Defining and Measuring the Middle Class
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Pink Collar Work
September 2017 Pink collar work Gender and the Ohio workplace Lea Kayali Introduction Women are an essential part of the Ohio and national workforce. However, men consistently earn more than women. We call this wage disparity the gender pay gap. Improving jobs and compensation for women will boost our economy and provide more opportunity and security to women and their families. Husbands, sons and fathers depend on the salaries of women in their lives. Equal pay concerns all of us. Analysts cite several reasons for the gender wage gap. These include discrimination, differential compensation for jobs that have historically attracted men and women, occupational choice, level of labor force participation, and hours of work. This report provides an overview of the job market women face and considers these variables and the effect they have on the gap. Women in the workforce: An overview Women are a little less than half (48 percent) of Ohio’s workers.1 Men are more likely both to be in the labor force (68 percent) than women (57 percent) and to be employed (65 vs. 57 percent). Women comprise a far higher share of part-time workers than men do. It’s hard for families with children to send all adults into the workforce full time, so the lower-paid parent often works part time to manage more of the parenting. Figure 1 Ohio labor force statistics by gender, 2016 Source: EPI analysis of CPS Labor Force Data 1People are part of the workforce if they are working or are unemployed but actively seeking work. -
Underclass, Overclass, Ruling Class, Supernova Class1
EIGHT Underclass, overclass, ruling class, supernova class1 Danny Dorling Introduction One man in his mid-thirties hoped that his six-figure income would grow rapidly, and admitted that his assets would be valued at nearly a million pounds. He held strong views about poverty. “There is no poverty. Now you can get money from the state. People don’t even have to go to work. You don’t have to put up with working in an unrewarding situation.” He strongly disagreed with the propositions that the gap between rich and poor was too wide and that the rich should be more highly taxed. He strongly opposed the idea of putting limits on “some people’s expensive way of living” to reduce poverty and disagreed with the statement that a lot of people entitled to claim benefits do not claim them. Finally, he strongly agreed that cuts in public services like health and education could be made without increasing the number of people in poverty and that, if there was any poverty, it was more likely to be reduced by increasing Britain’s wealth than by making incomes more equal. (Peter Townsend, describing the views of one of the new overclass of London, recorded in 1985-86; see Townsend, 1993, p 109) By 2010 one in ten of all Londoners had the wealth of the man who Peter had described some 25 years earlier as being part of a tiny elite 155 fighting poverty, inequality and social injustice (see Hills et al, 2010). The Hills inquiry into inequality revealed that one in ten Londoners now have wealth of nearly a million pounds, some 273 times the wealth of the poorest tenth of today’s Londoners. -
Systemic Classism, Systemic Racism: Are Social and Racial Justice Achievable in the United States?
Systemic Classism, Systemic Racism: Are Social and Racial Justice Achievable in the United States? THOMAS KLEVEN† I. INTRODUCTION The thesis of this article is that the United States is systemically a highly classist and racist society, that classism and racism are interrelated and overlapping phenomena, and that the achievement of a non- classist/non-racist society requires a mass movement of working-class people of all ethnicities for social and racial justice for all. By systemic classism/racism I mean that the political and economic institutions of the society are structured and operate to systematically disadvantage working-class people in general, and ethnic minorities in particular, and to systematically advantage a relatively small and largely white upper elite class, and a rather substantial and predominantly white upper middle class. By systemic advantage/disadvantage I mean that the opportunities to succeed in life are unequally distributed along class and racial lines, and that society’s institutions produce and perpetuate this class/race hierarchy. The discussion of race focuses primarily on African Americans and Hispanics, both of whom have been systematically disadvantaged on account of ethnicity.1 As the society’s largest disadvantaged minorities, † Professor of Law, Thurgood Marshall School of Law, Texas Southern University. I would like to thank my colleagues who attended and made helpful comments on an earlier draft of the article presented at a Faculty Quodlibet at the law school in November, 2007. I would especially like to thank Asmara Tekle-Johnson for suggestions on how better to organize the article, and Jon Levy for pointing out errors in and suggesting sources for the historical parts of the article. -
Covid Era: the Middle Class in Focus Lucie Tungul, Ed
The (Post)Covid Era: The Middle Class in Focus Lucie Tungul, ed. Alexandra Alvarová Elmar Nass Horst Heitz Rumiana Stoilova Zdeněk Tůma Danuše Nerudová Luděk Niedermayer Jakub Charvát Jaroslav Poláček Ladislav Cabada Michael Romancov Tomáš Prouza Jiří Pehe Bedřich Moldan Lubor Lacina Alena Zemplinerová Filip Nerad Michael Žantovský Eva Zamrazilová Tomáš Petráček Martin Kastler Print ©Jutty, Přerov, 2020 This is a joint publication of the Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, Hanns-Seidel- Stiftung and TOPAZ. This publication has received funding from the European Parliament. It was funded by the Federal Foreign Office based on a decision of the German Bundestag/Gefördert vom Auswärtigen Amt aufgrund eines Beschlusses des Deutschen Bundestages. The Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung, TOPAZ and the European Parliament assume no responsibility for the facts or opinions expressed in this publication or any subsequent use of the information contained therein. Sole responsibility lies with the authors of the publication. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known to or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without the permission in writing of the copyright owner except for personal use. Contact: ©TOPAZ Opletalova 1603/57 11000 Praha 1 Czechia For more information please visit: http://www.top-az.eu/home/ The chapters -
Growing Detroit's African-American Middle
v GROWING DETROIT’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A PROSPEROUS DETROIT GROWING DETROIT’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A PROSPEROUS DETROIT Photography Tafari Stevenson-Howard 1st Printing: February 2019 GROWING DETROIT’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A PROSPEROUS DETROIT 4 FOREWORD Foreword There’s a simple, universal concept concerning economic, social and educational growth that must be front of mind in planning about enlarging the black middle class: Authentic development and growth require deliberate investment. If we want to see more black people enter the middle class, we must invest in endeavors and interventions that lead to better- paying jobs, affordable housing, efficient transportation and effective schools. Though these amenities will attract middle- class people back to Detroit, the focus on development must be directed at uplifting a greater percentage of current residents so that they have the necessary tools to enter the middle class. Meaning, growing the black middle class in Detroit should not result from pushing low-income people out of the city. One may think a strategy to attract people back into to the city should take priority. White and middle-class flight significantly influenced the concentrations of families who make less than $50,000 in the suburbs (30 percent) and in Detroit (75 percent), according to findings in Detroit Future City’s “139 Square Miles” report. Bringing suburbanites back into the city would alter these percentages, and we most certainly want conditions that are attractive to all middle- class families. However, we also don’t want to return to the realities where the devaluing of low-income and black people hastened the flight to the suburbs. -
PROFESSOR of PRACTICE (Revised 9/18)
V-20 PROFESSOR OF PRACTICE (Revised 9/18) I. Definition Appointees in the Professor of Practice series are distinguished professionals, either practicing or retired. A few may have traditional academic backgrounds, but most do not. The working title of Professor of Practice helps promote the integration of academic scholarship with practical experience. Appointees provide faculty, undergraduate students, and graduate students with an understanding of the practical applications of a particular field of study. Professors of Practice teach courses, advise students, and collaborate in areas directly related to their expertise and experience. Appointment may be made as Professor of Practice or Visiting Professor of Practice. The underlying title of Adjunct Professor will be used for payroll purposes. II. Appointment and advancement criteria Evaluation of the candidate for appointment or advancement as Professor of Practice or Visiting Professor of Practice shall take into account the nature of the duties and responsibilities and shall adjust accordingly as to the emphasis placed on each of the following four criteria: 1. Professional competence and activity For appointments, departments must identify the candidate’s leadership in, and major contributions to, the field in question as well as document what credentials from practice he or she will bring to bear in teaching, research, and service. At the time of review, the department must demonstrate the appointee’s continued record of exemplary professional practice and leadership in the field. 2. Teaching contributions Professors of practice will design and teach undergraduate and graduate courses based on their expertise. Appointees are expected to teach primarily in professional programs at the graduate level. -
Nobility As Historical Reality and Theological
C HAPTER O NE N OBILITY AS H ISTORICAL R EALITY AND T HEOLOGICAL M OTIF ost students of western European history are familiar with a trifunc- Mtional model of medieval social organization. Commonly associated with modern scholar Georges Duby and found in medieval documents in various forms, this model compartmentalizes medieval society into those who pray (oratores), those who fight (bellatores), and those who work (lab- oratores).1 The appeal of this popular classification is, in part, its neatness, yet that is also its greatest fault. As Giles Constable explains in an ex- tended essay, such a classification relies too fully on occupational status and thus obscures more fruitful and at times overlapping ways of classifying individuals and groups.2 Constable explores other social classifications, such as those based on gender or marital status; founded on age or gen- eration, geographical location, or ethnic origin; rooted in earned merit, function, rank, or on level of responsibility; and based in inborn or inher- ited status. Some social systems express a necessary symbiosis of roles within society (such as clergy, warriors, and laborers), while others assert a hierarchy of power and prestige (such as royal, aristocratic, and common, or lord and serf). Certain divisions, such as those based on ancestry, can be considered immutable in individuals although their valuation in a given society can fluctuate. Others, such as status in the eyes of the church, might admit of change in individuals (through, for instance, repentance) 1 2 Nobility and Annihilation in Marguerite Porete’s Mirror of Simple Souls while the standards (such as church doctrine regarding sin and repentance) might remain essentially static over time. -
Chapter 8: Social Stratification
UNIT 3 238 SOCIAL INEQUALITY Chapter 8 Social Stratification Chapter 9 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity Chapter 10 Inequalities of Gender and Age Enrichment Readings Chapter 8 – Elliot Liebow “The Lives of Homeless Women,” page 272 Chapter 9 – Patricia Williams “The Skin Color Tax,” page 306 Chapter 10 – Lois Gould “The Story of Baby X,” page 342 239 CHAPTER 8 SocialSocial StratificationStratification 240 U S Your Sections I Sociological N Imagination 1. Dimensions of G Stratification ane Smith, aged forty and reeling from 2. Explanations of a bitter divorce, was discouraged. A se- Stratification Jrious back injury meant she could no longer work at her nursing aide job. 3. Social Classes in America Without a high school diploma, she found that no one was willing to hire her. 4. Poverty in America Reluctantly, she applied for welfare and was enrolled in a program designed to develop 5. Social Mobility job skills. She completed an eighteen-month course and was hired by an engineering firm. After two years, Jane has moved up in Learning Objectives the company and now thinks of herself as an intelligent, capable person. A different type of welfare story involves After reading this chapter, you will be able to Mary, the “welfare queen.” Many politicians have used her as a typical example of how ❖ explain the relationship between stratifica- the social welfare system is abused. Mary tion and social class. managed to register for government aid ❖ compare and contrast the three dimensions under dozens of assumed names and col- of stratification. lected thousands of dollars from food ❖ stamps and other federally subsidized pro- state the differences among the three grams. -
Slavery and Reparative Justice by Professor Sir Geoff Palmer British Slavery in the West Indies Was Chattel Slavery and Was Lega
Slavery and Reparative Justice by Professor Sir Geoff Palmer British slavery in the West Indies was Chattel Slavery and was legal. This slavery was supported by a Slave Trade which was abolished in 1807. One important aspect of the abolition of the slave trade was that the powerful Scottish politician Henry Dundas proposed successfully in Parliament in 1792 that this trading in slaves should be “gradually” abolished. This prolonged the Slave Trade for another 15 years during which time about 630,000 African people were transported into slavery. There were about 800,000 British Slaves in the West Indies when slavery was finally abolished in 1838. About 30% of the slave plantations in the British West Indies were owned by Scots. There is now significant evidence of Scotland’s involvement in this slavery. It is worth noting that documents such as the Jamaica Telephone Directory contain a significant number of Scottish surnames. Many place names in Jamaica are Scottish in origin and the flags of Jamaica and Scotland are of the same design. The year 2007 was the 200 th anniversary of the abolition of the Slave Trade. Since this date there has been a significant growth in interest in this slavery. Evidence seems to suggest that many Scottish people were not aware of the extent to which Scotland was involved in the practice of British slavery in the West Indies. It is this ‘public interest’ that has induced institutions to adopt a more serious approach to the study of Chattel Slavery. This extends from schools to universities to national and international organisations. -
The Politics of Poverty: Elites, Citizens and States
The Politics of Poverty: Elites, Citizens and States Findings from ten years of DFID-funded research on Governance and Fragile States 2001–2010 A Synthesis Paper Acknowledgements This paper was written by DFID Research and Evidence Division Staff, with help and advice from Graeme Ramshaw of IDS and from the directors and staff of the four Re search centres. Disclaimer: This synthesis presents some key findings of DFID-funded research and the resulting policy recommendations of the researchers: it does not necessarily reflect DFID policy. Cover Photo: Justice and Peace Commissioners, Masisi, DR Congo. © Sarah MacGregor / DFID The Politics of Poverty: Elites, Citizens, and States EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Executive Summary Evidence shows that in order to deliver sustainable international development we must be able to understand and work with its politics. Governance describes the way countries and societies manage their affairs politically and the way power and authority are exercised. For the poorest and most vulnerable, the difference that good, or particularly bad, governance, makes to their lives is profound: the inability of government institutions to prevent conflict, provide basic security, or basic services can have life-or-death consequences; lack of opportunity can prevent generations of poor families from lifting themselves out of poverty; and the inability to grow economically and collect taxes can keep countries trapped in a cycle of aid-dependency. Understanding governance, therefore, is central to achieving development and ending conflict. During the 1990s donors came to realise that development required better ‘governance’, and DFID recognised early on the need to work with the research community to identify ways of improving governance for better development outcomes. -
Class and Ocupation
Theory and Society, vol. 9, núm. 1, 1980, pp. 177-214. Class and Ocupation. Wright, Erik Olin. Cita: Wright, Erik Olin (1980). Class and Ocupation. Theory and Society, 9 (1) 177-214. Dirección estable: https://www.aacademica.org/erik.olin.wright/53 Acta Académica es un proyecto académico sin fines de lucro enmarcado en la iniciativa de acceso abierto. Acta Académica fue creado para facilitar a investigadores de todo el mundo el compartir su producción académica. Para crear un perfil gratuitamente o acceder a otros trabajos visite: http://www.aacademica.org. 177 CLASS AND OCCUPATION ERIK OLIN WRIGHT Sociologists have generally regarded "class" and "occupation" as occupy- ing essentially the same theoretical terrain. Indeed, the most common operationalization of class is explicitly in terms of a typology of occupa- tions: professional and technical occupations constitute the upper-middle class, other white collar occupations comprise the middle class proper, and manual occupations make up the working class. Even when classes are not seen as defined simply by a typology of occupations, classes are generally viewed as largely determined by occupations. Frank Parkin expresses this view when he writes: "The backbone of the class structure, and indeed of the entire reward system of modern Western society, is the occupational order. Other sources of economic and symbolic advantage do coexist alongside the occupational order, but for the vast majority of the population these tend, at best, to be secondary to those deriving from the division of labor."' While the expression "backbone" is rather vague, nevertheless the basic proposition is clear: the occupational structure fundamentally determines the class structure. -
Inside the Middle Class
Inside the Middle Class: Bad Times Hit the Good Life FOR RELEASE WEDNESDAY APRIL 9, 2008 12:00PM EDT Paul Taylor, Project Director Rich Morin, Senior Editor D'Vera Cohn, Senior Writer Richard Fry, Senior Researcher Rakesh Kochhar, Senior Researcher April Clark, Research Associate MEDIA INQUIRIES CONTACT: Pew Research Center 202 419 4372 http://pewresearch.org ii Table of Contents Foreword…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...3 Executive Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………5 Overview……………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7 Section One – A Self-Portrait 1. The Middle Class Defines Itself ………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………………..28 2. The Middle Class Squeeze………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………..…….36 3. Middle Class Finances ……………………………………………………………………………………………….…………….……………………..47 4. Middle Class Priorities and Values………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………….53 5. Middle Class Jobs ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………….65 6. Middle Class Politics…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………………71 About the Pew Social and Demographic Trends Project ……………………………………………………….…………………………….78 Questionnaire and topline …………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………………..79 Section Two – A Statistical Portrait 7. Middle Income Demography, 1970-2006…………………………………………………………………………………………………………110 8. Trends in Income, Expenditures, Wealth and Debt………………………………………..…………………………………………….140 Section Two Appendix ……………………………………………………….…………………………………………………………………………………..163