Copyright by Robert Daniel Brennan, Jr. 2009 The Dissertation Committee for Robert Daniel Brennan, Jr. Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Last Breath, First Pulse: An Experiment in Modernization, Lowell, Massachusetts, 1823 - 1857 Committee: Christopher Shane Davies, Supervisor Karl Butzer William Doolittle Steven Hoelscher John Mullin Last Breath, First Pulse: An Experiment in Modernization, Lowell, Massachusetts, 1823 - 1857 by Robert Daniel Brennan, Jr., B.A., M.R.P. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin December, 2009 Dedication To those who prompt, in the words of Sophie Hannah: “Chattering teeth, a goal, a lot to lose, A granted wish, mixed motives, superstitions, Hang-ups and headaches, fear of awful news, A bubble in my throat, a dare to swallow, A crack of light under a closing door.” To the visible miracles in my life: Susan, Natalie, and Caroline Acknowledgements Many individuals now geographically and temporally dispersed, from Minnie Burdick and Kevin Ryan to Jeff Perkins and Seth Feldman, deserve recognition for their contributions to this dissertation. Unfortunately, limited space allows me to explicitly recognize only a very few individuals for their direct contributions. But first, two exceptions. I must thank my mother, my father, my sisters and my brother. No longer will they not ask me, “What are you writing about?” for fear of having to listen to an exhaustive – and exhausting – answer. Even better, never again will they ask me the simple but too often unanswerable question, “When are you going to finish?” Second, intellectual honesty demands that I acknowledge the enduring influence of the late Dr. James H. Robb, Professor of Philosophy at Marquette University. Dr. Robb’s passionate affirmation of medieval Europe’s continuing relevance motivated me to ex- plore another supposedly recondite world, 19 th century America. I would like to thank the Texas General Land Office and Mr. Sterling Harris in particular for accommodating my academic pursuits. Mr. Harris offered me a flexible work schedule and, when necessary, granted me time for research trips. These were more than mere administrative concessions; they are positive testaments to Mr. Harris’s con- sistently uncommon decency and empathy. Immeasurably helpful were my conversations with Martha Mayo, Director of the Center for Lowell History at the University of Massachusetts/Lowell. Ms. Mayo’s for- bearance, encyclopedic knowledge, and critical suggestions helped shape and sharpen my research. Also, I would be remiss if I did not thank the staff of the Lowell National His- toric Park for graciously allowing me access to their files and archives. I would like to thank the members of my doctoral committee. v Dr. William Doolittle, a widely acknowledged expert on the American Southwest and Mexico, willingly immersed himself in my material and provided me with different and valuable insights. Professor Karl Butzer’s enthusiasm for and expertise in a wide array of geo- graphic sub-disciplines encouraged me to explore and pursue my own specific interests within geography. Thanks to Dr. Butzer’s insights, I have a firmer grasp on the breadth and depth of the geographic discipline. My dissertation topic came about and began to coalesce in classes I took with Pro- fessor Steven Hoelscher. Dr. Hoelscher fostered a creative classroom atmosphere, read my material with a close critical eye, provided me with constructive criticism, and quickly and frequently dispensed large doses of encouragement. I owe a special debt of gratitude to Dr. John R. Mullin, Director of the Graduate School, Professor of Urban Planning, and Director of the Center for Economic Develop- ment at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst. An expert on New England mill communities as well as a tireless planning academic and practitioner, Prof. Mullin gra- ciously agreed to be part of my doctoral committee. John Mullin made an indelibly posi- tive impression on me during my academic career at UMass and this dissertation is, in large measure, an attempt to satisfy his expectations of detail and rigor. Without doubt, my most important and longstanding constant at the University of Texas has been the chair of my doctoral committee, Dr. Christopher Shane Davies. From my first inquiry about Texas’ geography program to the completion of my degree, Pro- fessor Davies has been a demanding instructor, incisive critic, and ardent supporter. Ab- sent his substantial personal and professional talents, this dissertation quite literally would not have seen the light of day. I have received unimpeachable counsel from the aforementioned and thus any er- rors of omission, commission, or interpretation in this work are wholly and unreservedly my own. vi Last Breath, First Pulse: An Experiment in Modernization, Lowell, Massachusetts, 1823 – 1857 Publication No._____________ Robert Daniel Brennan, Jr., Ph.D. The University of Texas at Austin, 2009 Supervisor: Christopher Shane Davies On September 1, 1823, the Merrimack Manufacturing Company commenced op- erations, the first of many textile mills constructed and operated by the Boston Company (colloquially referred to as the Boston Associates). The burgeoning mill complex, the first large-scale industrial development in the United States was incorporated as the town of Lowell in 1826. While the Boston Associates realized monetary profit from the mills, the Associate’s primary motivation for building and operating the textile mills was a de- sire to perpetuate their vision of the Puritan’s Social Covenant. The Associates achieved their goal in the short term. However, over the long-term, the sheer scale and new man- agement style of the Lowell mills catalyzed the modernization of New England and sub- limated the very social and economic conventions the Social Covenant sought to rein- force. In the 19th century the Puritan Social Covenant, part of the American narrative from its earliest years, validated the virtues of community and industry. Already wealthy and spurning other potentially more lucrative investment opportunities Francis C. Lowell vii and other members of the Boston Associates used the textile mills to inculcate and strengthen the Social Covenant’s precepts among their mill operatives. In the 1840s, the Lowell mills, needing to fill empty mill positions, began to hire Irish immigrants. The introduction of the Irish to the mills immediately created an atmosphere of friction among the predominantly Yankee work force. The later introduction of French-Canadians to the Lowell mills only served to create additional tension. Mill owners found themselves refe- reeing interminable arguments regarding different and divergent interpretations of social values and personal responsibilities. In the late 1850s, mill owners and mill workers came to the same conclusion: social obligations mattered less than solid financial resources and a wide range of freedom. Mill owners jettisoned their self-imposed responsibilities; em- ployees “turned out” for higher wages and, when unsuccessful, migrated westward. The Lowell mill complex, originally conceived as a means to preserve a traditional, tight-knit social order and an ethic of personal responsibility among a demographically homo- geneous population, found itself a large, demographically heterogeneous city embracing and encouraging change. viii LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................xi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS .................................................................................xi LIST OF MAPS ....................................................................................................xii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................... 1 CHAPTER 2: DEFINITION OF MODERNIZATION ........................................ 12 A. Summary ................................................................................................. 24 CHAPTER 3: CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND, 1800 – 1820 ..................... 26 A. Original Settlement.................................................................................. 26 B. Physical Layout of New England Towns ................................................ 27 C: Demography ............................................................................................ 32 D. Qualitative Indicators of Urbanism ......................................................... 40 E. Family...................................................................................................... 41 F. Health....................................................................................................... 42 G. Agriculture............................................................................................... 48 H. Manufacturing and Home Manufacture .................................................. 55 I. Communication......................................................................................... 61 J. Time.......................................................................................................... 62 K. Summary ................................................................................................. 64 CHAPTER 4: DEFINITION OF AND EVIDENCE FOR THE PERSISTENCE OF THE SOCIAL COVENANT TO THE 1820S. ...........................................