New Cold War: De-Risking US-China Conflict
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Radical Islamist Groups in the Modern Age
WORKING PAPER NO. 376 RADICAL ISLAMIST GROUPS IN THE MODERN AGE: A CASE STUDY OF HIZBULLAH Lieutenant-Colonel Rodger Shanahan Canberra June 2003 National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry: Shanahan, Rodger, 1964-. Radical Islamist Groups in the Modern Age: A Case Study of Hizbullah Bibliography. ISBN 0 7315 5435 3. 1. Hizballah (Lebanon). 2. Islamic fundamentalism - Lebanon. 3. Islam and politics - Lebanon. 4. Terrorism - Religious aspects - Islam. I. Title. (Series : Working paper (Australian National University. Strategic and Defence Studies Centre) ; no.376). 322.42095692 Strategic and Defence Studies Centre The aim of the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, which is located in the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies in the Australian National University, is to advance the study of strategic problems, especially those relating to the general region of Asia and the Pacific. The centre gives particular attention to Australia’s strategic neighbourhood of Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific. Participation in the centre’s activities is not limited to members of the university, but includes other interested professional, diplomatic and parliamentary groups. Research includes military, political, economic, scientific and technological aspects of strategic developments. Strategy, for the purpose of the centre, is defined in the broadest sense of embracing not only the control and application of military force, but also the peaceful settlement of disputes that could cause violence. This is the leading academic body in Australia specialising in these studies. Centre members give frequent lectures and seminars for other departments within the ANU and other universities and Australian service training institutions are heavily dependent upon SDSC assistance with the strategic studies sections of their courses. -
New Documents on Mongolia and the Cold War
Cold War International History Project Bulletin, Issue 16 New Documents on Mongolia and the Cold War Translation and Introduction by Sergey Radchenko1 n a freezing November afternoon in Ulaanbaatar China and Russia fell under the Mongolian sword. However, (Ulan Bator), I climbed the Zaisan hill on the south- after being conquered in the 17th century by the Manchus, Oern end of town to survey the bleak landscape below. the land of the Mongols was divided into two parts—called Black smoke from gers—Mongolian felt houses—blanketed “Outer” and “Inner” Mongolia—and reduced to provincial sta- the valley; very little could be discerned beyond the frozen tus. The inhabitants of Outer Mongolia enjoyed much greater Tuul River. Chilling wind reminded me of the cold, harsh autonomy than their compatriots across the border, and after winter ahead. I thought I should have stayed at home after all the collapse of the Qing dynasty, Outer Mongolia asserted its because my pen froze solid, and I could not scribble a thing right to nationhood. Weak and disorganized, the Mongolian on the documents I carried up with me. These were records religious leadership appealed for help from foreign countries, of Mongolia’s perilous moves on the chessboard of giants: including the United States. But the first foreign troops to its strategy of survival between China and the Soviet Union, appear were Russian soldiers under the command of the noto- and its still poorly understood role in Asia’s Cold War. These riously cruel Baron Ungern who rode past the Zaisan hill in the documents were collected from archival depositories and pri- winter of 1921. -
Philip L. Wickeri, Ed. Philip L. Wickeri's Edited Volume, Unfinished
book reviews 353 Philip L. Wickeri, ed. Unfinished History: Christianity and the Cold War in East Asia. (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2016), pp. 283, isbn 978-3-374-04074-2. Philip L. Wickeri’s edited volume, Unfinished History, consists of papers that were presented in the conference, “Christianity and the Cold War in East Asia, 1945–1990,” at the Lutheran Theological Seminary in Hong Kong in April 2014. In the “Introduction,” Wickeri states that there is the need to examine the im- pact of the Cold War on Christianity in Asia. He says that “the time for more careful study is long overdue” (p. 10). In “Religion and us Policy towards China during the Early Cold War,” Qiang Zhai examines how religion affected the United States’ policies towards China in the 1940s and 1950s, highlighting the cultural aspects of international relations. The emphasis is on how Christianity influenced policymaking in the United States. In “Changing Perceptions and Interpretations of the Cold War,” Peter Chen-main Wang focuses on the Na- tional Christian Council of China, which was a major Christian institute, and the perception of its leaders from 1945 to 1949. Philip L. Wickeri’s article, “’Cold War Religion’ and the Protestant Churches in East Asia and the West,” studies what the author calls the “Cold War Religion” and the “unfinished history” of the impact on the region. In “The Survival of the ‘Instrument,’” Weiqing Hu explores the different ways in which the churches in Shantou adopted to maintain their survival before the Cultural Revolution. Then Fuk-tsang Ying, in “Voices from the Bamboo Curtain,” studies the 132 letters written from individual listeners in mainland China to the Far East Broadcasting Company (febc) in Hong Kong from 1959 to 1968. -
Pcr 419 Course Title: International Politics of the Cold War (1945
NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCE COURSE CODE: PCR 419 COURSE TITLE: INTERNATIONAL POLITICS OF THE COLD WAR (1945 - 1991) 1 PCR 419 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS OF THE COLD WAR (1945 - 1991) Course Developer/Writer: Mathias Jarikre Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution School of Arts and Social Sciences National Open University of Nigeria Course Editor Course Coordinator Mathias Jarikre Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution School of Arts and Social Sciences National Open University of Nigeria 2 NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA National Open University of Nigeria University Village Plot 91, Cadastral Zone Nnamdi Azikiwe Expressway Jabi, Abuja Nigeria Lagos Office 14/16 Ahmadu Bello Way Victoria Island, Lagos E-mail: [email protected] URL: www.nouedu.net Published by: National Open University of Nigeria Printed 2017 ISBN: All Rights Reserved TABLE OF CONTENT Module 1 International Politics of the Cold War Unit 1 International Politics Unit 2 Polarity Unit 3 History of Cold War Unit 4 Chronicles of Cold War Unit 5 Causes and Consequences of the Cold War Module 2 Cold War as Social Conflict Unit 1 Approaches to Cold War Unit 2 Cold War as Social Conflict Unit 3 Iron Curtains Unit 4 Berlin Blockade and Airlift Unit 5 Berlin Wall Module 3 Cold War Strategies Unit 1 Marshall Plan Unit 2 Molotov Plan Unit 3 Containment Unit 4 Deterrence Unit 5 Detente Module 4 Military Alliances and Nuclear Weapons Unit 1 North Atlantic Treaty Organisation Unit 2 Warsaw Pact Unit 3 The Role of Nuclear Weapons Unit 4 Arms -
Grand Strategy, National Security and the Australia Defence Force
= äçïó=áåëíáíìíÉ=éÉêëéÉÅíáîÉë dê~åÇ=píê~íÉÖóI=k~íáçå~ä=pÉÅìêáíó= ~åÇ=íÜÉ=^ìëíê~äá~å=aÉÑÉåÅÉ=cçêÅÉ= aê=^ä~å=aìéçåí= j~ó=OMMR= = The Lowy Institute for International Policy is an independent international policy think tank based in Sydney, Australia. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia – economic, political and strategic – and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate. • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. Lowy Institute Perspectives are occasional papers and speeches on international events and policy. The views expressed in this paper are the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute for International Policy. Grand Strategy, National Security and the Australian Defence Force Alan Dupont Is it an oxymoron to talk about a grand strategy for Australia? After all, we have rarely articulated a national strategy and certainly never a grand one. For much of our history a filial attachment to the national designs of Britain and later the United States, constrained our capacity to think for ourselves. Fortunately that era has long past. Since the late 1960s governments of all political persuasions have given considerable thought -
German Cold War Cultural Diplomacy Along the Bamboo Curtain
Informal Envoys: German Cold War cultural diplomacy along the Bamboo Curtain During the Cold War, even student illness could turn into a diplomatic affair. In 1976, the Chinese embassy in Bonn informed the West German authorities that three German exchange students currently studying in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) had syphilis. The students, all three of them male, came from very different parts of Germany and had met for the first time in September 1975 on the plane that carried them and the rest of that year’s crop of German exchange students to China. Upon arrival they, like all foreign students, had been given a medical check-up and the Chinese authorities had certified them a clean bill of health without conducting specific STD tests. They first heard of the allegation in early June 1976, through the West German embassy in Beijing. Dr Lapper, the embassy official informing them about the matter, seemed convinced that all of them had somehow contracted the illness. The Federal Republic of Germany had only opened a diplomatic outpost in Mao’s China three years earlier. Dr Lapper, a member of the first diplomatic corps sent to Beijing, took the official Chinese claim at face value and was, so the three young men sensed, prepared to believe it. A caveat such as three sick students, rightfully accused or not, could quickly turn into a major problem for the West German presence in the PRC in the volatile political climate of the late Cultural Revolution. The three students ardently protested and agreed to an immediate medical exam at a Chinese hospital, arranged by the embassy, where Kahn and Wassermann tests would be conducted to prove to all parties involved that they were healthy. -
SECTION 6 Media
SECTION 6 Media When the Xinhua News Agency leased a massive sign in Times Square in 2011 and then agreed to a twenty-year lease for a new US headquarters on the top floor of a Broadway skyscraper, it was clear that, as analyst He Qinglian put it, “The Chinese have arrived.”1 Xinhua’s foray into Manhattan was followed by a website of the People’s Daily, the mouthpiece of the Communist Party, which set up shop in the Empire State Building.2 At a time when Western media outlets are challenged by the internet and weakened by uncertain business models, China’s rise as a major player in the media landscape around the globe has become all the more worthy of attention. The Chinese government’s campaign to “grab the right to speak” from Western media outlets and independent Chinese voices, which it accuses of distorting news about China and sullying China’s image, has come with a rapid expansion of China’s English-language media operations, a concerted campaign to control overseas Chinese-language media, and ongoing efforts to block attempts by Western media to contend inside China. Xinhua News Agency journalist Xiong Min summed up the motivation for China’s new campaign in 2010. “The right to speak in the world is not distributed equally,” she wrote. “Eighty percent of the information is monopolized by Western media.”3 It was time, she said, to end that monopoly by means of what China has called the Grand External Propaganda Campaign (大 外 宣 ) . Since coming to power, President Xi Jinping has overseen the intensification of this external propaganda blitz, which was launched in 2007 by former Party general secretary Hu Jintao. -
The Door Behind the Bamboo Curtain – Chinese Law and Policy on Refugee Status
THE DOOR BEHIND THE BAMBOO CURTAIN – CHINESE LAW AND POLICY ON REFUGEE STATUS BY LILI SONG A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Victoria University of Wellington (2014) ABSTRACT This thesis systematically considers the law and policy on refugee status in the People’s Republic of China. It considers relevant Chinese legal provisions, applicable bilateral and multinational treaties, as well as China’s refugee policy and practice. It also presents and analyses first-hand information collected through interviews with refugees and aid workers. China is an emerging destination of refugees and other displaced foreigners. Although China is a party to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol, Chinese law contains no provisions governing the definition of a refugee or the determination of refugee status. Further, there is a gap between the criteria for asylum in the 1982 Chinese Constitution and the criteria for refugee status in the 1951 Convention. In practice, although the Chinese government has generally allowed the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to process individual applications for refugee status, the Chinese government has practically performed the function of refugee status determination in large-scale influx situations through policy decisions. In these situations, the security, political, and strategic interests of China have often overshadowed China’s commitment under the 1951 Convention. China has been cautious about recognising refugees on its territory. However, the Chinese government has clearly demonstrated a growing interest in addressing the issue of refugee recognition within a more formalised framework. -
Full Report for Australia's Maritime Strategy
The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia Australia’s Maritime Strategy Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade June 2004 Canberra Chairman’s Foreword The rise of non-state actors, failing states, terrorism and the threat of weapons of mass destruction have caused nations to review their national security objectives and strategies. Australia is not alone in this challenge. At the same time, Australia must plan and prepare against conventional threats to its security. It is essential, therefore, that Australia’s defence and national security strategies are modern and flexible enough to deal with all contingencies. The inquiry into Australia’s maritime strategy has provided an opportunity to examine the relevance and effectiveness of our defence objectives and strategies. Maritime strategies are significant in military planning because they provide the means to apply power flexibly over a range of contingencies and areas. Modern maritime strategy involves air, sea and land forces operating jointly to influence events in the littoral together with traditional blue water maritime concepts of sea denial and sea control. The role and influence of maritime strategies are therefore a significant feature of credible military strategies. The inquiry found that there was the need for a comprehensive national security strategy (NSS) which would articulate all the elements that the Australian Government has at its disposal to address issues of national security. A national security strategy would address more than just issues of defence. It would address Australia’s key interests such as economic, business, diplomatic, trade and environmental. The NSS should indicate where our military strategy fits within this ‘grand strategy.’ Australia’s interests are not just limited to our territory but stretch throughout the region and globally. -
Sino-Vietnamese Relations During the First Indochina
Laura M. Calkins. China and the First Vietnam War, 1947-54. Routledge Studies in the Modern History of Asia Series. New York: Routledge, 2013. 200 pp. $155.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-415-63233-1. Reviewed by Mao Lin Published on H-Diplo (November, 2013) Commissioned by Seth Offenbach (Bronx Community College, The City University of New York) The literature on the Indochina wars is large Calkins particularly explores “the cooperation and growing larger. Until recently, however, the and the tensions which arose as the two regimes literature showed an overwhelming tendency to simultaneously pursued the not always comple‐ focus on the decision making in Washington. mentary goals of security and revolution” (p. 1). Moreover, most scholars in the feld specialize in Indeed, this detailed monograph follows the re‐ the Second Indochina War. When they discuss the search path charted by previous scholars who fo‐ First Indochina War, the agenda is usually to trace cused on non-U.S. players during the two Indochi‐ the origins of the later U.S. involvement in the na wars.[1] Calkins also pays attention to what the Second Indochina War. As a result, the “other historian Priscilla Roberts once called the new re‐ side” of the war is rendered invisible and many of search orientation of studying intra-alliance rela‐ the war’s origins remain obscure. But the picture tions among the Communist powers during the is changing, and fast. More and more scholars Indochina wars.[2] To this, Calkins’s book is a wel‐ have begun to internationalize the study of the In‐ comed contribution. -
New Views on the the Vietnam War: Suggested Readings (Revised August 2010)
New views on the the Vietnam War: Suggested readings (revised August 2010) Michael H. Hunt Everett H. Emerson Professor Emeritus The University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill [email protected] The stream of writing on the Vietnam War shows no sign of abating, indeed will burgeon if Hanoi ever provides wider access to researchers. What follows are some highly regarded histories that have enriched our sense of the war over the last decade or so. General treatments: For a survey that does a good job of capturing some of the fresh research findings, see Mark Atwood Lawrence, The Vietnam War: A Concise International History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008). Mark Bradley, Vietnam at War (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2009), offers a fresh, crisp introduction to the Vietnamese perspective. Gary R. Hess, Vietnam: Explaining America's Lost War (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2009), is an up-to- date treatment of the enormous literature organized around the chief points of controversy. My own A Vietnam War Reader: A Documentary History from American and Vietnamese Perspectives (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), contains a diverse set of original documents and first-person accounts (some appearing for the first time). Edwin E. Moïse at Clemson University maintains a full and up-to-date guide to the literature: “Vietnam War Bibliography” at http://www.clemson.edu/caah/history/facultypages/EdMoise/bibliography.html. On Lyndon Johnson: Fredrik Logevall, Choosing War: The Lost Chance for Peace and the Escalation of War in Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999). On Richard Nixon: Jeffrey P. -
Reassessment of Beijing's Economic and Military Aid to Hanoi's War
H-Diplo H-Diplo Article Review 924 on Xiao and Zhang. “Reassessment of Beijing’s Economic and Military Aid to Hanoi’s War, 1964-75.” Discussion published by George Fujii on Wednesday, February 5, 2020 H-Diplo Article Review 924 5 February 2020 Shao Xiao and Xiaoming Zhang. “Reassessment of Beijing’s Economic and Military Aid to Hanoi’s War, 1964-75.” Cold War History (2019). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2019.1581768. https://hdiplo.org/to/AR924 Article Review Editors: Diane Labrosse and Seth Offenbach | Production Editor: George Fujii Review by Xiaobing Li, University of Central Oklahoma As a Communist state bordering North Vietnam, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) supported North Vietnamese President Ho Chi Minh’s efforts against the United States and South Vietnam during the Vietnam War of 1965-1975. Western historians have long speculated about Chinese involvement in Vietnam but have no definite proof of the scale and impact of international Communist support. According to Shao Xiao and Xiaoming Zhang, China’s role “remains inadequately studied due to a lack of archival access in both China and Vietnam” (1). In their article, Shao and Zhang indicate the level of Chinese economic and military aid to North Vietnam in 1964-1975, and give a true sense of how the Chinese supported Ho’s military and political objectives in the war as a crucial and indispensable factor for the North Vietnamese Army (NVA)’s victory. Their study offers an in depth and detailed overview and the particulars of China’s “massive military and economic aid” (3) to Ho’s regime in terms of weaponry, logistics, technology, finance, and other aid during the war based on a foundation of multiple documents, memoirs, interviews, and secondary sources in China, Russia, and Vietnam (1).