UNIIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ MODERNITY, SECULARISM, and the POLITICAL in IRAN a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisf

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

UNIIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ MODERNITY, SECULARISM, and the POLITICAL in IRAN a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisf UNIIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ MODERNITY, SECULARISM, AND THE POLITICAL IN IRAN A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICS with an emphasis in FEMINIST STUDIES by Omid Mohamadi December 2016 The Dissertation of Omid Mohamadi is approved: _________________________________ Professor Vanita Seth, Chair _________________________________ Professor Megan Thomas _________________________________ Professor Anjali Arondekar _________________________________ Professor Minoo Moallem ________________________________ Tyrus Miller Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Omid Mohamadi 2016 Table of Contents List of Figures iv Abstract v Acknowledgements viii Introduction: “Neither Secularism Nor Islamic Republic” 1 Chapter 1: The Iranian Women’s Movement: Hybridity, Rights, and Political Imaginaries 39 Chapter Two: The Politics of Time in Iran 95 Chapter Three: Art & The Islamic Republic 144 Epilogue: Historiography & Politics 189 Bibliography 201 iii List of Figures Figure 1: Shahyad Monument/Azadi Tower 158 Figure 2: The Imperial-Colonial Enemy 165 Figure 3: The Velayat-e Faqih 165 Figure 4: The Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem and the export of the revolutionary tradition to Muslim lands” 165 Figure 5: Martyrs of the Iran-Iraq War 165 Figure 6: Moral Proclamation 165 Figure 7: Beautification Mural 165 Figure 8. Beautification Mural 1 by Ghadyanloo 169 Figure 9. Beautification Mural 2 by Ghadyanloo 170 Figure 10: Beautification Mural 3 by Ghadyanloo 171 Figure 11: Beautification Mural 4 by Ghadyanloo 172 Figure 12: “Woman with Dish Soap” by Black Hand 174 Figure 13: “Gaza” by Black Hand 174 iv Abstract Modernity, Secularism, and the Political in Iran by Omid Mohamadi In the last decade, theorists in anthropology and other disciplines have vigorously critiqued commonplace distinctions between secularism and religion. Highlighting how secularism is a form of Western epistemology, such theorists have argued this distinction is deeply problematic because it obscures secularism’s historical, political, and cultural particularity. My dissertation argues Iran is well situated to engage in this debate because its political terrain brings into relief how discussions of secularity and religiosity often fall back on an irresolvable dichotomy wherein secularism is defended without qualification or religious authoritarianism is ignored altogether. In an effort to move out of this impasse, my dissertation critiques the presumed neutrality of secularism without defending a thoroughly undemocratic Islamic Republic. Through an examination of three sites within Iranian politics since 1979, I show how alternatives to both secularism and undemocratic forms of Islam are already present in Iran. The first site that I explore is the contemporary Iranian women’s movement, specifically the One Million Signatures Campaign, which seeks full gender equality within the laws of the Islamic Republic. I argue that the internal logic of rights and a specific set of socio-political conditions that arose out of the revolution in 1979 made the newly fostered cooperation between Islamic and secular feminists within this campaign possible. Utilizing critiques of rights by poststructuralist and postcolonial feminists, I v arrive at a critical endorsement of women’s rights in Iran that calls for nurturing more radical political imaginaries by not treating rights jurisprudence as the apex of social justice struggles. My second site focuses on the politics of time and its role in the 2009 post- election uprising as a further example of the porous boundary between secularism and religion in Iran. After surveying the history of Iran’s three dominant calendars and the forty-day mourning cycle of Shi’ite Islam in the last century, I argue the Islamic Republic is founded on temporal simultaneity, a non-secular organization of time wherein past, present, and future are enfolded into one dynamic moment. I conclude that during the 2009 uprising, protesters initiated a crisis of legitimacy for the regime by reconfiguring temporal markers that comprise this symbolic foundation of the contemporary Iranian state. My final site is the visual culture in the Islamic Republic as well as Western understandings and depictions of it. I argue such analyses of artistic production in Iran by Western observers rely on a particular understanding of the state, religion, and art as discrete categories wholly separate from one another. This argument is twofold, the first part of which is a historical survey that shows how the relationship between art and the state in Iran over the last sixty years has been co-constitutive. On the basis of this history, I then explore contemporary Iranian street art, both sanctioned and illicit, to show how this convergence of art and the state has continued to unfold in the Islamic Republic. I show how the boundaries between culture and the state have not calcified under the current regime but remain dynamically in flux, albeit different ways than in the previous historical epoch. vi Lastly, I trace how the politics of secularism and religion both consolidates and frays the public/private divide within these three sites. Given this fact, the question of what to do with secularism and religion in Iran is ultimately a question of what to do about the divide between the private and public spheres. Taking up the issue of the double-bind structuring the public/private divide, I conclude my dissertation by surveying the ethical-politico limitations and possibilities of these alternative political imaginaries in Iran. vii Acknowledgements This dissertation is the culmination of many years of research and work that was made possible through the collective effort and support of so many people. My project has benefitted enormously from feedback I received in workshops hosted by the Emerging Worlds Initiative in UCSC’s Anthropology Department and the Humanities Studio on Regulating Sex/Religion for the University of California Humanities Research Institute’s Initiative on Religions in Diaspora and Global Affairs. I am also very thankful for two faculty members at UCSC, Neda Atanasoski and Mayanthi Fernando, who while not on my committee, nonetheless read over drafts of my chapters and gave me illuminative suggestions on where to take the project. Their acts of intellectual generosity came at crucial turning points in the writing of my dissertation and significantly shaped the contours of my arguments. Most importantly, I am incredibly grateful for the sustained guidance and direction I have received from my committee. Minoo Moallem and Anjali Arondekar have continually pushed me out of my comfort zone and have encouraged me to think more robustly about the stakes of my arguments across disciplinary boundaries- provocations that have significantly strengthened the foundation on which this dissertation stands. Megan Thomas has provided invaluable contributions to the theoretical scaffolding and analytic content of this project. As a mentor who has always been very generous with her time, Megan has through many phone calls, emails, and meetings been an indispensable force in helping me weather the difficult day to day challenges entailed in the writing of a dissertation. viii Since the beginning of my graduate studies at UCSC, Vanita Seth has significantly influenced, shaped, and molded my intellectual outlook. I could always count on going into her office with a mess of jumbled ideas and poorly written pages only to come out with a clear, coherent blueprint for going forward. Attentive to every aspect of this dissertation, from the minutiae of my argument within a particular chapter to the implications of my project for the larger academic field, it is Vanita’s mentorship that has made so much of this work possible. I am so thankful for the wonderful friends who have sustained me throughout this process: Sandra Harvey, Claire Lyness, Steve Araujo, and Sam Cook- a family which has now grown to include Megan Martenyi and Cassie Ambutter whose orbit I have come into towards the end of my time at UCSC. I am so incredibly lucky to inhabit this community that has provided a safe haven from the neoliberal-inspired forms of precarity and uncertainty that make graduate student life at times seemingly untenable, especially within a public institution. You all continue to be an unending source of support, strength, solidarity, and care- for which I am forever grateful. To family and friends in Iran, thank you so much for both your support from afar and your hospitality during visits which have unfortunately been much too infrequent. I hope I have offered a rendering here that adequately conveys the complexity of day-to-day life, both past and present, within Iran- especially the long shadow of a revolution that has loomed across families, generations, and continents. To my grandparents, whose ability to withstand the loss of a child, a decade long war, a revolution, being separated from my immediate family by thousands of miles, and countless other tumultuous events has given me strength to have hope for the future. ix While I am deeply saddened that my grandfather is not here to witness the finishing of this dissertation, the memory of his kind and gentle spirit remains. It is to him that this work is dedicated. Thank you to the Liptons and Koguts, especially to Bonnie and Peter, for your support and encouragement over the years- I am honored to be a member of your lovely tribe. To my extended family, to the Noels and Kisers thank you for being an unwavering source of support throughout my journey from community college through this moment and beyond. To my sister, Mina, you have done much, much more than simply ensuring I could handle studying in a noisy environment once I left for college. Your encouragement has helped to keep me going in this difficult process and your razor-sharp wit and intelligence has kept me on my toes. To my parents, words are unable to express how grateful I am for everything you have done for me.
Recommended publications
  • Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism in Iran: the Role of Identity Processes
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Nottingham Trent Institutional Repository (IRep) 1 Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in Iran: the role of identity processes Rusi Jaspal De Montfort University, Leicester, UK Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism constitute two important ideological building blocks of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Yet, there is no existing research into the psychosocial motives underlying the manifestation of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism at the institutional level in Iran. Here it is argued that there is much heuristic and predictive value in applying tenets of identity process theory (IPT), a socio-psychological model of identity threat and action, to the primarily socio-historical literature on anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in Iran. The paper provides a summary of anti-Semitism, anti-Zionism and ‘new anti-Semitism’ and IPT. The substantive section of the paper explores (i) how anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism may restore feelings of belonging in the Muslim world and beyond; (ii) the inter-relations between ingroup and outgroup self-efficacy; (iii) the psychosocial motivation to maintain Shiite ideology and Khomeini’s legacy; and (iv) the construction of Jews and Israel in terms of a threat to group continuity. It is suggested that insights into the motivational principles underlying anti-Semitism and anti- Zionism at the institutional level may inform empirical research into social representations of Jews and Israel in Iran. More broadly, this paper highlights the potential contribution of social psychology to existing work on anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in the humanities.
    [Show full text]
  • Tracing the Role of Technology in Iranian Politics: from the Islamic Revolution of 1979 to the Presidential Election of 2009
    IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 21, Issue 4, Ver. 7 (Apr. 2016) PP 06-16 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org Tracing the Role of Technology in Iranian Politics: From the Islamic Revolution of 1979 to the Presidential Election of 2009 Dr. Farid M.S Al-Salim History Program . Department of Humanities . College of Arts and Sciences. Qatar University P.O Box 2713 Doha, Qatar Abstract: This paper will attempt to examine the question: Given the advances in technology, why did the 2009 election protest movement fail to accomplish any of their goals while the participations of the 1979 Revolution were able to succeed in accomplishing their expressed objective? This question will provide a simplified test to a common tenant of those that support the use of technology as a means of bringing about regime change: that advances in communication technology are diffusing power away from governments and toward individual citizens and non-state actors. In order to answer this question this paper will examine the role of technology as an enabling factor in both the 1979 revolution and 2009 election protests. A brief historical context of the 1979 and 2009 conflicts will be provided, followed by a short history about the use of the Internet in Iran and finally the concluding remarks. Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi was said to be “The Shah-in-Shah” or the King of Kings.1 The head of the Iranian government, son of Reza Shah and architect of the White Revolution, Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi would also be the final ruling monarch of Iran.
    [Show full text]
  • IRAN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY the Islamic Republic of Iran
    IRAN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Islamic Republic of Iran is a constitutional, theocratic republic in which Shia Muslim clergy and political leaders vetted by the clergy dominate the key power structures. Government legitimacy is based on the twin pillars of popular sovereignty--albeit restricted--and the rule of the supreme leader of the Islamic Revolution. The current supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was chosen by a directly elected body of religious leaders, the Assembly of Experts, in 1989. Khamenei’s writ dominates the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government. He directly controls the armed forces and indirectly controls internal security forces, the judiciary, and other key institutions. The legislative branch is the popularly elected 290-seat Islamic Consultative Assembly, or Majlis. The unelected 12-member Guardian Council reviews all legislation the Majlis passes to ensure adherence to Islamic and constitutional principles; it also screens presidential and Majlis candidates for eligibility. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was reelected president in June 2009 in a multiparty election that was generally considered neither free nor fair. There were numerous instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control. Demonstrations by opposition groups, university students, and others increased during the first few months of the year, inspired in part by events of the Arab Spring. In February hundreds of protesters throughout the country staged rallies to show solidarity with protesters in Tunisia and Egypt. The government responded harshly to protesters and critics, arresting, torturing, and prosecuting them for their dissent. As part of its crackdown, the government increased its oppression of media and the arts, arresting and imprisoning dozens of journalists, bloggers, poets, actors, filmmakers, and artists throughout the year.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran 2019 International Religious Freedom Report
    IRAN 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution defines the country as an Islamic republic and specifies Twelver Ja’afari Shia Islam as the official state religion. It states all laws and regulations must be based on “Islamic criteria” and an official interpretation of sharia. The constitution states citizens shall enjoy human, political, economic, and other rights, “in conformity with Islamic criteria.” The penal code specifies the death sentence for proselytizing and attempts by non-Muslims to convert Muslims, as well as for moharebeh (“enmity against God”) and sabb al-nabi (“insulting the Prophet”). According to the penal code, the application of the death penalty varies depending on the religion of both the perpetrator and the victim. The law prohibits Muslim citizens from changing or renouncing their religious beliefs. The constitution also stipulates five non-Ja’afari Islamic schools shall be “accorded full respect” and official status in matters of religious education and certain personal affairs. The constitution states Zoroastrians, Jews, and Christians, excluding converts from Islam, are the only recognized religious minorities permitted to worship and form religious societies “within the limits of the law.” The government continued to execute individuals on charges of “enmity against God,” including two Sunni Ahwazi Arab minority prisoners at Fajr Prison on August 4. Human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) continued to report the disproportionately large number of executions of Sunni prisoners, particularly Kurds, Baluchis, and Arabs. Human rights groups raised concerns regarding the use of torture, beatings in custody, forced confessions, poor prison conditions, and denials of access to legal counsel.
    [Show full text]
  • Indicate to His Teachers That Any Indebtedness for Materials
    DOCttMENT RFSUME ED 023 b46 TE 000 391 By -Palmer,,Louis H., Jr. Intellectual Honesty. Tilton School English Dept., NH. Pub Date Feb 68 Note -17p. EDRS Price MF -$025 He -$0 95 Descriptors -*Academic Standards, *Composition(Literary), Discipline Problems, *EngkshInstruction, Moral Issues, Moral Values, *Plagiarism One of the principal aims of a qualityeducation is a relationship of trustbetween a student andhis teachers and peers. Thestudent's signature on his workshould indicate to his teachers that anyindebtedness for materials--anyword-for-word copying, paraphrasing, usageof "apt" terms, or any mosaic woven intohis work from randomly-gathered statements--has beenacceptably acknowledged andidentified to clarify what is the student's own workand woat has been borrowedfrom others. The student should acknowledge to what extenthe has prepared and proofreadhis own papers, given orreceived help, and made use of tutors orother aids. He should understand that plagiarism fn any form notonly indicates a flagrantdisregard for the ethical and moral code governing thewelfare of the academic communityand a serious breach of personal integrity,but also constitutes an ignoranceof form, for which he will still be held responsible.(Included are examples which illustratethe misuse of source materials) (JB) U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION 8.WELFARE OFFICE Of EDUCATION EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRODUCED POINTS Of VIEW OR OPINIONS PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATINGIT. OFFICIAL OFFICE Of EDUCATION STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT POSITION OR POLICY. INTELLECTUAL HONESTY ar English Department Tilton School Tilton, New Hampshire nbruary, 1968 Louis H. Palmer, Jr. Chairman INTELLECTUAL HONESTY Honesty is a relationship of trust and understanding between two people or between a person and a group.
    [Show full text]
  • IRAN COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
    IRAN COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service Date 28 June 2011 IRAN JUNE 2011 Contents Preface Latest News EVENTS IN IRAN FROM 14 MAY TO 21 JUNE Useful news sources for further information REPORTS ON IRAN PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED BETWEEN 14 MAY AND 21 JUNE Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Maps ...................................................................................................................... 1.04 Iran ..................................................................................................................... 1.04 Tehran ................................................................................................................ 1.05 Calendar ................................................................................................................ 1.06 Public holidays ................................................................................................... 1.07 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 3. HISTORY .................................................................................................................. 3.01 Pre 1979: Rule of the Shah .................................................................................. 3.01 From 1979 to 1999: Islamic Revolution to first local government elections ... 3.04 From 2000 to 2008: Parliamentary elections
    [Show full text]
  • PRISM Syrian Supplemental
    PRISM syria A JOURNAL OF THE CENTER FOR COMPLEX OPERATIONS About PRISM PRISM is published by the Center for Complex Operations. PRISM is a security studies journal chartered to inform members of U.S. Federal agencies, allies, and other partners Vol. 4, Syria Supplement on complex and integrated national security operations; reconstruction and state-building; 2014 relevant policy and strategy; lessons learned; and developments in training and education to transform America’s security and development Editor Michael Miklaucic Communications Contributing Editors Constructive comments and contributions are important to us. Direct Alexa Courtney communications to: David Kilcullen Nate Rosenblatt Editor, PRISM 260 Fifth Avenue (Building 64, Room 3605) Copy Editors Fort Lesley J. McNair Dale Erikson Washington, DC 20319 Rebecca Harper Sara Thannhauser Lesley Warner Telephone: Nathan White (202) 685-3442 FAX: (202) 685-3581 Editorial Assistant Email: [email protected] Ava Cacciolfi Production Supervisor Carib Mendez Contributions PRISM welcomes submission of scholarly, independent research from security policymakers Advisory Board and shapers, security analysts, academic specialists, and civilians from the United States Dr. Gordon Adams and abroad. Submit articles for consideration to the address above or by email to prism@ Dr. Pauline H. Baker ndu.edu with “Attention Submissions Editor” in the subject line. Ambassador Rick Barton Professor Alain Bauer This is the authoritative, official U.S. Department of Defense edition of PRISM. Dr. Joseph J. Collins (ex officio) Any copyrighted portions of this journal may not be reproduced or extracted Ambassador James F. Dobbins without permission of the copyright proprietors. PRISM should be acknowledged whenever material is quoted from or based on its content.
    [Show full text]
  • Phil 3304 Christian Worldview Philosophy Department Dallas Baptist University Dr
    Phil 3304 Christian Worldview Philosophy Department Dallas Baptist University Dr. Naugle Arthur Holmes, The Idea of a Christian College Chapter Two: Theological Foundations Introduction: Believers ought to be committed to thinking and acting (esp. when it comes to education) as a Christian in conformity with their beliefs about God and his purposes for them and the world. Hence, we will do this and thereby unfold a biblical and theological foundation for Christian involvement in higher education in general, and liberal arts education in particular. Four themes are the focus: • Creation • The human person •Truth • Cultural mandate Creation 1. Gnosticism has beleaguered the Church perpetually with its claims that there are two worlds of mind and matter, that matter is the source of life’s evils, while mind or spirit is the source of what is rational and good. Matter and mind are locked in an eternal conflict. 2. Hence, Paul, on the basis of the eight “goods” of Genesis 1, responds to gnosticism in 1 Timothy 4: 1-5. 1 Tim. 4:1 But the Spirit explicitly says that in later times some will fall away from the faith, paying attention to deceitful spirits and doctrines of demons, 1 Tim. 4:2 by means of the hypocrisy of liars seared in their own conscience as with a branding iron, 1 Tim. 4:3 {men} who forbid marriage {and advocate} abstaining from foods, which God has created to be gratefully shared in by those who believe and know the truth. 1 Tim. 4:4 For everything created by God is good, and nothing is to be rejected, if it is received with gratitude; 1 Tim.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Notes Introduction 1. Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States (London, 1982), 5. 2. Ibid., 3. 3. Tom Nairn, The Break-up of Britain (London, 1977), 41–2. 4. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflection on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983), 15. 5. Ibid., 20. 6. Ibid. 7. Miroslav Hroch, ‘From National Movement to the Fully Formed Nation,’ New Left Review 198 (March/April 1993), 3–20. 8. Ibid., 6–7. 9. Ibid., 18. 10. Seton-Watson, Nations and States, 147–8. 11. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 127. 12. Ibid., 86. 13. Ibid., 102. 14. In the case of Iran, the Belgian constitution was the model for the Iranian constitution with two major adaptations to suit the country’s conditions. There were numerous references to religion and the importance of religious leaders. The constitution also made a point of recognizing the existence of the provincial councils. Ervand Abrahamian, Iran between Two Revolutions (Princeton, NJ, 1982), 90. 15. Peter Laslett, ‘Face-to-Face Society,’ in P. Laslett (ed.), Philosophy, Politics and Society (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1967), 157–84. 16. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 122. 17. Arjun Appadurai, ‘Introduction, Commodities and the Politics of Value,’ in A. Appadurai (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspec- tive (Cambridge, 1986), 3–63. 18. Ibid., 9. 19. Luca Anderlini and Hamid Sabourian, ‘Some Notes on the Economics of Barter, Money and Credit,’ in Caroline Humphrey and Stephen Hugh- Jones (eds), Barter, Exchange and Value (Cambridge, 1992), 75–106. 20. Ibid., 89. 21. The principal issue in the rise of Kurdish national awareness is the erosion in the fabric of the Kurdish ‘face-to-face’ society.
    [Show full text]
  • Khomeini's Face Is in the Moon
    Khomeini’s Face is in the Moon Limitations of Sacredness and the Origins of Sovereignty Olmo Gölz Introduction During the course of the year 1978, the person of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini1 became regarded as the leading figure of the Iranian Revolution who “ultimately engineered the downfall of the Pahlavi monarchy”.2 From his exile, first in Iraq and since September 1978 in France, he maintained his grasp on the events in Iran through his local network and developed a distinct charismatic, if not messi- anic appeal – so that the later success of the revolution was closely associated with both the abscondence of the detested Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi in January 1979 and the return of Ayatollah Khomeini to Iran some days later, culminating in the public opinion that the Shah had left by the force of the Ayatollah.3 In his persuasive evaluation of the source and significance of Ayatollah Khomeini’s charisma during the Iranian Revolution of 1977–1979, the political scientist Daniel Brumberg came to the conclusion that the revolutionary leader’s gravity drew on a rather multi-faceted foundation.4 On the one hand, the Ayatol- lah’s example would validate Hannah Arendt’s theory that mass leaders tend to use the notion of infallibility as a propaganda effect and therefore often an- nounce “their political intentions in the form of prophecy”.5 In this regard, cha- risma is explained as the effect of deliberate use of cultural symbols by elites,6 and Brumberg admits that Khomeini grasped this logic, for example, when in 1978 he publicly legitimized out of exile the deviant actions of his followers as the fulfil- ment of a divine prophecy.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 June 8, 2020 to Members of The
    June 8, 2020 To Members of the United Nations Human Rights Council Re: Request for the Convening of a Special Session on the Escalating Situation of Police Violence and Repression of Protests in the United States Excellencies, The undersigned family members of victims of police killings and civil society organizations from around the world, call on member states of the UN Human Rights Council to urgently convene a Special Session on the situation of human rights in the United States in order to respond to the unfolding grave human rights crisis borne out of the repression of nationwide protests. The recent protests erupted on May 26 in response to the police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Minnesota, which was only one of a recent string of unlawful killings of unarmed Black people by police and armed white vigilantes. We are deeply concerned about the escalation in violent police responses to largely peaceful protests in the United States, which included the use of rubber bullets, tear gas, pepper spray and in some cases live ammunition, in violation of international standards on the use of force and management of assemblies including recent U.N. Guidance on Less Lethal Weapons. Additionally, we are greatly concerned that rather than using his position to serve as a force for calm and unity, President Trump has chosen to weaponize the tensions through his rhetoric, evidenced by his promise to seize authority from Governors who fail to take the most extreme tactics against protestors and to deploy federal armed forces against protestors (an action which would be of questionable legality).
    [Show full text]
  • President Obama's Approach to the Middle East and North Africa: Strategic Absence Paul Williams
    Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 48 | Issue 1 2016 President Obama's Approach to the Middle East and North Africa: Strategic Absence Paul Williams Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Paul Williams, President Obama's Approach to the Middle East and North Africa: Strategic Absence, 48 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 83 (2016) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol48/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law 48 (2016) President Obama’s Approach to the Middle East and North Africa: Strategic Absence Paul Williams* Many commentators argue that the White House does not have a policy regarding the Middle East and North Africa. Based on observations of the White House’s foreign policy decisions over a breadth of seven years, this article argues that The White House does have a clear policy and it is one of Strategic Absence. The term Strategic Absence is used to describe political behavior that arises from a belief that sometimes, in foreign affairs, it is better to be absent rather than present. Strategic Absence has led to a degradation of American influence in the Middle East and has contributed to deteriorating conflict situations in Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Libya.
    [Show full text]