A STUDY OF URBAN MORPHOLOGY OF JAPANESE Title COLONIAL TOWNS IN NAN'YO GUNTO Part1 Garapan, Tinian and Chalan Kanoa in Northern Marianas Author(s) ONO, Keiko; LEA, John P; ANDO, Tetsuya 日本建築学会計画系論文集 = Transactions of AIJ. Journal of Citation architecture, planning and environmental engineering(556): 333-339 Issue Date 2002-06-30 URL http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12001/9563 本文データは学協会の許諾に基づきCiNiiから複製したも Rights のである Architectural Institute of Japan 8 *m~'¥:f<Ilj-ii!ITWd!~Jt~ ~556-l}, 333-339, 2002ip 6 fl ]. Archit. PIann. Environ. Eng.; AU, No. 556, 333-339, Jun., 2002 A STUDY OF URBAN MORPHOLOGY OF JAPANESE COLONIAL TOWNS IN NAN'YO GUNTO Part 1 Garapan, Tinian and Chalan Kanoa in Northern Marianas i¥i#JFB'h ~= i:J tt ~ B *tin~t~m (7)t~m~~~= ~T ~ 1iJf1E ({-G')1) ~~,?I)7T~8i;· 7/7/''''./, T"'I'7'./t.;./7lfz.rFt::=-7'./ Keiko ONO*, John P. LEA** and Tetsuya ANDO*** Ij, !t §~, :/ 3 /' P 1) -, 77: ~ ~-ijlt The impacts on urbanisation in the Pacific from the short-lived Japanese occupation ofmost ofMicronesia in the first halfofthe twentieth century was substantial. Over a period ofthree decades island economies were transformed and, in the case ofthe Northern Marianas, small islander populations resettled in modern towns together with many thousands ofJapanese migrants. Racial segregation was not enforced as such and economic and social distinctions stratified the urban populations. New maps derived from wartime aerial photography have been drawn-up for Garapan and Chalan Kanoa on Saipan and for Tinian Town, and are reported here together with some reminiscences of repatriated former residents. Boundaries ofdifferent land use activities arc revealed here for the first time. Some conclusions are reached about the land use pattern ofJapanese colonial towns and their key c()mponents. Keywords: Colonial tOWIlS, Japanese Micronesia, Nail yo, Northern Marianas, Saipan, Tlllian, sugar plalltations, urball morphology. • ~.*. B*.~T~~o*~7.•~. ~V~7~••. ~~~'./.~=7/.••~5/~-~3/.•*.B In this town [Garapan]. there were not ollly publicfacilities such as Japan who was subsequently given a League ofNations trusteeship (Nan 'yo a town hall, post office, auditorium, police statioll, court house alld GUlltO) to govern. the region. Eventually 96,000 Japanese nationals were to various schools but also shops, from departmellt stores to vegetable, live and work there, easily outnumbering the 52,000 indigenous islanders. The toji" clothing and electric appliance stores, plll;lrmacies and sushi Northern Mariana islands was where the main weight ofmigration was con­ restaurants. Public bathhouses, in liS, brothels, cafe/bars alld other centrated and where economic and inf~astructure change was greatest, as they facilities were also fully arrayed. There were two movie theatres and two daily newspapers that competed wilh each other vigor­ were the closest part ofMicronesia to the home country and became the site of ously. There were as mallyas 113 automobiles on the streets in 1937. a successful sugar industry (Figure J). Such a street scene was continuous as ifa Ilewly developed town in Satpan and Trruan .,/) mainlandJapan had been transplanted (Nomura 1987: 117, trans­ JAPAN Gata,oon~- (SAlPAN lated from Japanese). Chalan /"'0 TINIAN ~ TlOta~ 1. INTRODUCTION '-Okinawa i As described in Nomura's documentary novel, 'UlIli no hate no sokoku (Home­ ,,--;------......... land Far Away Across the Sea)' (1987), Japan became involved in the inten­ / ~~~:! sive settlement of thtl Northern Marianas in the two decades bcfore World Guamr.'JsaiPa War Two. This was to have a huge impact on an oceanic region ofsmall and (USA)L J Nan'yo Gunlo (1919-194S) sparsely populated'islands characterised up to this time by little more than Tt)JI\la.••:: ••'. ::.- .:: c: .:. "p~~ subsistence farming and small-scale trading. Substantial Japanese migration CAROUNE ISLANDS transformed a part ofthe Pacific where urbanisation, except ofthe most mi­ nor kind, was unknown until after 19 J4 when Micronesia was occupied by Figure 1 Japanese Mandated Micronesia (Nail yo Gunto) , Saipan and Tinian. • Doctoral Student, Dept. of Architecture,· Planning and Allied Arts, Faculty of ;.-r=--*!!jt~~!!jt$jl)f±ii!ll;f!il Architecture, University of Sydney, M. Eng., M. Arch. *!!jt~~ - 11~± (I!!jt, ~~!!jt) Assoc. Prof., Dept. of Architecture, Planning and Allied Arts, Faculty of ;.- r =--*!!jt~~!!jtm\ JJjJqj(~ - -W± ('Jt1l,'>i, 'f4!!jt) Architecture, University of Sydney, Ph. D., DScArch. Assoc. Prof., Dept. of Civil Engineering and Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, University of the Ryukyus, Dr. Eng. -333- NIl-Electronic Library Service Architectural Institute of Japan Unlike European powers in the South Pacific who managed their posses­ Nan yo Gunlo, is examined and, in part three, the origins ofmodem Japanese sions and enterprises as plantation colonies with small numbers ofexpatriate sugar settlements in Taiwan and Minamidaito Island in Okinawa arc investi­ officials, the Japanese imported the entire apparatus ofcolonial development gated. to its tropical territories, from the lowest labourers to top management. The The main challenge in rediscovering the urban morphology ofthe Japa­ development ofMicronesia included an additional agenda item for Japan who nese colonial towns ofthe Northern (vIarianas was to discover the extent and saw in it the resolution ofeconomic depression in overpopulated rural areas features ofurbanisation prior to the destruction ofWorld War Two. As there like Okinawa from where 60 per cent ofthe migrants originated.' are no accurate maps remaining to show the configuration of the built envi­ Colonial urbanisation has been actively studied in the last few decades ronment in the three towns, new ones were drawn with the aid ofUS Navy (King 1990), but international discussions have rarely included information aerial photographs taken prior to bombing over the period February to June about patterns ofJapanese colonialism, largely due to a lack ofaccess to sources 1944 (Bishop Museum, Honolulu; Okinawa Prefectural Archive). The remi­ in the Japanese language. Whilst much has been written about colonial niscences of 15 former residents now living in Okinawa are also recorded to urbanisation by European powers in South Pacific, particularly by Australian portray the actual use ofland and bu!ldings and the distribution ofsocial and scholars (for an overview, see Connell and Lea 1993, 1995), little is known cultural groupings in the towns. Statistical data, including the Japanese Popu­ about how the Japanese brought urbanisation to the Western Pacific. In part lation Census' ofMicronesia, provided additional evidence about the features this is due to the severe physical destruction during World War Two and partly ofurban life.' due to the wholesale repatriation ofthe Japanese urban population at the close ofthe war.' 2.GARAPAN There has also be·en significant research into Japanese colonial urban plan­ 2-1 Colonial Heart ofthe Northern Marianas ning and architecture in the Japanese language literature in recent years, but Garapan had its beginnings as the village ofArabwal established in the 19th the main focus has been on mainland Asian locations, including Taiwan, where century during the Spanish occupation. The indigenous population ofSaipan much more urban development took place than in the Pacific (see for ex­ had been removed in the previous century and the island was not resettled ample, Koshizawa 1989). No elite architects were employed to design grand until occupied by Caroline islanders escaping from storm damaged Truk buildings in Micronesia. For many Okinawans, Micronesia was a primary (Chuuk) in the 1820s. The small town grew progressively through further destination before 1945 and their presence was a factor underpinning the speed migrations ofCaroline islanders and Chamorros from Guam, with the popu­ and economic success ofthe colonial settlement process and, as a consequence, lation reaching 1,900 by 1899 (Russell 1984). In the short succeeding Ger­ led to the rapid formation ofurban centres in the region: man period (from 1899 to 1914) little changed physically in Garapan itself Details about urban living conditions in the colonial towns ofMicronesia and few new settlers arrived (Russell.J991). are forind in various contemporary reports (Price 1936, 1944; Yanaihara 1935; In sharp contrast to the early colonial occupations, Japanese control British Naval Intelligence Division 1945). Among postwar investigations by brought with it thousands ofnew migrants and substantial physical expansion modem scholars are Peattie's (I988) study of Japanese colonial rule of (Figure 3). The population ofGarapan grew from some 2,500 in 1920 to 6,600 Micronesia which provides the most detailed historical account and is based in 1930 and by the mid-1930s it had doubled again to almost 13,000, ofwhich on English and Japanese sources. Nomura's (1987) novel about migrant fami­ only 3,000 were islanders (Japanese Census of Population 1920-1935). By lies from Yamagata paints a valuable picture nf urban living conditions in the end ofthe 1930s the population is estimated to have grown over 15,000. Garapan. But these works do not describe how the colonial towns ofMicronesia The total population of Saipan reached 28,000 by the end of the 1930s as a were established and how their characteristic urban morphology evolved. In result ofintense economic activity.- By then urban services sufficient to sup­ particular, little is known about the urban circumstances of the Okinawans port daily life