Middle Class in America
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Growing Detroit's African-American Middle
v GROWING DETROIT’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A PROSPEROUS DETROIT GROWING DETROIT’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A PROSPEROUS DETROIT Photography Tafari Stevenson-Howard 1st Printing: February 2019 GROWING DETROIT’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A PROSPEROUS DETROIT 4 FOREWORD Foreword There’s a simple, universal concept concerning economic, social and educational growth that must be front of mind in planning about enlarging the black middle class: Authentic development and growth require deliberate investment. If we want to see more black people enter the middle class, we must invest in endeavors and interventions that lead to better- paying jobs, affordable housing, efficient transportation and effective schools. Though these amenities will attract middle- class people back to Detroit, the focus on development must be directed at uplifting a greater percentage of current residents so that they have the necessary tools to enter the middle class. Meaning, growing the black middle class in Detroit should not result from pushing low-income people out of the city. One may think a strategy to attract people back into to the city should take priority. White and middle-class flight significantly influenced the concentrations of families who make less than $50,000 in the suburbs (30 percent) and in Detroit (75 percent), according to findings in Detroit Future City’s “139 Square Miles” report. Bringing suburbanites back into the city would alter these percentages, and we most certainly want conditions that are attractive to all middle- class families. However, we also don’t want to return to the realities where the devaluing of low-income and black people hastened the flight to the suburbs. -
Inside the Middle Class
Inside the Middle Class: Bad Times Hit the Good Life FOR RELEASE WEDNESDAY APRIL 9, 2008 12:00PM EDT Paul Taylor, Project Director Rich Morin, Senior Editor D'Vera Cohn, Senior Writer Richard Fry, Senior Researcher Rakesh Kochhar, Senior Researcher April Clark, Research Associate MEDIA INQUIRIES CONTACT: Pew Research Center 202 419 4372 http://pewresearch.org ii Table of Contents Foreword…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...3 Executive Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………5 Overview……………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7 Section One – A Self-Portrait 1. The Middle Class Defines Itself ………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………………..28 2. The Middle Class Squeeze………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………..…….36 3. Middle Class Finances ……………………………………………………………………………………………….…………….……………………..47 4. Middle Class Priorities and Values………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………….53 5. Middle Class Jobs ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………….65 6. Middle Class Politics…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………………71 About the Pew Social and Demographic Trends Project ……………………………………………………….…………………………….78 Questionnaire and topline …………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………………..79 Section Two – A Statistical Portrait 7. Middle Income Demography, 1970-2006…………………………………………………………………………………………………………110 8. Trends in Income, Expenditures, Wealth and Debt………………………………………..…………………………………………….140 Section Two Appendix ……………………………………………………….…………………………………………………………………………………..163 -
The Dangerous Class: the Concept of the Lumpenproletariat
Review The dangerous class: The concept of the lumpenproletariat Clyde W. Barrow, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 2020, xii+196pp., ISBN: 978-0472132249 Contemporary Political Theory (2021). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41296-021-00487-9 An oft-cited description of the lumpenproletariat comes from Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. The Parisian lumpenproletariat that Louis Bonaparte recruited during the French class struggles of 1848–1851 in order to defeat the proletariat and ultimately to seize state power consisted of the following: Alongside decayed roue´s with dubious means of subsistence and of dubious origin, alongside ruined and adventurous offshoots of the bourgeoisie, were vagabonds, discharged soldiers, discharged jailbirds, escaped galley slaves, swindlers, mountebanks, lazzaroni, pickpockets, tricksters, gamblers, ma- quereaus, brothel keepers, porters, literati, organ grinders, ragpickers, knife grinders, tinkers, beggars – in short, the whole indefinite, disintegrated mass, thrown hither and thither, which the French call la bohe`me (1963: 75). As self-interested hustlers whose services are for sale to the highest bidder, the lumpenproletariat – a term Marx and Engels created – is typically co-opted, as Bonaparte demonstrates, by reactionary movements. However, Marx’s taxonomy indicates the difficulty of locating a synthesized and explanatory definition for a term presented here as an ‘indefinite’ alterity with no clear framework of composition. The term has seemed, to some commentators, incoherent or reflective of scorn toward the disreputable or poor (Bussard, 1987; Draper, 1972; Hardt and Negri, 2004). Others – typically literary and cultural critics (Stallybrass, 1990; Mills, 2017) – have approached it as the discursive trace of a complex social scene that escapes full schematization by class relations. -
The American Middle Class, Income Inequality, and the Strength of Our Economy New Evidence in Economics
The American Middle Class, Income Inequality, and the Strength of Our Economy New Evidence in Economics Heather Boushey and Adam S. Hersh May 2012 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG Introduction and summary To say that the middle class is important to our economy may seem noncontro- versial to most Americans. After all, most of us self-identify as middle class, and members of the middle class observe every day how their work contributes to the economy, hear weekly how their spending is a leading indicator for economic prognosticators, and see every month how jobs numbers, which primarily reflect middle-class jobs, are taken as the key measure of how the economy is faring. And as growing income inequality has risen in the nation’s consciousness, the plight of the middle class has become a common topic in the press and policy circles. For most economists, however, the concepts of “middle class” or even inequal- ity have not had a prominent place in our thinking about how an economy grows. This, however, is beginning to change. One reason for the change is that the levels of inequality and the financial stress on the middle class have risen dramatically and have reached levels that motivate a closer investigation. The interaction and concurrence of rising inequality with the financial collapse and the Great Recession have, in particular, raised new issues about whether a weak- ened middle class and rising inequality should be part of our thinking about the drivers of economic growth. Over the past several decades, the United States has undergone a remarkable transformation, with income growth stalling for the middle class while the incomes of those at the top continued to rise dramatically compared to the rest of the working population. -
Race, Class, and Slavery During the American Civil
UC Santa Barbara UC Santa Barbara Previously Published Works Title Marx’s Intertwining of Race and Class During the Civil War in the U.S. Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6238s7h2 Journal Journal of Classical Sociology, 17(1) Author Anderson, Kevin Publication Date 2017 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Marx’s Intertwining of Race and Class During the Civil War in the U.S. Kevin B. Anderson, University of California, Santa Barbara [author’s last version of article published in Journal of Classical Sociology 17:1 (2017), pp. 24-36] As the U.S. marked the 150th anniversary of the Civil War, some attention was given to African-American resistance to slavery and to the northern radical abolitionists. Increasingly, it was admitted, even in the South, that the Confederacy’s supposedly “noble cause” was based upon the defense of slavery. Yet to this day U.S. public opinion continues to deny the race and class dimensions of the war. There is also a denial, sometimes even among critical sociologists, of the war’s revolutionary implications, not only for African-Americans, but also for white labor and for the U.S. economic and political system as a whole. And there is still greater ignorance of the fact that Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels wrote extensively on the dialectics of race and class in the American Civil War, something I have tried to remedy in my recent book, Marx at the Margins: On Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Non-Western Societies. Marx on Ireland: Class, Ethnicity, and National Liberation Sometimes, as I have tried to show in Marx at the Margins, Marx conceptualized the pathway to class-consciousness and to socialist revolution as direct rather than indirect. -
How the American Dream Has Changed Over Time Gale Student Resources in Context, 2016
How the American Dream Has Changed Over Time Gale Student Resources in Context, 2016 The beginnings of the idea of the American Dream can be traced to the Founding Fathers, who declared their independence from England because of their belief in unalienable rights. Those men believed people inherently possessed the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. They created a country where people could break free from class restrictions and pursue the life they chose despite the circumstances of their birth. In time, writers dubbed this idea the American Dream, but people’s definition of the American Dream has changed greatly over time. Origins The term American Dream is often traced back to James Truslow Adams, a historian and author. In 1931, as Americans suffered through the Great Depression, Adams wrote a book called The Epic of America in which he spoke of “a land in which life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement … regardless of fortuitous circumstances of birth or position.” In the beginning, the American Dream simply promised a country in which people had the chance to work their way up through their own labor and ingenuity. Immigrants fled the entrenched class restrictions of their homelands for the United States in the hope of obtaining land and gaining religious and other freedoms. Revolutionaries fled England in search of freedom. This promise of a better life attracted people from all over the world to the United States. They came to America ready to work hard. -
Education and the Dynamics of Middle- Class Status
June 2020 Education and the Dynamics of Middle- Class Status Bradley L. Hardy American University Dave E. Marcotte American University “Higher education is essential for a thriving society: it is the strongest, sturdiest ladder to increased socio-economic mobility and the locus, through research universities, of most of the major discoveries of the last two centuries.” -Drew Gilpin Faust Introduction: Education as a Pathway to the American Dream The economic security of America’s families is a central concern for policymakers. Benchmarks for economic security include employment, homeownership, savings and retirement security, and financial literacy. These indicators broadly characterize middle- class status and, for many, attaining and sustaining a life in the middle-class is among the most important measures of economic success. Indeed, a robust middle class is both a hallmark of aggregate economic health and the manifestation of the American dream. Access to the American middle class has been made possible by expanding educational attainment over the 20th Century (Goldin and Katz, 2001). The role of higher education in economic mobility is well established. Presently, access to post-secondary educational opportunities—especially a 4-year college degree—is increasingly seen as requisite for success in an economy that requires advanced analytical ability, facility with computers, and stronger inter-cultural communication skills (e.g. Haskins et al. 2009; Mazumder 2012). More open to question is how equitable access to higher education is, particularly during a period of sharp increases in cost of attendance. Many policy interventions, including Pell grants and subsidized student loans, have sought to reduce socioeconomic gaps in college entrance and completion (Bailey and Dynarski 2012). -
The Upper Middle Class Continued to Grow from 2014 to 2019
INCOME AND BENEFITS POLICY CENTER The Upper Middle Class Continued to Grow from 2014 to 2019 Stephen Rose February 2021 As we look to the new year with hopes for an end to the pandemic and the beginning of an economic recovery, it is instructive to consider what happened to American families’ incomes as the recovery from the Great Recession sped up between 2014 and 2019. Over that period, the share of people in poor and near-poor families declined, the share in middle-class families held steady, and the share in upper middle class and rich families swelled. The tail end of the recovery extends trends in the income distribution seen from 1979 to 2014 (Rose 2016). The past isn’t necessarily prologue, but the recovery from the previous recession may help us anticipate the trends in family income we will see into the coming decade. In a 2016 report (Rose 2016), I defined income classes on the basis of multiples of the poverty threshold (which varies depending on the number of people in a family—a single person is a family of one, roommates are considered separate families of one each, cohabitators are considered married and a family of two, a couple with a child is a family of three, and so on). I place the heads and spouses of families in five income classes (adult children living at home are not included): poor and near poor: income at or below 149 percent of the federal poverty level (FPL) lower middle class: income from 150 to 249 percent of FPL middle middle class: income from 250 to 499 percent of FPL upper middle class (UMC): income from 500 to 1749 percent of FPL rich: income above 1749 percent of FPL Poverty-level income for a family of three in 2014 was about $20,000. -
FRANTZ FANON and the "LUMPENPROLETARIAT" Peter
FRANTZ FANON AND THE "LUMPENPROLETARIAT" Peter Worsley IN 1960, I attended the All-African People's Congress in Accra, Ghana. The proceedings consisted mainly of speeches by leaders of African nationalism from all over the continent, few of whom said anything notable. When, therefore, the representative of the Algerian Revolutionary Provisional Government, their Ambassador to Ghana, stood up to speak for his country, I prepared myself for an address by a diplomat-not usually an experience to set the pulses racing. Instead, I found myself electrified by a contribution that was remarkable not only for its analytical power, but delivered, too, with a passion and brilliance that is all too rare. I discovered that the Ambassador was a man named Frantz Fanon. During his talk, at one point, he almost appeared to break down. I asked him afterwards what had happened. He replied that he had suddenly felt emotionally overcome at the thought that he had to stand there, before the assembled representatives of African nationalist movements, to try and persuade them that the Algerian cause was important, at a time when men were dying and being tortured in his own country for a cause whose justice ought to command automatic support from rational and progressive human beings. I think this incident reflects one special quality that is characteristic of Fanon's writing also : its passion. It is also ruthlessly honest and highly intellectual, if not always worked-through. It is this special blend of intellect and passion that stamps Fanon's work as the pro- duct of a unique and powerful mind. -
The Logic and Ethics of an Intellectual
The Logic and Ethics of an Intellectual Komori Yōichi Translated by Iztok Ilc 1 The collapse of Taishō period “personalism” (jinkakushugi) Whenever a human being attempted to place him or herself as a valuable individual with a sense of self in the context of the world and humanity, the domain of “personality” supported by an “ideology” emerged. Me, I am an independent personality. Moreover, I possess my own ideology. To possess an individual ideology means that the conditions of combination, the means of unification expose the appearance of individuality, however, it does not mean that these elements are altogether original. (Abe Jirō: Santarō no nikki, ch. 3) Individual ideology takes shape in the “means of combination” and “unification” of many various ideological elements. Its subject is a “personality”. For this kind of formation of personality one is required to extensively read the literary Iztok Ilc ([email protected]) holds a PhD in Translation Studies from the University of Ljubljana and is an independent translator based in Slovenia. This translation, which originally appeared as 小森陽一、「<知識人>の論 理と倫理」、『都市と記号: 昭和初年代の文学』、有精堂、 1988, was made possible by a generous grant from the Nippon Foundation. SOAS Occasional Translations in Japanese Studies (4) 2012 ISSN: 2049-7571 online Copyright © SOAS 2012 http://www.soas.ac.uk/jrc/translations/ The Logics and Ethnics of an Intellectual 2 masterpieces of world literatures of all times and has to begin with the acquisition of “elements”. One obtains a thorough and bookish “education, “wanders” around it, “combines” it with “contemplation” and “unifies” diaries and sentiments by writing them down. -
Analysis of Inequality Via Social Stratification
Entreciencias: Diálogos en la Sociedad del Conocimiento ISSN: 2007-8064 [email protected] Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México México Analysis of inequality via social stratification Rodríguez Esparza, Luz Judith; Maza Díaz Cortés, Octavio Martín; Macías Ponce, Julio César; Ortiz Lazcano, Dolly Anabel Analysis of inequality via social stratification Entreciencias: Diálogos en la Sociedad del Conocimiento, vol. 8, no. 22, 2020 Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, México Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=457662386030 DOI: https://doi.org/10.22201/enesl.20078064e.2020.2276859e22.76859 PDF generated from XML JATS4R by Redalyc Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative CIENCIAS SOCIALES, HUMANIDADES Y ARTES Analysis of inequality via social stratification Análisis de la desigualdad a través de la estratificación social Luz Judith Rodríguez Esparza a [email protected] National Council of Science and Technology [Conacyt], México hp://orcid.org/0000-0003-2241-1102 Octavio Martín Maza Díaz Cortés b [email protected] Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, México hp://orcid.org/0000-0002-3991-7751 Julio César Macías Ponce c [email protected] Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, México hp://orcid.org/0000-0001-5141-7074 Dolly Anabel Ortiz Lazcano d [email protected] Entreciencias: Diálogos en la Sociedad del Conocimiento, vol. 8, no. 22, 2020 Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, México Universidad Nacional Autónoma de hp://orcid.org/0000-0003-3452-3291 México, México Received: 08 September 2020 Accepted: 03 November 2020 Published: 18 November 2020 Abstract: . DOI: https://doi.org/10.22201/ Purpose: To analyze the contribution that social stratification provides to inequality enesl.20078064e.2020.2276859e22.76859 using the Gini index as an input. -
Middle Class in America
University of Wisconsin–Madison Institute for Research on Poverty Volume 27 Number 1 Focus Summer 2010 Middle class in America 1 Supporting saving by low- and moderate-income families 19 Consumer debt and poverty measurement 9 The legacy of Alfred Kahn: Comparative social policy Effects of mandatory financial education on and child well-being 27 low-income clients 13 ISSN: 0195–5705 The question of what it takes to be “middle class” in America is reviewed in this issue. One thing it surely takes is wealth accu- mulation. Middle class families of all types, including single-parent families, aspire to homeownership, a car, college education for their children, health and retirement security. Public policy can help with many of these needs, through avenues such as health care and college education subsidies. However, the majority of these aspirations remain the responsibility of the family, which must build its own financial security. The first four articles in this issue of Focus highlight many of the elements needed to attain financial security. First, families must avoid debt, especially unsecured credit card and other consumer debt that can add to the depths of poverty. Second, they need to accumulate and maintain an adequate level of precautionary savings to avoid the downside of unforeseeable circumstances, such as car repairs or other unexpected expenses. Finally, many poor persons need more financial savvy to manage their assets and debts and to take advantage of potential asset-building subsides like the Earned Income Tax Credit. If we can give people the tools they need to accumulate wealth, the middle class will grow as people leave poverty and move up the income and financial well-being ladder.