A STUDY OF URBAN MORPHOLOGY OF JAPANESE Title COLONIAL TOWNS IN NAN'YO GUNTO Part1 Garapan, Tinian and Chalan Kanoa in Northern Marianas
Author(s) ONO, Keiko; LEA, John P; ANDO, Tetsuya
日本建築学会計画系論文集 = Transactions of AIJ. Journal of Citation architecture, planning and environmental engineering(556): 333-339
Issue Date 2002-06-30
URL http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12001/9563
本文データは学協会の許諾に基づきCiNiiから複製したも Rights のである Architectural Institute of Japan
8 *m~'¥:f A STUDY OF URBAN MORPHOLOGY OF JAPANESE COLONIAL TOWNS IN NAN'YO GUNTO Part 1 Garapan, Tinian and Chalan Kanoa in Northern Marianas i¥i#JFB'h ~= i:J tt ~ B *tin~t~m (7)t~m~~~= ~T ~ 1iJf1E ({-G')1) ~~,?I)7T~8i;· 7/7/''''./, T"'I'7'./t.;./7lfz.rFt::=-7'./ Keiko ONO*, John P. LEA** and Tetsuya ANDO*** Ij, !t §~, :/ 3 /' P 1) -, 77: ~ ~-ijlt The impacts on urbanisation in the Pacific from the short-lived Japanese occupation ofmost ofMicronesia in the first halfofthe twentieth century was substantial. Over a period ofthree decades island economies were transformed and, in the case ofthe Northern Marianas, small islander populations resettled in modern towns together with many thousands ofJapanese migrants. Racial segregation was not enforced as such and economic and social distinctions stratified the urban populations. New maps derived from wartime aerial photography have been drawn-up for Garapan and Chalan Kanoa on Saipan and for Tinian Town, and are reported here together with some reminiscences of repatriated former residents. Boundaries ofdifferent land use activities arc revealed here for the first time. Some conclusions are reached about the land use pattern ofJapanese colonial towns and their key c()mponents. Keywords: Colonial tOWIlS, Japanese Micronesia, Nail yo, Northern Marianas, Saipan, Tlllian, sugar plalltations, urball morphology. • ~.*. B*.~T~~o*~7.•~. ~V~7~••. ~~~'./.~=7/.••~5/~-~3/.•*.B In this town [Garapan]. there were not ollly publicfacilities such as Japan who was subsequently given a League ofNations trusteeship (Nan 'yo a town hall, post office, auditorium, police statioll, court house alld GUlltO) to govern. the region. Eventually 96,000 Japanese nationals were to various schools but also shops, from departmellt stores to vegetable, live and work there, easily outnumbering the 52,000 indigenous islanders. The toji" clothing and electric appliance stores, plll;lrmacies and sushi Northern Mariana islands was where the main weight ofmigration was con restaurants. Public bathhouses, in liS, brothels, cafe/bars alld other centrated and where economic and inf~astructure change was greatest, as they facilities were also fully arrayed. There were two movie theatres and two daily newspapers that competed wilh each other vigor were the closest part ofMicronesia to the home country and became the site of ously. There were as mallyas 113 automobiles on the streets in 1937. a successful sugar industry (Figure J). Such a street scene was continuous as ifa Ilewly developed town in Satpan and Trruan .,/) mainlandJapan had been transplanted (Nomura 1987: 117, trans JAPAN Gata,oon~- (SAlPAN lated from Japanese). Chalan /"'0 TINIAN ~ TlOta~ 1. INTRODUCTION '-Okinawa i As described in Nomura's documentary novel, 'UlIli no hate no sokoku (Home ,,--;------...... land Far Away Across the Sea)' (1987), Japan became involved in the inten / ~~~:! sive settlement of thtl Northern Marianas in the two decades bcfore World Guamr.'JsaiPa War Two. This was to have a huge impact on an oceanic region ofsmall and (USA)L J Nan'yo Gunlo (1919-194S) sparsely populated'islands characterised up to this time by little more than Tt)JI\la.••:: ••'. ::.- .:: c: .:. "p~~ subsistence farming and small-scale trading. Substantial Japanese migration CAROUNE ISLANDS transformed a part ofthe Pacific where urbanisation, except ofthe most mi nor kind, was unknown until after 19 J4 when Micronesia was occupied by Figure 1 Japanese Mandated Micronesia (Nail yo Gunto) , Saipan and Tinian. • Doctoral Student, Dept. of Architecture,· Planning and Allied Arts, Faculty of ;.-r=--*!!jt~~!!jt$jl)f±ii!ll;f!il Architecture, University of Sydney, M. Eng., M. Arch. *!!jt~~ - 11~± (I!!jt, ~~!!jt) Assoc. Prof., Dept. of Architecture, Planning and Allied Arts, Faculty of ;.- r =--*!!jt~~!!jtm\ JJjJqj(~ - -W± ('Jt1l,'>i, 'f4!!jt) Architecture, University of Sydney, Ph. D., DScArch. Assoc. Prof., Dept. of Civil Engineering and Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, University of the Ryukyus, Dr. Eng. -333- NIl-Electronic Library Service Architectural Institute of Japan Unlike European powers in the South Pacific who managed their posses Nan yo Gunlo, is examined and, in part three, the origins ofmodem Japanese sions and enterprises as plantation colonies with small numbers ofexpatriate sugar settlements in Taiwan and Minamidaito Island in Okinawa arc investi officials, the Japanese imported the entire apparatus ofcolonial development gated. to its tropical territories, from the lowest labourers to top management. The The main challenge in rediscovering the urban morphology ofthe Japa development ofMicronesia included an additional agenda item for Japan who nese colonial towns ofthe Northern (vIarianas was to discover the extent and saw in it the resolution ofeconomic depression in overpopulated rural areas features ofurbanisation prior to the destruction ofWorld War Two. As there like Okinawa from where 60 per cent ofthe migrants originated.' are no accurate maps remaining to show the configuration of the built envi Colonial urbanisation has been actively studied in the last few decades ronment in the three towns, new ones were drawn with the aid ofUS Navy (King 1990), but international discussions have rarely included information aerial photographs taken prior to bombing over the period February to June about patterns ofJapanese colonialism, largely due to a lack ofaccess to sources 1944 (Bishop Museum, Honolulu; Okinawa Prefectural Archive). The remi in the Japanese language. Whilst much has been written about colonial niscences of 15 former residents now living in Okinawa are also recorded to urbanisation by European powers in South Pacific, particularly by Australian portray the actual use ofland and bu!ldings and the distribution ofsocial and scholars (for an overview, see Connell and Lea 1993, 1995), little is known cultural groupings in the towns. Statistical data, including the Japanese Popu about how the Japanese brought urbanisation to the Western Pacific. In part lation Census' ofMicronesia, provided additional evidence about the features this is due to the severe physical destruction during World War Two and partly ofurban life.' due to the wholesale repatriation ofthe Japanese urban population at the close ofthe war.' 2.GARAPAN There has also be·en significant research into Japanese colonial urban plan 2-1 Colonial Heart ofthe Northern Marianas ning and architecture in the Japanese language literature in recent years, but Garapan had its beginnings as the village ofArabwal established in the 19th the main focus has been on mainland Asian locations, including Taiwan, where century during the Spanish occupation. The indigenous population ofSaipan much more urban development took place than in the Pacific (see for ex had been removed in the previous century and the island was not resettled ample, Koshizawa 1989). No elite architects were employed to design grand until occupied by Caroline islanders escaping from storm damaged Truk buildings in Micronesia. For many Okinawans, Micronesia was a primary (Chuuk) in the 1820s. The small town grew progressively through further destination before 1945 and their presence was a factor underpinning the speed migrations ofCaroline islanders and Chamorros from Guam, with the popu and economic success ofthe colonial settlement process and, as a consequence, lation reaching 1,900 by 1899 (Russell 1984). In the short succeeding Ger led to the rapid formation ofurban centres in the region: man period (from 1899 to 1914) little changed physically in Garapan itself Details about urban living conditions in the colonial towns ofMicronesia and few new settlers arrived (Russell.J991). are forind in various contemporary reports (Price 1936, 1944; Yanaihara 1935; In sharp contrast to the early colonial occupations, Japanese control British Naval Intelligence Division 1945). Among postwar investigations by brought with it thousands ofnew migrants and substantial physical expansion modem scholars are Peattie's (I988) study of Japanese colonial rule of (Figure 3). The population ofGarapan grew from some 2,500 in 1920 to 6,600 Micronesia which provides the most detailed historical account and is based in 1930 and by the mid-1930s it had doubled again to almost 13,000, ofwhich on English and Japanese sources. Nomura's (1987) novel about migrant fami only 3,000 were islanders (Japanese Census of Population 1920-1935). By lies from Yamagata paints a valuable picture nf urban living conditions in the end ofthe 1930s the population is estimated to have grown over 15,000. Garapan. But these works do not describe how the colonial towns ofMicronesia The total population of Saipan reached 28,000 by the end of the 1930s as a were established and how their characteristic urban morphology evolved. In result ofintense economic activity.- By then urban services sufficient to sup particular, little is known about the urban circumstances of the Okinawans port daily life at Japanese standards were fully developed, and by 1939 some who comprised the majority ofJapanese in Micronesia. 324 retailers were established in the town (Table I). There were also eight This paper thus focuses on the pre-war urban morphology ofthe towns, inns, 28 ryolei (restaurants, mostly brothels), and 51 cafe/bars and other eat with the main objective ofimproving the state ofknowledge about a signifi ing/drinking places (Japanese Special Census 1939). The town also housed cant period of urban development in the Pacific and our understanding of various factories producing consumer goods, such as miso paste, soy sauce, how Japanese colonial urban settlement operated in practice. Three urban various liquors (Okinawan awamori, sake, whisky, and pineapple wine), soap, centres in the Northern Mariana Islands that were substantially expanded, or coffee (grown locally), tapioca starch and various fish products. These were newly built, during the J920s and 1930s were chosen for closer examination: exported as well as being locally consumed (Japanese Special Census 1939; namely, Garapan, Chalan Kanoa and Tinian Town. Garapan was administra Nan'yo Cho 1941). tive centre of the Nan'yo Clio Saipan Branch (Northern Marianas)·and the 2-2 Land Use in Colonial Garapan largest town in Micronesia during the Japanese colonial period (Figure 2). Garapan exhibited a complex pattern of land uses reflecting not only its pri Chalan Kanoa, located 6 kilometres to the south, was a sugar company town mary function as the centre ofregional government and services but also the designed to service the new plantations, as was Tinian Town on neighbouring presence of several tiers ofJapanese and indigenous residents. Marked dis Tinian Island.' In part two of this paper, Koror in Palau, the capital city of tinctions existed between the governing mainland Japanese elite and migrants -334- NIl-Electronic Library Service Architectural Institute of Ja~an Table 1 Shops by Category in Garapan, Tinian and Chalan Kanoa in 1939 (Source'.Japanese Special Census 1939) 'ood/goods sold Garapan Tinian Town Chalan Kanoa Ice 2 0.6% [oft; ·6 1.9% 3 ,1.4% c ctablcs and nulls 27 8.3% 10 4.7% I 3.0o/c res Ish and shells 55 1 .Ou o 44 0.9°0 2 6.1'Y< utc cr 8 2.5% 7 3.3% no toad 7 2.2% 5 2.4% cohouseasonin2ldnnks .35 10.8% 10 4.7% 3' 9.10/\ weds ana rea 19 5.9% 12 5.7". 3 9.1% lhcr ood and dri s 9 2.8°0 3 .4% Various .food and dnnks . 48 14.8% 47 22.3% 7 21.2'Y< Imono and texitlle 13 4.0% 5 2.4% 1 3.0'Y< enera c othin~ 2 0.6% 7 3.3% utonfrnats 2 0.9°0 I 3.0'Y< aoous Jashlon ~oods 3 0.9% I 0.5% hoes and bags 2 0.6% spanesc, slippcrs/umorel as 2 0.6% 3 1.4% Figure 2 Garapan in the 1930s (Source: Nan'yo Cho Saipan Shieho n.d.) atchcs/~lasscs tWlry 1.9°0 2 0.9% t er nccesancs 1 ·0.3% 0.0°0 umllUrcs 3 0.9% 1 0.5% lardware I 0.3°0 3 1.4% ewllc goods 6 1.9% 2 0.9% I 3.0'Y< cramlcsl~lass 2 O.o~o 1 0.5% arcoal 3 0.9% ther fue I O. . aocr stattonarv 5 1.5°0 I 0.5°0 Boo '5 rna2azineS!D3Ders 2 0.6% 3 1.4% Instruments cameras 2 0.6% ntiaue recycled '200ds 6 1.9% 6 2.8% ·O.O'Y< 1mbers 1.2% 2 0.9% Medlcmcs (ohannacles 5 1.% 3.3% I 3.0Y< Electnc aODliahcc 1 0.3% ncultura machines/tools 1 0.3% ars/blCVC es 13 4.0% . 7 3.3% 6 18.2'Y< ther e:oods 1 0.3% anous 200ds 24 7.4% 16 7.6% 7 21.2% otal 24 100.0%1211 100.0% 33 Hio.O% Dislr~t Name Land Use Features Occ",anls Al Kak>riCho Ptbic buKfingsl Mia CXlVemment housino Plblcb"1dlrigS! /J.2 Pontamu Cho govemmen1 and Mia ~,:!,~hoU9l"l>' 81 North :~~e~~~~ MlOiCh Garapan quarter Small storeS! Olea 821='n Ieasure (lUarter B3 ~:~n0rth . Smallatores along MlalCh 11 old road KaiganDorV FlShenneri C1 IccfJome Ownorros'old QlCh Notm slone houses Dod -335- NIl-Electronic Library Service Architectural Institute of Japan from other prefectures like Okinawa. Similarly, the residential circumstances existence was unnoticed by most passers-by. of the Chamorros reflected their status in relation to that of the immigrant Other Areas (CI, C2 and C3: Figure 4) Caroline Islanders. The 'old town' section ofnorth Garapan was located to the west ofIcc/lome Government PrecinctlHousing Areas (AI and A2: Figure 4) Dori along the Kaigan Dori (coast street) (Area CI). This is also where the To the east ofthe government administration building, originally built by the stone Iiouses ofwell-to-dO Chamorros were located. Okinawan fishermen from Germans, was the district known as Katori-cho (Area AI), containing gov Homan (the southern part of Okinawa's main island known for its fishery) ernment housing and other public facilities such as a primary· school for is also liv';d,. here, forming the highest density neighbourhood in the town. Other landers, a boys' business high school (originally built as a Japanese primary Okina~ans lived near a ship dock and a slaughterhouse located near the shore school), a modem hospital possessing a monumental concrete dome, martial at the sou'thern edge ofPontamu-cho (Area C2). The outskirts were occupied arts hall, a park, jail and shinto shrine. Residents here we~e mostly the gov by nu~erous Japanese small holders of whom a high proportion were I ernment elite originating from mainland Japan, thongh there were also a few Okinawans (Area C3). l1leir fresh vegetables, fruit, meat, eggs, milk and tofu Okinawans in professional occupations. met the daily needs ofthe urban population. Physical infrastructure here, in By the beginning ofthe 1930s, as the size ofthe population swelled, a cluding the streets, was not well established and housing generally comprised large forested area on the northern side ofGarapan was developed to provide very simple structures. more building land to accommodate the growing needs ofthe town. This site was called Pontamu-cho New Town and provided generous sized building 3. CHALAN KANOA: A SINGLE PURPOSE SUGAR TOWN blocks developed at low densities (AreaA2). It was the only explicitly planned Chalan Kanoa was where the Nan'yo Kohatsu Kabushikigaisha (NKK) com area and contained various Japanese schools (kindergarten, primary, and girls' pany headquarters were located and the centre ofthe sugar industry on Saipan high school), modem-looking government and company housing, factories (Figures 6 and 7). It was a special purpose Japanese company town built around and other businesses (Figure 5). a sugar refmery and had a population ofapproximately 3,400 in 1935, only a Commercial Areas (BI, B2 and B3: Figure 4) handful ofwhom were ofislander extraction (Japanese Population Census 1935). North Garapan formed the centre oftown (Area B I). Here, legacies from the Financial difficulties experienced by the company in its early years on Spanish and German eras were particularly visible in the street pattern, and Saipan was possibly a reason why its office buildings in Chalan Kanoa were building densities were substantially higher. North-sQuth main streets were not well laid out. But it was a different matter with the company housing much wider than found in most comparable Japanese small towns at this time, which showed plenty ofevidence ofcareful planning. The idealistic company ranging from 8 to 14 meters (Ogimi 1941), and were numbered according to president, Haruji Matsue, believed it necessary for the quality ofa modem the Japanese custom from Icchpme Dori (first street) to Yonchome Dori (fourth sugar settlement to be reflected in the modernity ofits design. Closest to the street). Department stores and other larger shops conducted flourishing busi main offices was the detached housing ofthe company executives (Figure 8). nesses along the main streets, particularly on Nichome Dori (second street), These dwellings possessed a western-style sitting room built ofconcrete at which was often called the 'Nan'yo Ginza.' In general, the most established tached to a traditional wooden Japanese house, which followed a popular businesses in north Garapan wete owned by mainland Japanese. The Saipan practice used in upper-middle class residences in mainland Japan at this time. auditorium, or kokaido, on Yonchome Dori, was the most modem building in The emphasis on building design seems to have been to achieve a modem and the town with its three-storey concrete structure ornamented with Spanish European appearance, rather tllan dealing successfully with the impact ofthe colonial columns. A pleasure quarter fOJT!led at what had been the town's north tropical climate. No grand verandahs were found here but waist-high win ern outskirts at the beginning ofthe 1920s and was soon surrounded by newly dows set in concrete buildings symbolising modernity and advancement. The developed blocks. only features showing any sympathy for tropical conditions were the raised Smaller businesses mainly run by Okinawans were located in south floors with arched ventilation openings provided in.the concrete structures. Garapan (Area B2), where the width ofthe town narrowed to only two main The occupants were the management elite from mainland Japan. Larger semi streets (second and third). Houses ofCaroline islanders were found here, as detached houses were provided for the company's salaried employees (shain). well as their abai (community hall) on Nichome Dori. Towards the southern They were also predominantly mainland Japanese together with some end another pleasure quarter developed mostly run by Okinawans. The Asso Okinawans. Four and six unit row-houses followed for lower class employ ciation ofOkinawans (Okinawa-kenjinkai) was also located here, as was the ees (gengyoill) who were paid on a dailybasis and who mainly came from popular Minami-za Okinawan theatre, making this the Okinawan quarter of Okinawa (personal communications, Okinawa, February 200 I). It should be colonial Garapan.7 noted that some of the row houses for lower level employees were built in In the proximity ofthe old road that connected Garapan with the northern modem reinforced concrete. In general, the quality ofcompany housing, par villages were strips ofsmaller shops, a popular movie theatre, and one ofthe ticularly th'at built in the early years after sugar production became success most expensive ryotei (Area B3). Residents here were a mixture ofmainland ful, were of beller quality than government housing in Garapan or the re Japanese and Okinawans, plus some Chamorros living in small clusters of gional capital ofKoror in Palau, thus supporting Matsue's idealism. houses often situated in inner blocks behind buildings facing the streets. Their A former resident, visiting from Garapan, recalls Chalan Kanoa being -336- NIl-Electronic Library Service Architectural Institute of Japan 'like a resort' with many trees and gardens among which the houses could be 4. TINIAN TOWN: A MODEL COLONIAL TOWN glimpsed (personal communicatipn, Okinawa, March 2001). Special facili Development ofTinian island was started by NKK at the end of I920s, allow ties, such as tennis courts, NKK clubhouses, and a NKK-run kindergarten, ing the prior expe"rience gained on Saipan to result in a more systematic and created a modem atmosphere that felt unusual for most residents, even at organised model ofurban development. The almost totally Japanese population home in Japan. There were few commercial activities in Chalan Konoa as ofthe island jumped from 199 in 1925, to over 15,000 by the end ofthe 1930s most everyday needs could be found at the NKK company store where em (Nan'yo Cho 1941). Tiniall town was the only urban centre on the island apart p'loyees could purchase things on credit at reasonable prices via a direct de from a few small rural villages (many tenant farmers and field workers also duction from their salaries. For other needs they could walk, bicycle, or ride lived on farms), and accommodated some 4,500 residents by the end of the on the narrow gauge train to Garapan. Many Okinawan employees preferred 1930$8 no(to live in the c;:ompany housing suburbs, enabling them to earn additional It was the last of the main coloQial towns established in the Northern income by running small farms and raising cattle (personal communications, Marianas and was better planned apd more systematically organised than Okinawa, February 2001). Chalan Kanoa (Figures 9 and 10). Indeed, Matsue proudly described it as (NKK Facilities) 1 Phosphate Factory 2 Sugar Refinery 3 NKK Shrine 4 Ground. 5 Main Office 6 NKK Kindergarten 7 Tennis Courts 8 Clubhouse (East) 9 NKK Hospi)al 10 Compa0Y Store (Others) 11 Teachers' housing 12 Primary School ~ Row houscs·for lower level employees. 0 .100 300m i i i CK~iko Ono, 2001 Sources: Buildings and streets layout based on aerial photogl11phs taken by US Navy, February 10 June 1944 (Bishop Museum collection); 'South Chalan Kanaa,' Sheet Number 3367 liNE, AMS Series W843, Saip:lO, Mariana Islands, 1:25,000 First Edition-AMC(FEC), prepared under the direction ofthe Engineer, GHQ. FEC, by 64th Engineer Base Topographic Battalion, USA, 1951; 'North Chalan Kano,,",' Sheet Number 3367 J SW, AMS Series W843. Saipan, Mariana Islands, 1:25,000 Scqmd Edition-AMS(FEC), prepared und~r the direetion ofthe Engineer. GHQ. FEe, by 64th Engineer Base Topographic B3ttalion, USA, 1951. Figure 6 Chalan Kanoa, Feb/June 1944 (Drawn by Keiko Ono) Landuse type Land Use Features OCCupants" GovemmenV A1 ~~~~~~nn M/O f- ' company K2 precIncts Primary schooll teachers housino M 61 Commertial Small stores! movie M/O areas theater C1 Otherar~a Small farms! houses 0 • M: Mainland Japanese, 0: Oklnawans Figure 8 NKK Company Housing Figure 7 Land Use Patterns of Chalan Kanoa Source: Nan'ya GunIa Kyokai (1999); Asia-Pacific Library, Asia CcnlerofJapan (Yoji Yamaguchi Collection) -337- NIl-Electronic Library Service Architectural Institute of Japan 'resembling the latest urban planning', and that 'one can sense a fresh feeling Tinian town is a good illustration ofa comprehensively planned Japa ofa modem cultural city' (Matsue 1932: 188-189). The layout was an orderly nese colonial sugar town, comprising all the key elements found in Garapan grid pattern with the western half being occupied by the NKK compound and Chalan Kanoa but in a more compact arrangement. Interestingly, the ba (Figure II), the sugar refinery, and company housing. In order to improve the sic urban components had already been established in the late 1920s in a look ofthe its own housing areas, NKK ran annual competitions for those small company town on the Japanese Minamidaito Island in the Ryukyu group. with the most beautiful gardens (personal communication, Okinawa, March The island had been developed by Han'uemon Tarnaki in the Meiji era but 2001). The eastern halfformed the town proper, with the government housing was later taken over by a Japancse sugar company based in Taiwan. Unlike area located higher up the slope on the northern side. The larger stores were the Japanese sugar industry in Taiwan, the entire labour force was brought to sitUated on the main street along with the public buildings but the pleasure this inhabited island and although much smaller in scale, Minamidaito can be quarter was relegated to the far-eastern end ofthe town. By 1939 there were considered 'as a model for the Japanese colonial sugar industry ofthe North 211 retailers, three inns, 14 ryolei and 37 cafelbars and other eating/drinking ern Marianas (field research by Ono and Ando, October 2000). places, forming an impressive total when eompared'with Garapan (Japanese Special Census 1939). S. CONCLUSION: DISTINCTIVE URBAN FEATURES OFJAPANESE SETTLEM~NT (NKK Facilities) COLONIAL 1 Ground 2 Technical School An important question arising out 3 Sugar Refinery 4 Main Office ofthese findings is whether there 5 Executive Housing 6 Pier 9 Nan'yo Cho Saipan was a distinctive pattern 7 Clubhouse Branchiinian 8 LowerWor1 !'2 ~~uildingsfgovemJ.TlEK"lt M Second, is the commercial area 81 Conmercial areas Storesl businesses! pleasure "'ON comprising numerous shops, from C1 OIherarea FishermeN ind~riesl houses 0 department stores to street vendors, l' C2 Stores! terrdel houses MIa (£) Pleasure Quart~r " • M: M~nland Japanese, O. Okinawans providing urban services to support Figure 10 Land Use ofTinian Town an advanced standard ofdaily life. Commercial activity in the towns was labour intensive as was the main economy ofthe sugar industry. Unlike their European colonial counterparts, Japanese towns in Nail 'yo GUlllo were migration settlement colonies required to resolve problems ofover population and rural eco nomic depression at home. A labour intensive urban settlement pro'cess was therefore rational. Third, is the presence ofa pleasure district that played a crucial role in Japanese social and economic life. Ryotei were also where business negotiations were performed and decisions made by both government officials and business people. This tradition continues to this day in contemporary Japan. Such ~ey components ofurban life were also found on Minamidaito Is land, providing a domestic Japanese example ofmodem sugar industry development operating at a smaller scale but in a similar fashion, Figure 11 NKK Clubhouse in Tinian Town Source: Hosokawa Shashin-kan (n.d.) The colonial towns of the Northern Marianas were primarily commercial and industrial -338- NIl-Electronic Library Service Archi・tecturalInstituteofJapan endofthel930s， centresservingthesugarindustry.Garapanwasthelargestandcontained 7OkinawaformallybecameapartofJapanin1879andpossessedadistinctiveculture numerousactivitiescateringfortheneedsofthewholepopulation.Chalan ofitsown.ThelanguageisadialectofJapanesebutcommunicationbetweenOkinawans andmainlandJapanesewasdifficult,aspointedoutbymanycontemporaryobservers. KanoawasapurecompanytownlocatedasasatelliteofGarapan.Thesetwo Beingadistinctivesocialgroupwhowerethepoorestandmostculturallydiistinctinthe urbancentrescomplementedeachotherandshouldbeviewedasoneex- JapanesecolonialtownsofMicronesia,theOkinawanswereinformallyreferredtoas 'secondclassJapanese'andoftenfaceddiscriminationbythemainlanders・However， tendedtown.TinianTown,onaseparateisland,wasthemostsystematically formerOkinawanresidentsrecallthatlifewasgenerallygoodandeveryonewascontent (personalcommunications,Okinawa,FebruaryandMarch2001). builtmodelcolonialtownthatemergedduringthe1930s.Overall,theywere 8CalculationbasedonthepopulationfigureforTinianTownin1935,andtotalforthe wholeislandin1939(Nan'yoCho1941). designedto釦臓1functionalneedsandprestigiousappearancewasofalower concern.Evenhousingforthegovernmenteliteandcompanyexecutiveswas REFERENCES BritishNavalIntelligenceDivision(1945)PacificIslα"心v･ﾉ'.J,WesternPacific(Ⅳどw smallandmodestwhencomparedwiththatofitsEuropeancounterpartsin GIｲ"l“α"J〃α"ぬⅣb″ﾉlWq卸,London:HMSO、 Connell,JohnandLea,JohnP.(1993)PIα""伽gtheFul脚だ:Meﾉα"esjα〃C"j“伽 thcSouthPacifIc・ 20ﾉ0,CanbelTa:NationalCantraforDevelopmentStudies,ResearchSchoolofPacific ThewholespectrumofthecoloniallabourforcewasbroughtfromJapan StudiesAustralianNationalUniversity. Connell,JohnandLea,JohnP.(1995)Pacific20ﾉ0ざ［〃6α"/sα"O〃伽Polynesia, tothenewcoloniesintheNorthemMarianasandthetownsbecamesocially Canberra:NationalCentreforDevelopmentStudies,ResearchSchoolofPacificStudies AustralianNationalUniversity. andphysicallystratifiedasiftheyhadbeenbuiltinJapan.ItwastheOkinawan Home,Robert(1997)OfPﾉα"""gα"｡P/α""i"9..rﾉwMakingofBγ姉ACbﾉo"jαﾉα"es， migrantsthatformedthebasisofthelabourforce,unlikeintheEuropean London:E&FNSpon. HosokawaShashin-kan(n.d.)恥ﾉ”αgα"加'〃osef"re“".．Mr"γCsﾙaosﾉl“肋I－cho colonialsettlementsintheSouthPacificwherecolonialpopulationsfrom [OurLifelineatSea:PhotographsofIslandsoftheSouthSeas],Tinian:Hohokawa Shashin-kan・ othercontinentswerebroughtintoworkthesugarfields(Ralston1977), King,Anthony(1990)Cﾉ）．bα"商胴,COﾉO"jα"S胴,α"α鯛eWOr〃-“O"O"り’.'“/"ｨrα/α"d 平α"αﾉﾉ'bundationsoftheworldurbansystem,LondonandNewYork:Routledge. WhileEuropeancolonialismroutinelyseparatedtheraces'asanobjectof Koshizawa,Akira(1989)Mans〃"-AokIｲ〃¥oshutokikaku[PlanningoftheCapitalin urbanpolicy'(Home1997:117),thelocalislanderpopulationwasphysically Manchuria],Tokyo:NihonKeizaiHyoronsha. Matsue,Haruji(1932)N,an'^ﾉokn"α他〃":esA/[ARecordoflbnYearsofDevelop- integratedintheJapanesecolonialtownexceptingovemmentandcompany mentintheSouthSeas],Tokyo:Nan'yoKohatsu,K.K. Nan'yoCho(1941)Nan'yo-chotokeinenkan[TheNinethSouthSeasBureauStatistics housingprecincts・MorewesternisedChamorroswerenotentirelyrelegated Yearbook],Tokyo:Nan'yo-cho. toalowpositiononthesocialandeconomicladder,beingonthesamelevel Nan'yoChoSaipanShicho(n.d.)釦巾α"s"c加-"αisA“方加-c加[PhotographsofSaipan Branch],Garapan:Saipan.Shicho. assomeoftheOkinawanmigrants.Thepresenceoflargenumbersof Nan'yoGuntoKyokai(1999)Fukkokubα"Nan')ﾉoKbAaな脚K在6噸hikigaishaKoh“〃 kj"e"sαわ〃j〃”"耐ade[ReprintofNan'yoKohatsuCompanyDevelopmentAnniver- Okinawanswasasignificantfeatureofthe〃な"1ﾉoGuntotownsgivingthem sary:UntilSugarisMade],Narashino:Nan'yoGuntoKyokai. auniqueurbansocialstructure.Theexampleswehaveexaminedrelatetoan Nomura,Susumu(1987)Uminohq陀伽!0sokoku[HomelandFarAwayAcrosstlieSea], Tokyo:Jijihyoron-sha・ unprecedentedwaveofconstructionanddevelopmentduringtheperiodwhen Ogimi,Chotoku(1941)Yakushi"/Nan'yo釦印α〃〃ozenbo[MakingRapidProgress! OverviewofSaipaninSouthSeas],Garapan:Nan'yojijotsushinsha. JapansoughttoincorporatetheMicronesianislandsintoitsempire. Pcattie,MarkR(1988)Nan'¥ﾉo・‘耐eR酌eα"JFalloftheJapaneseinMicﾉ℃"esiaﾉ88ｰ ﾉ'945.Honolulu:Universit)ﾉofHawaiiPress･ Ralston,Caroline(1977)G'α詔餓“α"創恥rehouses:PacificBeachCo耐加浬"itiesof ACKNOWI‘FnGEMENTS・ rheⅣ〃Teree"ノルα"釦〃,Canberra:AustralianNationalUniversityPress. Theauthorswouldliketothankthefollowingindividualsandorganisations Russell,ScotI(1984)f》℃加〃4『α6Wα〃Oハル“.．αBriefHistoryofGα'”α〃〃"αgelSﾉ8 whoassistedinthisresearch.InOkinawawere:Nan'yoGuntoKikansha-kai, 101945,MicronesianArchaeologialSurveyReportNumber19,Saipan:HistoricPreser- OkinawaSaipan-kai,OkinawaGarapan-kai,OkinawaTinian-kai,Okinawa vationOffice,TnistTerritoryofthePacificIslands. PrefecturalArchive,Minamidaito-sonKyoikulinkai.ProfHisamitsu Russell,Scott(1991)Tiempo加4"e耐α":aLOOABaCkaZGermα"RuleoftheNorthern MiyauchiandMr.YoshinobuNishihama;inTokyo;Nan'yoGuntoKyokai, A化〃q"αﾊﾉα"由ノ899-1914,Saipan:N.M・IDivisionofHistoricPreservatlon． Mr･YojiYamaguehiatAsia-PacificLibraty,AsiaCenterofJapan,andMs. Yanaihara,Tadao(1935)Nan'yoG""ro〃oたe"ky卿【AstudyofSouthSeasIslands]， YumikoImaizumi;InSaipan:N.M.I.DivisionofHistoricPreservation,North- Tokyo:IwanamiShoten. eraMarianasMuseumandMr.SamuelMcPhetres;InGuam:ProfessorDirk Ballendorf;and,inHonolulu:theBishopMuseum. 和文概要 ENDNOTES： 日本統治下ミクロネシア（旧南洋群島）では10万人近い大量の日本 1Inadditiontotheeconomicdepressionandpopulationpressure,migrantsfromOkinawa 人が移民し糖業をはじめとする各種産業に従事した｡特に北マリアナ wererecruitedbecausetheywereconsideredmostappropriateasbeingaccustomedto 諸島には最も人口が集中し、地域の中心的都市が形成されたが、第二 tropicalclimateandsugarcaneproduction(Matsue1932:82). 次世界大戦時に破壊され､さらに人口の大半を占めた日本人が強制送 2Forexample,Garapanwasalmostcompletelydestroyed.Notonlywerethebuildings butmoststreetlayoutswereremovedandredevelopedunderanewlymandatedU.S， 還となったため､戦前の都市の様子は断片的にしか明らかにされてい regimeinthepostwaryears.Themostdenselypopulatedcentralurbanareainthewhole なかった。この論文は、ガラパン、チャランカノア（以上サイパン島） ofMicronesiabecameagrassyfielddottedwithtreesandafewbuildings. 及びテニアン（テニアン島）の3つの日本植民都市の都市構造を航空 3.nlenameoftheuIbancen汀eonTinianlsIandwasTinian､Tbavoidconmsionbetweell thenamesoftheislandandthetown,weusetheterm'TinianTown'forthetowninthis 写真及び聞き取りを基に地図で再現し､その特'性を分析したものであ paper．･ る。これらの都市の主要な構成要素は、以下の3つである。第一は官 4Nan'yoGH"わtoseichosa,from1920to1939.However,the1939censuswasaspecial 舎街・社宅等の近代を象徴した住宅地で、各種の近代的施設を揃え、 census(Ri""“achosa)abouteconomicandconsumeractivitiesandwasnotapopu- lationcensus， 植民地国家としての先進性を体現する「非日常的世界」を形成してい 5Fieldresearchwasconductedinthefollowinglocationsanddates;No戒hemMarianas た。第二は日本人の日常生活を支える商店街であり、デパートから露 (Saipan,Tinian,RotaandGuam),December1999;Honolulu,Hawaii,March2000; 天商まで無数の小売店がひしめき合っていた。零細な店が多く、当地 MinamidaitoIsland,October2000;Okinawa,FebruaryandMarch2001.Archivalre- searchinJapanwasconductedinOkinawa,TokyoandKyotofromAugust1998toMarch の産業同様に労働集約型であった。第三の歓楽街は､単なる社交や娯 2001.FieldresearchintheNorthemMarianasinckidedsitevisits,documentationof 楽の場ではなく･、ビジネス上の重要な意思決定がなされる場であり、 builtstructuresfromtheJapaneseera,andarchivalresearch. 日本人社会にとって必須の構成要素であった｡その他の漁民街や郊外 6TheislanderpopulationofSaipanwasalwaysconcentratedInthetownofGarapan exceptforasmallsettlementinthenorth.ThelasttotalpopulationfigureforGarapan 部等は、各島の条件によって変化した。この結果、､上層から下層まで was12,827intheCensusof1935.Theentireislandpopulationkeptgrowinginthe の幅広い社会階層の日本人が住み着き、社会・経済的階層による棲み secondhalfofthe1930s,from23,859in1935to27,525in1939(Nan'yoCho1940. 分けが行われた。内地出身の日本人の役人・会社員がトップにあり、 Basedonthetotalgrowth,theestimatedpopulationofthetownwasover15,000bythe その下に多数の沖縄出身者、少数の島民が位置づけられていた。 (2001年10月9日原稿受理，2002年3月4日採用決定） －339－ N]工一Elect二ronicLibraryService