Iraqi Kurdistan's Independence Referendum
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Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. -
Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington. -
The Euphrates River: an Analysis of a Shared River System in the Middle East
/?2S THE EUPHRATES RIVER: AN ANALYSIS OF A SHARED RIVER SYSTEM IN THE MIDDLE EAST by ARNON MEDZINI THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF LONDON September 1994 ProQuest Number: 11010336 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11010336 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract In a world where the amount of resources is constant and unchanging but where their use and exploitation is growing because of the rapid population growth, a rise in standards of living and the development of industrialization, the resource of water has become a critical issue in the foreign relations between different states. As a result of this many research scholars claim that, today, we are facing the beginning of the "Geopolitical era of water". The danger of conflict of water is especially severe in the Middle East which is characterized by the low level of precipitation and high temperatures. The Middle Eastern countries have been involved in a constant state of political tension and the gap between the growing number of inhabitants and the fixed supply of water and land has been a factor in contributing to this tension. -
The Struggle to Exist, Part
IRAQ The Struggle to Exist Part III: Treatment and Discrimination of Assyrians in the “Iraqi Kurdistan Region” Assyria Council of Europe Hammurabi Human Rights Organization The Struggle to Exist Part III: Treatment and discrimination of Assyrians in the “Iraqi Kurdistan Region” 2 February 2010 The Struggle to Exist Part III: Treatment and discrimination of Assyrians in the “Iraqi Kurdistan Region” Methodology... 4 Map 1: The Iraqi Kurdistan Region and Disputed Territories Claimed by the Kurdistan Regional Government... 5 Map 2: A close-up of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region showing some of the places mentioned in the text of this report... 6 The Struggle to Exist... 7 I. Treatment of Assyrians in the “Iraqi Kurdistan Region”... 9 Refuge for “Minorities”?... 9 Political Pepresentation of “Christians” and other Minorities... 12 Recognition of the KRG‟s “Support for Christians”... 13 Land Disputes... 13 Reconstructing Churches and Villages... 19 Employment and Money-Earning Opportunities... 24 Education... 27 The Media... 31 The IKR‟s constitution: Equality and safeguards for minorities?... 31 The Question of an Autonomous Region for “Christians”... 36 II. Conclusions... 39 Recommendations... 39 To the Kurdistan Regional Government... 39 To the Government of Iraq... 40 To the United States and Coalition Countries... 42 To UNAMI and International Human Rights, Humanitarian and Aid Organisations... 42 3 METHODOLOGY This report is based on a six-week fact-finding persons having been identified for interview mission in the northern Iraqi cities of Arbil, largely with the assistance of Iraqi Kirkuk and Dohuk, the regions of Barwari- nongovernmental organizations serving Bala, Sapna, Simel, Zakho and Nahla, and the Assyrian groups. -
Prospects for Political Inclusion in Rojava and Iraqi Kurdistan
ISSUE BRIEF 09.05.18 False Hopes? Prospects for Political Inclusion in Rojava and Iraqi Kurdistan Mustafa Gurbuz, Ph.D., Arab Center, Washington D.C. Among those deeply affected by the Arab i.e., unifying Kurdish cantons in northern Spring were the Kurds—the largest ethnic Syria under a new local governing body, is minority without a state in the Middle depicted as a dream for egalitarianism and East. The Syrian civil war put the Kurds at a liberal inclusive culture that counters the forefront in the war against the Islamic patriarchic structures in the Middle East.1 State (IS) and drastically changed the future U.S. policy toward the Kurds, however, prospects of Kurds in both Syria and Iraq. has become most puzzling since the 2017 This brief examines the challenges that defeat of IS in Syria. While the U.S.—to hinder development of a politically inclusive avoid alienating the Turks—did not object culture in Syrian Kurdistan—popularly to the Turkish troops’ invasion of the known as Rojava—and Iraqi Kurdistan. Kurdish canton of Afrin, the YPG began Political and economic instability in both forging closer ties to Damascus—which regions have shattered Kurdish dreams for led to complaints from some American political diversity and prosperity since the officials that the Kurdish group “has turned early days of the Arab Spring. into an insurgent organization.”2 In fact, from the beginning of the Syrian civil war, Syrian Kurds have been most careful to not THE RISING TIDE OF SYRIAN KURDS directly target the Assad regime, aside from some short-term clashes in certain places The civil war in Syria has thus far bolstered like Rojava, for two major reasons. -
Assyrians.Pdf
World Directory of Minorities Middle East MRG Directory –> Iraq –> Assyrians Print Page Close Window Assyrians Updated April 2008 Profile An estimated 225,000 Assyrians [US CIRF 2006] comprise a distinct ethno-religious group in Iraq, although official Iraqi statistics consider them to be Arabs. Descendants of ancient Mesopotamian peoples, Assyrians speak Aramaic and live mainly in the major cities and in the rural areas of north- eastern Iraq where they tend to be professionals and businessmen or independent farmers. They are Christians, belonging to one of four churches: the Chaldean (Uniate), Nestorian, Jacobite or Syrian Orthodox, and the Syrian Catholic. Assyrians form a distinct community, but with three origins: (1) those who inhabited Hakkari (in modern Turkey), who were predominantly tribal and whose leaders acknowledged the temporal as well as spiritual paramountcy of their patriarch, the Mar Shimun; (2) a peasant community in Urumiya (see Iran); and (3) a largely peasant community in Amadiya, Shaqlawa and Rawanduz in Iraqi Kurdistan. Historical context Because of its expulsion from the ‘Orthodox' community at Ephesus in 431, the Assyrian Church operated entirely east (hence its title) of Byzantine Christendom, establishing communities over a wide area. But its heartlands were at the apex of the fertile crescent. The Mongol invasions, however, virtually wiped out the Assyrian Church except in limited areas. On the whole the Assyrians co-existed successfully with the neighbouring Kurdish tribes. In Hakkari, Assyrian tribes held Kurdish as well as Assyrian peasantry in thrall, just as Kurdish tribes did, and rival Assyrian tribes would seek allies among neighbouring Kurdish tribes, and vice versa. -
Water Scarcity and Conflict in the Euphrates-Tigris River Basin Samantha Glass SIT Study Abroad
SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Spring 2017 Twisting the Tap: Water Scarcity and Conflict in the Euphrates-Tigris River Basin Samantha Glass SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the International Relations Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Glass, Samantha, "Twisting the Tap: Water Scarcity and Conflict in the Euphrates-Tigris River Basin" (2017). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 2594. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/2594 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Twisting the Tap: Water Scarcity and Conflict in the Euphrates-Tigris River Basin Samantha Taylor Glass Spring 2017 SIT Study Abroad: International Studies and Multilateral Diplomacy Dr. Heikki S. Mattila Dr. Gyula Csurgai Yale University Global Affairs GLASS, Spring 2017 1 ABSTRACT Is water a target or an instrument of violence? Is it an amplifier of conflict or a means for cooperation, a source of growth or a force of destruction? The purpose of this report is to determine how threats of water shortage and the lack of a trans-boundary management plan has prompted states in the Euphrates-Tigris River Basin to leverage the shared resource as a political weapon to preserve national interests and ascertain regional authority. -
Borders As Ethnically Charged Sites: Iraqi Kurdistan Border Crossings, 1995-2006
BORDERS AS ETHNICALLY CHARGED SITES: IRAQI KURDISTAN BORDER CROSSINGS, 1995-2006 Diane E. King Department of Anthropology University of Kentucky ABSTRACT: In this article, I use border crossings between Syria, Turkey, and Iraq during the period from 1995 to 2006 to examine the modern state, identity, and territory at border crossing points. Borderlands represent a site where the core powers of states can display the reach, scope, face, and preferred expressions of their identities. Border crossing points between modern states that make strong ethnolinguistic and/or ethnosectarian identity assertions, as do the states on which I focus here, are often charged sites where the state may seek to impose a certain identity category on an individual, an identity that the individual may or may not claim. Kurdistan, the non-state area recognized by Kurds as their ethnic/national home, arcs across the states, and most of the people meeting at the borders are ethnically Kurdish. The state may deny hybridity, or use hybridity, especially multilingualism, for its own purposes. Ethnolinguistic and other collective identity categories in Syria, Turkey, and Iraq are assigned according to patrilineal descent, which means that singular categories are passed from one gener- ation to the next. These categories are made much less malleable by their reliance on descent claims through one parent. In such a 51 ISSN 0894-6019, © 2019 The Institute, Inc. 52 URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. 48(1,2), 2019 milieu, ethnic identities may be a factor to a greater degree than if their state systems allowed for more ethnic flexibility and hybridity. Introduction In this article I use some encounters I had at border crossing points between Syria, Turkey and Iraq in the years from 1995 to 2006 to think questions of collective identity, territoriality, and boundaries in modern states. -
October 10, 2017 ASSYRIAN AMERICAN NATIONAL
Established October 10, 2017 ASSYRIAN AMERICAN NATIONAL FEDERATION STATEMENT ON THE “IRAQI KURDISTAN INDEPENDENCE REFERENDUM” The Assyrian American National Federation, Inc. (“AANF”) strongly condemns the purported “Iraqi Kurdistan Independence Referendum” that took place on September 25, 2017. The Kurdistan Regional Government (“KRG”) of northern Iraq has clearly demonstrated its illegal and unconstitutional ambition to secede from the rest of the country and function as an independent state. The implementation of this referendum will form an autonomous state in illegally occupied territory within the Nineveh Plains and encroach the rights of the local citizens. Neighboring countries such as Turkey, Iran, and Syria, and the international community, including the United States of America, have expressed a serious concern regarding the referendum. For example, Turkey has already threated to cut-off a critical oil pipeline into Iraq. Iran similarly banned the transportation of crude oil products by Iranian companies to and from the Kurdish region of Iraq. Additionally, the Iraqi central government has demanded control of the airports in Erbil and Saulaimaniya and threatened to close airspace in the region. This referendum will undoubtedly create further instability in the region and diminish the integrity of the Republic of Iraq as a whole. The KRG did not obtain approval for the referendum by the Council of Representatives and ratification by the President of the Republic as required by Article 126, Chapter One, Section Six, of the Iraqi Constitution. Therefore, the referendum is clearly unconstitutional and may create an insurgency, unrest, and even civil war. Furthermore, the referendum is not an accurate electoral representation of the population in the region. -
Stability in Iraqi Kurdistan (Reality Or Mirage?)
WORKING PAPER Number 2, June 2009 STABILITY IN IRAQI KURDISTAN: REALITY OR MIRAGE? LYDIA KHALIL WORKING PAPER Number 2, June 2009 STABILITY IN IRAQI KURDISTAN: REALITY OR MIRAGE? LYDIA KHALIL Saban Center Working Papers are meant to stimulate debate and discussion on difficult policy questions. As with all Brookings pa- pers, Working Papers do not necessarily reflect the views of the Saban Center, the Brookings Institution, or the Institution’s board of trustees. All Saban Center Working Papers are available online at www.brookings.edu/sabancenter, and comments may be sent to [email protected]. Table of Contents Acknowledgements. iii Executive Summary. iv About the Author. ix Introduction. 1 Good News, Bad News. 3 The Oil Law Controversy: Does Energy Independence Mean Territorial Independence?. .5 Kirkuk: The Powder Keg. 16 Internal Challenges: The Two Kurdistans . 21 Turkey and the KRG: Mending Fences. 30 KRG: Looking in a Different Direction. 35 Recommendations for U.S. Policy. 37 S tabi L it Y I N IRAQI KURDISTA N : R E A L it Y O R M ira GE? The Saban Center at The Brookings Institution ii Acknowledgements hank you to the Saban Center for Middle East My thanks also to the many Kurdish and Iraqi offi- TPolicy for providing me the opportunity to cials who took the time to speak candidly with me publish this paper. Special thanks to Martin Indyk about the challenges that lay ahead. Because many and Ken Pollack, who was an early mentor and pa- of our conversations were off the record, they have tiently guided the paper’s drafting and publication. -
Iraq: Issues in the 116Th Congress
Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Updated July 17, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45633 SUMMARY R45633 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress July 17, 2020 Iraq’s unicameral legislature, the Council of Representatives (COR), voted to approve Prime Minister Mustafa al Kadhimi’s government program in May 2020 and finished confirmation of Christopher M. Blanchard his cabinet in June, ending a months-long political vacuum. Al Kadhimi has billed his Specialist in Middle government as transitional, pledging to move to early elections as soon as they can be held safely Eastern Affairs and fairly. He has acknowledged and begun acting to address the demands of protestors, whose mass demonstrations paralyzed Iraq in late 2019 and early 2020, and led to former prime minister Adel Abd al Mahdi’s resignation in November 2019. Kadhimi and his cabinet are contending with difficult choices and risks stemming from ongoing U.S.-Iran tensions, diminished oil revenues, resulting fiscal pressures, the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, and remnants of the Islamic State organization (IS, aka ISIS/ISIL). U.S.-Iraqi cooperation has achieved several shared goals in recent years, but joint efforts also have faced significant challenges. U.S. and coalition military assistance aided Iraqi efforts to end IS control of Iraqi territory from 2014 through 2018, and since have continued to support Iraqi counterterrorism operations and efforts to stabilize recovered areas and build the capacity of Iraqi security forces. U.S. military personnel and coalition counterparts remain in Iraq at the government’s invitation, subject to bilateral executive-to-executive agreements. -
The Kurds As Parties to and Victims of Conflicts in Iraq Inga Rogg and Hans Rimscha Inga Rogg Is Iraq Correspondent for the Neue Zu¨Rcher Zeitung and NZZ Am Sonntag
Volume 89 Number 868 December 2007 The Kurds as parties to and victims of conflicts in Iraq Inga Rogg and Hans Rimscha Inga Rogg is Iraq correspondent for the Neue Zu¨rcher Zeitung and NZZ am Sonntag. She graduated in cultural anthropology and Ottoman history and has done extensive research in the Kurdish region. Hans Rimscha graduated in Islamic studies and anthropology, worked with humanitarian assistance operations in Iraq in the 1990s and is the author of various publications on Middle East issues. Abstract After decades of fighting and suffering, the Kurds in Iraq have achieved far-reaching self-rule. Looking at the history of conflicts and alliances between the Kurds and their counterparts inside Iraq and beyond its borders, the authors find that the region faces an uncertain future because major issues like the future status of Kirkuk remain unsolved. A federal and democratic Iraq offers a rare opportunity for a peaceful settlement of the Kurdish question in Iraq – and for national reconciliation. While certain groups and currents in Iraq and the wider Arab world have to overcome the notion that federalism equals partition, the Kurds can only dispel fears about their drive for independence if they fully reintegrate into Iraq and show greater commitment to democratic reforms in the Kurdistan Region. ‘‘This is the other Iraq’’, says a promotion TV spot regularly broadcast on Al Arrabiyeh TV, ‘‘The people of Iraqi Kurdistan invite you to discover their peaceful region, a place that has practised democracy for over a decade, a place where universities, markets, cafe´s and fairgrounds buzz with progress and prosperity and where people are already sowing the seeds of a brighter future.’’1 A regional government After decades of internal and regional conflict, the large-scale destruction and persecution of the Kurdish population, and periods of bitter infighting between 823 I.