COLORADO JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES Volume 2, Issue 1 (Summer 2013) 1. Hatsune Miku: The Reality of a Fake Pop Star Christopher Wicoff 12. Aadhar: Bridging Cultural Gaps in a Developing India Tori DaHarb 27. A Marketing Plan: Crest Oral Care Products in Rural Indian Markets Rachel Young 49. Swinging for the Kaki: Major League Baseball and Japan Jonathan Campbell 60. Breaking Out of the Single Story: The Senkaku / Diaoyu Islands Dispute from a Transnational, Multilateral Perspective Elizabeth Chavez 73. Village Elections in the People’s Republic of China Dashiell H. Nathanson 92. Births of a Nation: Liberation and the One-Child Policy for Women in Urban China Emma Rafaelof Colorado Journal of Asian Studies Volume 2, Issue 1 (Summer 2013) Center for Asian Studies, University of Colorado 1424 Broadway Street, Boulder CO 80309 Colorado Journal of Asian Studies Volume 2, Issue 1 (Summer 2013) The Colorado Journal of Asian Studies is an undergraduate journal published by the Center for Asian Studies at the University of Colorado at Boulder. Each year we highlight outstanding theses from our graduating seniors in the Asian Studies major. EXECUTIVE BOARD AY 2012‐2013 Tim Oakes, Director Tim Weston, Associate Director Shu‐Ling Berggreen Steve Chan Lucy Chester Holly Gayley Carla Jones Faye Kleeman Dennis McGilvray Emily Yeh CURRICULUM COMMITTEE AY 2012‐2013 Tim Weston, Chair Holly Gayley Carla Jones Faye Kleeman Amy Liu, Editor, Colorado Journal of Asian Studies Emily Yeh Ex‐Officio Sylvie Burnet‐Jones, OIE Janice Oldroyd, Academic Advisor Center for Asian Studies, University of Colorado 1424 Broadway Street, Boulder CO 80309 Colorado Journal of Asian Studies Volume 2, Issue 1 (Summer 2013) NOTE FROM THE EDITOR Each year, the Center for Asian Studies at the University of Colorado at Boulder highlights one or two themes in its sponsored programs. In 2012‐2013, the theme was “Listening to Asia.” It is appropriate that in this second issue of Colorado Journal of Asian Studies, the leadoff article by Christopher Wicoff challenges our understanding of how a “fake” pop star can be a singing sensation. We are also pleased to see for the first time projects by students in the Leeds School of Business (Tori DaHarb and Rachel Young). The latter project is the first marketing plan to be included in CJAS. Whether it is about baseball traditions in Japan (Jonathan Campbell) or the political disputes over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands (Elizabeth Chavez), whether it is about village level elections in China (Dashiell Nathanson) or the Chinese One Child Policy (Emma Rafaelof), these theses highlight the importance and uniqueness of Asia. Center for Asian Studies, University of Colorado 1424 Broadway Street, Boulder CO 80309 Colorado Journal of Asian Studies Volume 2, Issue 1 (Summer 2013) Hatsune Miku: The Reality of a Fake Pop Star CHRISTOPHER WICOFF INTRODUCTION ith the progression of human civilization come technological advancements that Wbegin to blur the line that distinguishes man from machine. Things like robotics and artificial intelligence are redefining the relationship between the two. Many workers have been replaced by more efficient and inexpensive machines in years past. However, many professions could be considered to be exclusive to man’s domain; jobs that machines cannot conceivably perform, even with the most advanced artificial intelligence or sophisticated operating performance. One such profession would have traditionally been that of the singer. Thanks to music composition synthesizers, the music of a full symphonic orchestra can be produced by a single computer, but a singing voice is one instrument that could not be produced by anything other than a human singer. A synthesizer could be used to touch up a vocal track, but the voice had to originate from the vocal cords of a living, breathing human being. This has been the case since the inception of music in human history, until the year 2004. This was the year that the Yamaha Corporation The earliest promoter of this software was released their revolutionary vocal synthesis Sapporo‐based musical equipment importer, software, Vocaloid. Vocaloid utilizes voice banks Crypton Future Media. The resulting vocal tracks comprised of sound bites recorded from actual created with the early release of Vocaloid sounded singers. As such, humans are still a necessary unappealing, as it sounded too robotic. It was when component of the Vocaloid production process. If I Yamaha released their Vocaloid2 platform that a were to make the analogy wherein Vocaloids stand satisfactory singing voice could be produced. In to replace singers, just as machinery replaced 2007, Crypton released what would soon become factory workers; it would be as if to say that the the most commercially successful voice bank factory workers were then called in to perform software suite in the industry, and unit number maintenance on the machinery, changing their role, one of their Character Vocal series, named Hatsune but allowing them to continue to be a part of the Miku. More than a disembodied voice, the production process overall. This is especially true product’s packing was adorned with the image of a considering that as new versions of the Vocaloid young girl with long, teal pigtails drawn in the style software are released, these singers are still called of Japanese animation. Boasting a higher singing in to do additional recording work to supplement range than any human can manage, this the existing voice banks. computerized girl would go on to become one of Japan’s most celebrated divas. The improvements 1 Colorado Journal of Asian Studies Volume 2, Issue 1 (Summer 2013) to the core Vocaloid software are apparent when necessarily a digital avatar, as the article then goes listeners can easily mistake her voice for a human on to clarify. (Johnson) Many fans denounced the singer’s. This is shown to be the case in Asahi article for its use of the word “fakest” in the title, as Shimbun’s YouTube video exposé1, where a it’s not uncommon for her music to be called “fake” Hatsune Miku song is being played for the visitors or “not real” in order to attack her. Take, for of a crowded street in Shibuya, and Asahi’s film example, a YouTube video uploaded October 2nd, crew was sent to interview passersby about the 2011, by popular YouTube channel TheFineBros, music they were hearing. A majority of them did titled “KIDS REACT to Hatsune Miku”; part of their not suspect that the voice they were hearing was “Kids React to” series.3 When asked, “So, are you computer‐generated, and some reacted with shock now a fan of Hatsune Miku?” a couple of their when they were told. Her music tends to appeal responses included, “You can’t be a fan of it! I more so to the otaku demographic, which would be mean, it doesn’t exist!”; “She’s not real! Why could I likened to nerd culture, though Vocaloid music is be a fan of her if she’s not real!?”; “I’m done. She’s becoming progressively more mainstream. not a real person; this isn’t real music. I don’t want One of the better examples of Hatsune Miku’s to listen to it anymore.” Though the relative ages of growing international appeal is the 2011 Toyota the respondents may be a factor, it further Corolla ad campaign, featuring Hatsune Miku2. illustrates the idea in the west that only “real” Toyota aired television advertisements where a CG people can produce real music. Though people representation of Hatsune Miku would drive a from these English‐speaking countries seem less Corolla, interact with street vendors, prepare for open to the idea of a digital diva, it’s also true that her Los Angeles concert, etc. Of course, some of her she has been gaining popularity in the more popular music was featured in these internationally as well. Some of her English‐ commercials. These commercials filled ad space on speaking fans and staunch supporters argue television broadcasts, but they were also featured vehemently against the notion that she is fake. on YouTube, where they drew in a large number of I wish to explore the implications of the real viewers. The ad campaign won the Association of versus fake debate in terms of different cultural National Advertisers’s Multicultural Excellence interpretations of these concepts. It is my hope that Award in November 2011 at the Multicultural by examining different attitudes in Hatsune Miku’s Marketing & Diversity Conference. This is because native Japan versus English‐speaking nations, such it was made to appeal to young Asian Americans, as the United States of America, the United and was produced in conjunction with Asian Kingdom, and Australia, as represented by their American marketing firm interTrend. (Wentz) interactions on the Internet, Hatsune Miku’s The increasing popularity of Hatsune Miku in primary domain. To begin with, we’ll take a look at Japan and abroad is bringing to the surface a what exactly one can accuse of being fake about disparity between cultural views on reality, it her and whether or not the label “fake” should would seem. In Japanese society, whether or not carry the necessary amount of negative Hatsune Miku is “real” is not debated. Dissenters connotation that it does. If fans are to argue that may decry her for being a blight on the image of she is “real,” what about her makes her real? Japanese popular culture both at home and abroad, Herein lies some of the core issues that represent a but her existence is not questioned. In the English‐ divide in how people in countries like the United speaking countries explored in this study, even States, Great Britain, Australia, etc., and people in indifferent parties will use words such as “fake” or East Asia perceive reality, at least in the case of “not real” to describe her and her music.