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The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy
Loyola University Chicago International Law Review Volume 3 Article 5 Issue 2 Spring/Summer 2006 2006 The aB sic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong Michael C. Davis Chinese University of Hong Kong Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael C. Davis The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy. U. Chi. Int'l L. Rev. 165 (2006). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr/vol3/iss2/5 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago International Law Review by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BASIC LAW AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN HONG KONG Michael C. Davist I. Introduction Hong Kong's status as a Special Administrative Region of China has placed it on the foreign policy radar of most countries having relations with China and interests in Asia. This interest in Hong Kong has encouraged considerable inter- est in Hong Kong's founding documents and their interpretation. Hong Kong's constitution, the Hong Kong Basic Law ("Basic Law"), has sparked a number of debates over democratization and its pace. It is generally understood that greater democratization will mean greater autonomy and vice versa, less democracy means more control by Beijing. For this reason there is considerable interest in the politics of interpreting Hong Kong's Basic Law across the political spectrum in Hong Kong, in Beijing and in many foreign capitals. -
Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (Ii): the Battle Over "The People" and the Business Community in the Transition to Chinese Rule
HONG KONG'S ENDGAME AND THE RULE OF LAW (II): THE BATTLE OVER "THE PEOPLE" AND THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN THE TRANSITION TO CHINESE RULE JACQUES DELISLE* & KEVIN P. LANE- 1. INTRODUCTION Transitional Hong Kong's endgame formally came to a close with the territory's reversion to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997. How- ever, a legal and institutional order and a "rule of law" for Chi- nese-ruled Hong Kong remain works in progress. They will surely bear the mark of the conflicts that dominated the final years pre- ceding Hong Kong's legal transition from British colony to Chinese Special Administrative Region ("S.A.R."). Those endgame conflicts reflected a struggle among adherents to rival conceptions of a rule of law and a set of laws and institutions that would be adequate and acceptable for Hong Kong. They unfolded in large part through battles over the attitudes and allegiance of "the Hong Kong people" and Hong Kong's business community. Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule ("Endgame I") focused on the first aspect of this story. It examined the political struggle among members of two coherent, but not monolithic, camps, each bound together by a distinct vision of law and sover- t Special Series Reprint: Originally printed in 18 U. Pa. J. Int'l Econ. L. 811 (1997). Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This Article is the second part of a two-part series. The first part appeared as Hong Kong's End- game and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule, 18 U. -
Kwok Wing Hang and Others V Chief Executive in Council and Another
Department of Justice The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Summary of Judgment Kwok Wing Hang and Others v Chief Executive in Council and Another Leung Kwok Hung v Secretary for Justice and Another CACV 541, 542 & 583/2019 (on appeal from HCAL 2945/2019 and 2949/2019); [2020] HKCA 192 Decision : Respondents’ Appeal on (1) the ERO allowed, and (2) the PFCR partially allowed Applicants’ Cross Appeals dismissed Date of Hearing : 9-10 January 2020 Date of Judgment/Decision : 9 April 2020 Background 1. These are the appeals of the Chief Executive in Council (“CEIC”) and the Secretary for Justice (“SJ”), and the cross appeals of Mr Leung Kwok Hung (“Mr Leung”) and 24 Members of the Legislative Council (“LegCo”), against the Judgment of the Court of First Instance (“CFI”) dated 18 November 2019 (“CFI Judgment”) and the Decision of the CFI (on the questions of relief and costs) dated 22 November 2019 (“Decision”) allowing the application for judicial review and holding (i) the Emergency Regulations Ordinance (Cap. 241) (“ERO”) and the Prohibition on Face Covering Regulation (Cap. 241K) (“PFCR”) made thereunder unconstitutional and invalid (“Tier 1 Challenge”); and (ii) PFCR ss.3(1)(b) – (d) and s.5 unconstitutional and void (“Tier 2 Challenge”). 2. The background facts can be found in paras. 1-20 of the Judgment of the Court of Appeal (“CA”).1 3. The grounds for judicial review are repeated in para. 29 of the CA’s Judgment.2 1 In summary, since June 2019, Hong Kong had experienced serious social unrests and public disorders marked by protests, escalating violence, vandalisms and arsons arising from the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019. -
544 Final REPORT from the COMMISSION to the COUNCIL
COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES Brussels, 15.9.2003 COM(2003) 544 final REPORT FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE COUNCIL AND THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Annual Report by the European Commission on the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region CONTENTS 1. Introduction 3 2. Reaffirmation and implementation of the "one country, two systèmes" 3 3. Institutional developments 5 4. Legislative Developments 7 5. Rights of assembly and demonstration. 10 6. The Economy 11 7. European union - Hong Kong relations. 12 8. Conclusion 14 2 HONG KONG: Annual Report 2002 1. INTRODUCTION As in the Commission’s previous annual reports, this 2002 report aims to assess the state of development of the Hong Kong SAR and its relations with the European Union. In accordance with the Commission’s mandate, the report analyses progress in the implementation of the “One Country, Two Systems” principle, and reviews developments in the legislative, institutional and individual rights fields. The document also provides an assessment of economic developments, and reports on the main aspects of EU-Hong Kong relations. 2. REAFFIRMATION AND IMPLEMENTATION OF THE “ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS” PRINCIPLE - Reaffirmation of the principle The Central Government of Beijing again reiterated its adherence to the “one country, two systems” principle in its official statements. In a speech to the National People’s Congress (NPC) on 5 March 2002, Prime Minister Zhu Rongji stated: “We should fully implement the principle of “one country, two systems” and the Basic Law of Hong Kong and Macao Special Administrative Regions. It is our firm and unswerving objective to maintain the long-term stability, prosperity and development there. -
In Hong Kong Restrictions on Rights to Peaceful Assembly and Freedom of Expression and Association
BEIJING’S “RED LINE” IN HONG KONG RESTRICTIONS ON RIGHTS TO PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND ASSOCIATION Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2019 Cover photo: An estimated 1.03 million people in Hong Kong took to the streets to protest the Extradition Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Bill on 9 June 2019. (Photo credit: Amnesty International) (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2019 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: ASA 17/0944/2019 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS CONTENTS 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 1. BEIJING’S “RED LINE” IN HONG KONG 8 1.1 THE SINO-BRITISH JOINT DECLARATION AND THE BASIC LAW 8 1.2 NATIONAL SECURITY LEGISLATION 9 1.3 THE WHITE PAPER ON “ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS” 10 2. -
Chapter 6 Hong Kong
CHAPTER 6 HONG KONG Key Findings • The Hong Kong government’s proposal of a bill that would allow for extraditions to mainland China sparked the territory’s worst political crisis since its 1997 handover to the Mainland from the United Kingdom. China’s encroachment on Hong Kong’s auton- omy and its suppression of prodemocracy voices in recent years have fueled opposition, with many protesters now seeing the current demonstrations as Hong Kong’s last stand to preserve its freedoms. Protesters voiced five demands: (1) formal with- drawal of the bill; (2) establishing an independent inquiry into police brutality; (3) removing the designation of the protests as “riots;” (4) releasing all those arrested during the movement; and (5) instituting universal suffrage. • After unprecedented protests against the extradition bill, Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam suspended the measure in June 2019, dealing a blow to Beijing which had backed the legislation and crippling her political agenda. Her promise in September to formally withdraw the bill came after months of protests and escalation by the Hong Kong police seeking to quell demonstrations. The Hong Kong police used increasingly aggressive tactics against protesters, resulting in calls for an independent inquiry into police abuses. • Despite millions of demonstrators—spanning ages, religions, and professions—taking to the streets in largely peaceful pro- test, the Lam Administration continues to align itself with Bei- jing and only conceded to one of the five protester demands. In an attempt to conflate the bolder actions of a few with the largely peaceful protests, Chinese officials have compared the movement to “terrorism” and a “color revolution,” and have im- plicitly threatened to deploy its security forces from outside Hong Kong to suppress the demonstrations. -
1998 Human Rights Report - Hong Kong Page 1 of 8
1998 Human Rights Report - Hong Kong Page 1 of 8 The State Department web site below is a permanent electro information released prior to January 20, 2001. Please see w material released since President George W. Bush took offic This site is not updated so external links may no longer func us with any questions about finding information. NOTE: External links to other Internet sites should not be co endorsement of the views contained therein. U.S. Department of State Hong Kong Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1998 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, February 26, 1999. HONG KONG Hong Kong reverted from British to Chinese sovereignty on July 1, 1997. As a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, it enjoys a high degree of autonomy except in defense and foreign affairs and remains a free society with legally protected rights. The Basic Law, approved in 1990 by China's National People's Congress, provides for fundamental rights and serves as a "mini constitution." A chief executive, selected by a 400-person selection committee chosen by a China- appointed preparatory committee, wields executive power. A legislature composed of directly and indirectly elected members was sworn in on July 1. Upon reversion, China, which had objected to the electoral rules instituted by the British colonial government, dissolved Hong Kong's first fully elected Legislative Council. A 60-member Provisional Legislature, chosen by the selection committee that named the Chief Executive, took office on July 1, 1997. Critics contended that the selection of the Provisional Legislature had no basis in law and was designed to exclude groups or individuals critical of China. -
Secretary of Justice Teresa Cheng Yeuk-Wah Department of Justice
Secretary of Justice Teresa Cheng Yeuk-wah Department of Justice Fax: (852) 3902 8638 Email: [email protected] Dear Secretary Cheng: I am writing to express my concern for the arrest and charging of Martin LEE Chu-ming, Albert HO Chun-yan, YEUNG Sum, Richard CHOI Yiu-cheong, SIN Chung-kai, AU Nok-hin, Cyd HO Sau-lan, LEE Cheuk-yan, Figo CHAN Ho-wun, Jimmy LAI Chee-ying, Avery NG Man-yuen, LEUNG Kwok-hung, LEUNG Yiu-chung, Raphael WONG Ho-ming and Margaret NG Ngoi-yee on 18 April 2020. These 15 prominent pro-democracy leaders are being prosecuted for “organizing and taking part in unauthorized assemblies”. Five of them are also being prosecuted for “announcing unauthorized assemblies”. These charges are based on the Public Order Ordinance, the provisions and application of which fail to meet international human rights law and standards on the right to peaceful assembly. The United Nations Human Rights Committee has repeatedly expressed concern that the implementation of the Public Order Ordinance may facilitate excessive restrictions to the right to peaceful assembly and called for its review. Under international human rights law and standards, participating in and organizing assemblies does not require prior permission by the state. Failure to notify the authorities of an assembly should not render participation in the assembly unlawful and should not in itself be used as a basis for either arresting the participants or organizers or imposing undue sanctions, such as charging them with criminal offences. I find it alarming that, to date, the police have announced over 7,000 arrests in connection with the largely peaceful protests that have taken place since June 2019. -
VI. Developments in Hong Kong and Macau
VI. Developments in Hong Kong and Macau Findings • During the Commission’s reporting year, a number of deeply troubling developments in Hong Kong undermined the ‘‘one country, two systems’’ governance framework, which led the U.S. Secretary of State to find that Hong Kong has not main- tained a high degree of autonomy for the first time since the handover in July 1997. • On June 30, 2020, the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) passed the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (National Security Law), by- passing Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. To the extent that this law criminalizes secession, subversion, terrorist activities, and collusion with foreign states, this piece of legislation vio- lates Hong Kong’s Basic Law, which specifies that Hong Kong shall pass laws concerning national security. Additionally, the National Security Law raises human rights and rule of law concerns because it violates principles such as the presumption of innocence and because it contains vaguely defined criminal offenses that can be used to unduly restrict fundamental free- doms. • The Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (PRC Liaison Office) declared in April 2020 that neither it nor the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, both being State Council agencies, were subject to Article 22 of the Basic Law—a provision designed to protect Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy. The Hong Kong government had long interpreted the provision to cover the PRC Liaison Office, but it reversed itself overnight in an ap- parent attempt to conform its position to that of the central government. -
Replies to Initial Written Questions Raised by Finance Committee Members in Examining the Estimates of Expenditure 2013-14
Index Page Replies to initial written questions raised by Finance Committee Members in examining the Estimates of Expenditure 2013-14 Director of Bureau : Secretary for Justice Session No. : 2 File Name : SJ-1-e1.doc Reply Serial Question Reply Serial Question Reply Serial Question No. Serial No. No. Serial No. No. Serial No. SJ001 0369 SJ015 2388 SJ029 2606 SJ002 0370 SJ016 2389 SJ030 2608 SJ003 0371 SJ017 2390 SJ031 2609 SJ004 0372 SJ018 2391 SJ032 2610 SJ005 0392 SJ019 2392 SJ033 2612 SJ006 0518 SJ020 2393 SJ034 2614 SJ007 0652 SJ021 2394 SJ035 3238 SJ008 1366 SJ022 2395 SJ036 3701 SJ009 1367 SJ023 2396 SJ037 3911 SJ010 1475 SJ024 2601 SJ038 4084 SJ011 1756 SJ025 2602 SJ039 4629 SJ012 2266 SJ026 2603 SJ040 4635 SJ013 2267 SJ027 2604 SJ041 4654 SJ014 2387 SJ028 2605 Replies to initial written questions raised by Finance Committee Members in examining the Estimates of Expenditure 2013-14 Director of Bureau : Secretary for Justice Session No. : 2 Reply Serial Question No. Serial No. Name of Member Head Programme SJ001 0369 TAM Yiu-chung 92 (2) Civil SJ002 0370 TAM Yiu-chung 92 (2) Civil SJ003 0371 TAM Yiu-chung 92 (3) Legal Policy SJ004 0372 TAM Yiu-chung 92 (3) Legal Policy SJ005 0392 TAM Yiu-chung 92 (1) Prosecutions SJ006 0518 HO Sau-lan, Cyd 92 SJ007 0652 LEUNG Kwok-hung 92 (1) Prosecutions SJ008 1366 HO Chun-yan, Albert 92 (2) Civil SJ009 1367 HO Chun-yan, Albert 92 (1) Prosecutions SJ010 1475 IP LAU Suk-yee, 92 (1) Prosecutions Regina SJ011 1756 MO, Claudia 92 (3) Legal Policy SJ012 2266 LIAO Cheung-kong, 92 (1) Prosecutions Martin -
China's National Security Law for Hong Kong
China’s National Security Law for Hong Kong: Issues for Congress Updated August 3, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46473 SUMMARY R46473 China’s National Security Law for Hong Kong: August 3, 2020 Issues for Congress Susan V. Lawrence On June 30, 2020, China’s National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) passed a Specialist in Asian Affairs national security law (NSL) for the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). Hong Kong’s Chief Executive promulgated it in Hong Kong later the same day. The law is widely seen Michael F. Martin as undermining the HKSAR’s once-high degree of autonomy and eroding the rights promised to Specialist in Asian Affairs Hong Kong in the 1984 Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong, an international treaty between the People’s Republic of China (China, or PRC) and the United Kingdom covering the 50 years from 1997 to 2047. The NSL criminalizes four broadly defined categories of offenses: secession, subversion, organization and perpetration of terrorist activities, and “collusion with a foreign country or with external elements to endanger national security” in relation to the HKSAR. Persons convicted of violating the NSL can be sentenced to up to life in prison. China’s central government can, at its or the HKSAR’s discretion, exercise jurisdiction over alleged violations of the law and prosecute and adjudicate the cases in mainland China. The law apparently applies to alleged violations committed by anyone, anywhere in the world, including in the United States. The HKSAR and PRC governments have already begun implementing the NSL, including setting up the new entities the law requires. -
Jan-Jun 2017
THE SIX-MONTHLY REPORT ON HONG KONG 1 JANUARY TO 30 JUNE 2017 Deposited in Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs 14 SEPTEMBER 2017 1 Contents FOREWORD ............................................................................................................................3 INTRODUCTION .....................................................................................................................5 CHIEF EXECUTIVE ELECTION...........................................................................................5 Result ........................................................................................................................................5 Election campaign ...................................................................................................................6 ‘ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS’ ....................................................................................7 President Xi’s visit to Hong Kong....................................................................................... 10 Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs comments about the Sino–British Joint Declaration ............................................................................................................................ 11 OTHER SIGNIFICANT CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUES .................................................... 12 Legal cases of legislators related to oath-taking/NPCSC interpretation ..................... 12 Xiao Jianhua ........................................................................................................................