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Samuel Johnson and Thomas Jefferson: Their Contradictory Lockean Responses to the Legality of the American Revolution

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Samuel Johnson and Thomas Jefferson: Their Contradictory Lockean Responses to the Legality of the American Revolution Bridgewater State University Virtual Commons - Bridgewater State University Honors Program Theses and Projects Undergraduate Honors Program 5-19-2019 Samuel Johnson and Thomas Jefferson: Their Contradictory Lockean Responses to the Legality of the American Revolution Joshua Wright Bridgewater State University Follow this and additional works at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/honors_proj Part of the English Language and Literature Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Joshua. (2019). Samuel Johnson and Thomas Jefferson: Their Contradictory Lockean Responses to the Legality of the American Revolution. In BSU Honors Program Theses and Projects. Item 406. Available at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/honors_proj/406 Copyright © 2019 Joshua Wright This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. Samuel Johnson and Thomas Jefferson: Their Contradictory Lockean Responses to the Legality of the American Revolution Joshua Wright Submitted in Partial Completion of the Requirements for Departmental Honors in English Bridgewater State University May 9, 2019 Dr. Thomas Curley, Thesis Advisor Dr. Jordon Barkalow, Committee Member Dr. Lee Torda, Committee Member Wright 1 John Locke and his Second Treatise of Government (1690), had a major intellectual impact on political controversies surrounding the American Revolution. Although later historians tended to focus on proponents of the American Revolution from the American perspective like Thomas Jefferson, noteworthy opponents of colonial rebellion like Samuel Johnson had very much the same admiration for John Locke’s seminal ideas regarding human equality and individual liberty. An examination of the contrary perspectives on Locke and revolution taken by both of these writers sheds crucial light on conflicting legal assumptions surrounding the creation of the United States. Both writers were scholars of John Locke and understood the concepts Locke outlined in his Second Treatise, by utilizing Locke’s arguments in support of their own, either for separation from England (Jefferson) or for allegiance to the mother country (Johnson). By recourse to two primary texts, Taxation No Tyranny (1775) by Samuel Johnson, and the Declaration of Independence (1776) by Thomas Jefferson, I aim in this thesis to investigate the fundamental ideological positions of both writers, and how they make use of different Lockean arguments to support their contrasting viewpoints on the legality of the American Revolution. Samuel Johnson and Jefferson both shared an admiration for Locke’s concepts of inalienable rights regarding life, liberty, and property. With regard to property and ownership, Samuel Johnson criticized the American colonists for robbing Native Americans of their land and, therefore, violating their fundamental Lockean right to original ownership in a state of nature. Johnson believed in the fundamental legal priority of native inhabitants anywhere in the world because of their original occupation of land. From John Locke’s Second Treatise, Johnson derives his ideology toward original dominion. According to Locke’s ideas about property in a state of nature, ownership exists in an equality of sharing, and possession of anything by an individual is his or her own right of ownership: “nobody has originally a private dominion Wright 2 exclusive of the rest of mankind in any of them, as they are thus in their natural state” (Locke, 17). As Locke maintains, “[the] fruit or venison that nourishes the wild Indian, who knows no enclosure…must be his…that another can no longer have any right to it” (Locke, 17). In the Lockean state of nature, an individual has an innate right to freedom and property, and so the “wild Indian” has dominion over his native land and resources. Samuel Johnson’s landmark Dictionary of the English Language (1755) even cites Locke’s Second Treatise directly to illustrate the meaning of the word dominion: “He could not have private dominion over that which was under the private dominion of another.” The only means by which one could forfeit his right to property is by means of consent. Consent was usually missing in the colonial takeover of native land, and Johnson therefore rightly viewed the imperialistic colonization of North America by Englishmen and Frenchmen as outright robbery of indigenous people. According to Johnson, once the state of nature ceased to exist, the Americans are justified in their utilization of the land under British rule because they obtained plots of land through land grants from the crown. Because American colonists were still loyal British subjects, they came to have a longstanding prescriptive right to American land under British law, which over time, by way of the historical practicality of long- term dominion, replaced the original aboriginal claim by Native Americans. Although the original theft of aboriginal land was unjustified, as time progressed, British civilization spread further into the American wilderness under English law and governance, and hence warranted the mother country’s possession and regulation of American colonies. Johnson’s allegiance to ideas about original dominion in defense of Native Americans also included a Lockean faith in universal human equality. In fact, Johnson’s hatred of slavery, especially of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, is based on a Lockean principle of an innate, Wright 3 universal human equality. According to James Boswell’s biography, The Life of Samuel Johnson (1791), Johnson in 1777 detailed his condemnation of slavery in a legal brief written for the freeing of a black British slave, Joseph Knight, and Johnson’s words are direct derivatives of Locke’s Second Treatise. He writes: It must be agreed that in most ages many countries have had part of their inhabitants in a state of slavery; yet it may be doubted whether slavery can ever be supposed the natural condition of men. It is impossible not to conceive that men in their original state were equal; and very difficult to imagine how one would be subjected to another but by violent compulsion…No man is by nature the property of another (Johnson qtd. by Boswell, pp. 202-203). Johnson suggests that the only means by which one is put into a state of slavery, is not through consent but by force. This violates Locke’s leading assumption that man is “to have the law of nature as his rule…and not to be subject to the inconstant, uncertain, unknown, arbitrary will of another man” (Locke, 15). Arbitrary power that places a man under the dominion of another reduces him to a state of slavery, and violates his innate natural rights. Johnson’s legal brief echoes Lockean principles, in suggesting that Joseph Knight be freed due to Knight’s innate natural liberties and equality derived from a state of nature. In Taxation No Tyranny, Johnson even goes to the extent of criticizing the colonists’ hypocritical views of upholding Lockean principle about human equality while holding slaves. He states that “the slaves should be set free, an act which surely the lovers of liberty cannot but recommend” (Johnson, 130). Utilizing sarcasm, he condemns the colonists’ use of Lockean innate natural rights to protest taxation by the mother country while they blatantly are violating such principles as owners of slaves. Jefferson also affirms a Lockean belief in the same universal inalienable rights—life, liberty, and property (pursuit of happiness as expressed in the Declaration of Independence). However, the two writers fundamentally disagreed about Locke’s concept of the “state of Wright 4 nature.” Jefferson argues that Britain’s infringement of these rights bound originally in a state of nature, requires separation from the mother country, and imagines something like a return to the state of nature in order to erect a new government in the Declaration of Independence. Johnson is fundamentally against this argument because any abstract notion of an original state of nature, before the creation of human societies, must give way to historical reality of nations and governments with laws and conventions restricting while protecting individuals. Written a year prior to Jefferson’s Declaration, Taxation No Tyranny is obviously no direct response to Jefferson’s work, and Johnson possessed no knowledge of the arguments being formulated in Jefferson’s Declaration. Taxation No Tyranny is written in defense of the political status quo of England, and argues against the American colonies and their rebellious citizens, stressing that the “state of nature” that the Americans want to return to no longer exists. This is because English civil society has already evolved over centuries, replacing and nullifying any “state of nature.” In order for one to completely return to a Lockean “state of nature,” one must reject society, its comforts, luxuries, and its productions (including government), and opt for a non-existent primitive state. In Taxation No Tyranny, the stress is on a fully formed British mother country that is well beyond any theoretical state of nature. Johnson emphasizes the fundamentals of parliamentary sovereignty and British power over its territories and colonies as English law demands. The little known basis for Johnsons’ overarching stress on parliamentary sovereignty and colonial dependence under English law in his pamphlet, was found in law lectures that Johnson wrote in secret collaboration with Sir Robert Chambers in A Course of Lectures on the English Law (1766-1767). In these Lectures compiled by Thomas M. Curley in 1986 for Clarendon Press, Johnson states that “the [American] colonies are bound by all the statutes of the British Wright 5 legislature in which the colonies are particularly and generally named, I have already shown to be the opinion of most learned lawyers…” (Lectures, 290-292). Almost ten years before Taxation No Tyranny was written, Johnson was affirming, using the same language at times, that the colonies are bound by the decrees of the omnicompetent king-in-Parliament at Westminster, and are under its full jurisdiction. The consensus among British lawyers, backs Johnson’s claims.
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