerging in Turkey, China, Russia and India, often with the blessing of the political authorities. Their owners exercise strict control over news and opinion, putting them in the service of their governments. 16. Oligarchs who came in from the cold During Russian capitalism’s crazy initial years, a select few were able to take advantage of privatization, including the privatization of news media. But only media empires that are completely loyal to the Kremlin have been able to survive since Vladimir Putin took over. 22. Can a politician be a regular media owner? In public life, how can you be both an actor and an objective observer at the same time? Obviously you cannot, not without conflicts of interest. Nonetheless, politicians who are also media owners are to be found eve- rywhere, even in leading western democracies such as Canada, Brazil and in Europe. And they seem to think that these conflicts of interests are not a problem. 28. The royal whim In the Arab world and India, royal families and industrial dynasties have created or acquired enormous media empires with the sole aim of magnifying their glory and prestige. -
219 Copyright © 2021 by Academic Publishing House Researcher S.R.O
European Journal of Contemporary Education. 2021. 10(1) Copyright © 2021 by Academic Publishing House Researcher s.r.o. All rights reserved. Published in the Slovak Republic European Journal of Contemporary Education E-ISSN 2305-6746 2021, 10(1): 219-230 DOI: 10.13187/ejced.2021.1.219 www.ejournal1.com IMPORTANT NOTICE! Any copying, reproduction, distribution, republication (in whole or in part), or otherwise commercial use of this work in violation of the author(s) rights will be prosecuted in accordance with international law. The use of hyperlinks to the work will not be considered copyright infringement. Transformations in Public Education in the Ukrainian State in 1918. Part 2 Sergey I. Degtyarev a , b , *, Vladyslava M. Zavhorodnia a, Lybov G. Polyakova b , c , d a Sumy State University, Sumy, Ukraine b Cherkas Global University (International Network Center for Fundamental and Applied Research), Washington, USA c Volgograd State University, Volgograd, Russian Federation d East European Historical Society, Russian Federation Abstract This paper continues the authors’ analysis of the policy pursued by the government of the Ukrainian State in the area of public education in 1918. The primary focus in the work’s second part is on the government’s policy on preschool, primary, and secondary education. The key sources employed in the work are materials from the period’s periodical press, memoirs by contemporaries of the events, and published statutory enactments of the government of the Ukrainian State regulating policy on primary and secondary education. It is in the year 1918 that the primary, secondary, and higher education systems in the Ukrainian State were formalized legally. -
The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016-1471
- THE CHRONICLE OF NOVGOROD 1016-1471 TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN BY ROBERT ,MICHELL AND NEVILL FORBES, Ph.D. Reader in Russian in the University of Oxford WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, D.Litt. Professor of Modern History in the University of Birmingham AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE TEXT BY A. A. SHAKHMATOV Professor in the University of St. Petersburg CAMDEN’THIRD SERIES I VOL. xxv LONDON OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY 6 63 7 SOUTH SQUARE GRAY’S INN, W.C. 1914 _. -- . .-’ ._ . .e. ._ ‘- -v‘. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE General Introduction (and Notes to Introduction) . vii-xxxvi Account of the Text . xxx%-xli Lists of Titles, Technical terms, etc. xlii-xliii The Chronicle . I-zzo Appendix . 221 tJlxon the Bibliography . 223-4 . 225-37 GENERAL INTRODUCTION I. THE REPUBLIC OF NOVGOROD (‘ LORD NOVGOROD THE GREAT," Gospodin Velikii Novgorod, as it once called itself, is the starting-point of Russian history. It is also without a rival among the Russian city-states of the Middle Ages. Kiev and Moscow are greater in political importance, especially in the earliest and latest mediaeval times-before the Second Crusade and after the fall of Constantinople-but no Russian town of any age has the same individuality and self-sufficiency, the same sturdy republican independence, activity, and success. Who can stand against God and the Great Novgorod ?-Kto protiv Boga i Velikago Novgoroda .J-was the famous proverbial expression of this self-sufficiency and success. From the beginning of the Crusading Age to the fall of the Byzantine Empire Novgorod is unique among Russian cities, not only for its population, its commerce, and its citizen army (assuring it almost complete freedom from external domination even in the Mongol Age), but also as controlling an empire, or sphere of influence, extending over the far North from Lapland to the Urals and the Ob. -
Crimea—The Ukrainian Point of View. History and the Present Time
ISSN 2082–0860 Vol. II (2011/1) pp. 135-154 Grzegorz Skrukwa Uniwersity of Adam Mickiewicz in Poznań Crimea—the Ukrainian Point of View. History and the Present Time rimea is undoubtedly the most distinct and specific region of present day CUkraine, enjoying a special administrative status—that of an autonomic republic (Autonomous Republic Crimea, ARK). It is an area rife with conflict, with waxing and waning separatist tendencies. The first attempt to incorporate Crimea into the Ukrainian statehood took place in 1918—at the same time when the questions arose, of the independence of Ukraine, of Crimea remaining part of it, and of borders between states after the revolution and the break-up of the Russian Empire. The programme of the Central Council of Ukraine did not provide for the incorporation of Crimea into the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UPR), whose borders were drafted based on the ethnographic and linguistic criterion. In December 1917, Crimean Tatars proclaimed the Crimean People’s Republic, abolished by the Bolsheviks and replaced with the Taurida Soviet Socialist Republic. In April 1918, UPR forces entered Crimea to seize Sevastopol and the Black Sea Fleet—the so-called Col. Petro Bolbochan’s Crimean raid— under German pressure, however, the Ukrainian troops were withdrawn. A dilemma presented itself then, characteristic of the Ukrainians’ present perspective on Crimean questions: How to treat Crimea and the Tatars? Most officers of the UPR army were socialists and narodniks who did not consider Crimea to be “Ukrainian ethnographic territory.” Thus on one hand, they tried to explain the reasons of the Crimean raid to their soldiers by the necessity to claim the Black Sea Fleet ships for Ukraine and by referring to the raids of Zaporozhian Cossacks who liberated Ukrainian men and women from Tatar captivity. -
Russian Origins of the First World War
The Russian Origins of the First World War The Russian Origins of the First World War Sean McMeekin The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press Cambridge, Massachusetts • London, Eng land 2011 Copyright © 2011 by Sean McMeekin All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in- Publication Data McMeekin, Sean, 1974– The Russian origins of the First World War / Sean McMeekin. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-674-06210-8 (alk. paper) 1. World War, 1914–1918—Causes. 2. World War, 1914–1918—Russia. 3. Russia—Foreign relations—1894–1917. 4. Imperialism—History— 20th century. 5. World War, 1914–1918—Campaigns—Eastern Front. 6. World War, 1914–1918—Campaigns—Middle East. I. Title. D514.M35 2011 940.3'11—dc23 2011031427 For Ayla Contents Abbreviations ix Author’s Note xi Introduction: History from the Deep Freeze 1 1. The Strategic Imperative in 1914 6 2. It Takes Two to Tango: The July Crisis 41 3. Russia’s War: The Opening Round 76 4. Turkey’s Turn 98 5. The Russians and Gallipoli 115 6. Russia and the Armenians 141 7. The Russians in Persia 175 8. Partitioning the Ottoman Empire 194 9. 1917: The Tsarist Empire at Its Zenith 214 Conclusion: The October Revolution and Historical Amnesia 234 Notes 245 Bibliography 289 Acknowledgments 303 Index 307 Maps The Russian Empire on the Eve of World War I 8 The Polish Salient 18 The Peacetime Deployment of Russia’s Army Corps 20 The Initial Mobilization Pattern on the Eastern Front 83 Russian Claims on Austrian and German Territory 91 “The Straits,” and Russian Claims on Them 132 Russia and the Armenians 167 Persia and the Caucasian Front 187 The Partition of the Ottoman Empire 206 The Eastern Front 219 Abbreviations ATASE Askeri Tarih ve Stratejik Etüt Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archive of the Turkish Gen- eral Staff). -
Rodion Kaliuzhnyi Papers [Textual Records, Graphic Material]
MS COLL 00419 Rodion Kaliuzhnyi Papers [textual records, graphic material] Scope: 1939-1982 Bulk: 1946-1959 Size: 12 boxes, 238 files (4 metres) Source of Acquisition and Processing: The Rodion Kaliuzhnyi Papers were given to the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto, by Lidia-Maria Kaliuzhna in 2003. She is the daughter of Rodion Kaliuzhnyi, who served as secretary to Danylo Skoropadskyi, the son of the last Ukrainian hetman. Acknowledgment goes to Professor Robert E. Johnson of the Department of History for his important role in helping to bring the collection to the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library. The arrangement and description of the collection was made possible thanks to a grant from the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies. Language: Ukrainian, German, English, Russian, Czech, and Spanish. Terms of Access: Available for faculty, students, and researchers engaged in scholarly projects. Location: Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto Processing information: Processed in 2004 and revised in 2007 by Nadia Zavorotna Scope and content The Kaliuzhnyi Papers focus on the life and activities of participants of one of the Ukrainian nationalist movements, the United Hetman Organization [Soiuz hetmantsiv derzhavnykiv], during the 1940s to 1950s. During this period the hetmanite movement was under the leadership of Danylo Skoropadskyi, who assumed the role in 1948 and served until his death in 1957. Rodion Kaliuzhnyi served as his secretary and after Danylo Skoropadskyi's death continued to be active in the movement. There are letters between Skoropadskyi and important Ukrainian military and political leaders, such as Oleksandr Shapoval and Ievhen Zyblikevych; historians, such as Natalia Polonska-Vasylenko and Vasyl Hryshko; and ethnographers, such as Oleksa Voropai and Lidiia Burachynska. -
Warfare, State and Society on the Black Sea Steppe, 1500-1700
Warfare, State and Society on the Black Sea Steppe, 1500–1700 In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Muscovy waged a costly struggle against the Crimean Khanate, the Ottoman Empire, and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth for control of the fertile steppe above the Black Sea. This was a region of great strategic and economic importance – arguably the pivot of Eurasia at the time. Yet, this crucial period in Russia’s history has, up until now, been neglected by historians. Brian L. Davies’s study provides an essential insight into the emergence of Russia as a great power. The long campaign took a great toll upon Russia’s population, economy, and institutions, and repeatedly frustrated or redefi ned Russian military and diplo- matic projects in the West. The struggle was every bit as important as Russia’s wars in northern and central Europe for driving the Russian state-building process, forcing military reform and shaping Russia’s visions of Empire. Warfare, State and Society on the Black Sea Steppe, 1500–1700 examines the course of this struggle and explains how Russia’s ultimate prevalence resulted from new strategies of military colonization in addition to improvements in army command-and-control, logistics, and tactics. Brian L. Davies is Associate Professor of History at the University of Texas at San Antonio. His publications include State Power and Community in Early Modern Russia: The Case of Kozlov, 1635–1649 (2004). Warfare and History General Editor Jeremy Black Professor of History, University of Exeter Air Power in the Age of Total War Modern Chinese Warfare, Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500– John Buckley 1795–1989 1800: Maritime Confl icts and the Bruce A. -
The Politics of Religion in the Ukraine: the Orthodox Church and the Ukrainian Revolution, 1917-1919
NOT FOR CITATION WITHOUT PERMISSION OF AUTHOR #202 THE POLITICS OF RELIGION IN THE UKRAINE: THE ORTHODOX CHURCH AND THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION, 1917-1919 Bohdan R. Bociurkiw Professor of Political Science Carleton University, Ottawa This paper, which was originally presented at a colloquium of the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies on September 19, 1985, is part of a forthcoming monograph entitled The PoLitics of Religion in the Ukraine: The Orthodox Church, the State, and SociaL Change, 1917-1982. Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars The following essay was prepared and distributed by the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies as part of its Occasional Paper series. The series aims to extend Kennan Institute Occasional Papers to all those interested in Russian and Soviet studies and to help authors obtain timely feedback on their work. Occasional Papers are written by Kennan Institute scholars and visiting speakers. They are working papers presented at, or resulting from, seminars, colloquia, and conferences held under the auspices of the Kennan Institute. Copies of Occasional Papers and a list of Occasional Papers currently available can be obtained free of charge by writing to: Occasional Papers Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Smithsonian Institution 955 L'Enfant Plaza, Suite 7400 Washington, D.C. 20560 The Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies was established in 1975 as a program of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. The Kennan Institute was created to provide a center in Washington, D.C., where advanced research on Russia and the USSR could be pursued by qualified U.S. -
THE DEVELOPMENT of BANDURA MUSIC ART BETWEEN the 1920S and 1940S
Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics 14 (2): 44–66 DOI: 10.2478/jef-2020-0015 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BANDURA MUSIC ART BETWEEN THE 1920s A N D 1940s MARYNA BEREZUTSKA Associate professor Department of Folk Instruments M. Glinka Dnipropetrovsk Academy of Music Lyvarna street 10, 49044 Dnipro, Ukraine e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT Bandura art is a unique phenomenon of Ukrainian culture, inextricably linked with the history of the Ukrainian people. The study is dedicated to one of the most tragic periods in the history of bandura art, that of the 1920s–1940s, during which the Bolsheviks were creating, expanding and strengthening the Soviet Union. Art in a multinational state at this time was supposed to be national by form and socialist by content in accordance with the concept of Bolshevik cultural policy; it also had to serve Soviet propaganda. Bandura art has always been national by its content, and professional by its form, so conflict was inevitable. The Bolsheviks embodied their cultural policy through administrative and power methods: they created numerous bandurist ensembles and imposed a repertoire that glorified the Communist Party and the Soviet system. As a result, the development of bandura art stagnated significantly, although it did not die completely. At the same time, in the post-war years this policy provoked the emigration of many professional bandurists to the USA and Canada, thus promoting the active spread of bandura art in the Ukrainian Diaspora. KEYWORDS: bandura art • bandurists • kobzars INTRODUCTION The bandura is a unique Ukrainian folk instrument whose history is closely connected with the Ukrainian nation’s history.