David Welch, Roel Vande Winkel. Cinema and the Swastika: The International Expansion of Third Reich Cinema. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. 342 S. $90.00, cloth, ISBN 978-1-4039-9491-2.

Reviewed by Christelle Le Faucheur

Published on H-German (October, 2007)

Over the last forty years, scholars of Nazi cin‐ though most of them take a political-economic ap‐ ema have produced conceptually and thematical‐ proach and focus on superstructures (activities of ly diverse studies. While the earlier, "traditional" big companies such as Ufa; diplomatic and eco‐ school of Nazi flm historiography focused on is‐ nomic maneuverings of German ofcials and sues of ideology and propaganda, research in the businessmen; larger historical and political pro‐ 1990s expanded the corpus of flms studied to in‐ cesses against which such processes are to be un‐ clude popular genres such as melodramas and derstood), the authors attempt to investigate the musicals. Such inclusions improved and diferen‐ difcult topic of reception. While each country tiated our understanding of flm production and had a specifc cinematographic relationship with consumerism in the Third Reich (p. 2). The Germany, common fndings emerge from the di‐ present collection, edited by Roel Vande Winkel verse studies: systematic "restructuring," and David Welch, expands the focus of research "Aryanization," and exploitation of the flm indus‐ outside Germany. Overcoming longstanding lin‐ tries and flm markets; international popularity of guistic limitations on Third Reich flm studies, this German flms and artists; increase in flm atten‐ collection investigates various attempt to infl‐ dance during the war and/or occupation; absence trate--economically, politically, and culturally--the of wartime reality in the cinematographic produc‐ flm industries of twenty countries or regions that tions; importance of national cinema in times of Germany occupied, befriended, or with which it crisis; benefcial efects of the Nazi's forced re‐ entertained "neutral" relationships. Twenty-three structuring of national flm industries; and the ex‐ essays introduce the reader for the frst time to a perience of the war as preparation for countries world cinema infuenced by Nazi politics. under Soviet infuence. The essays are extremely informative, raising After introductory chapters on the German new issues about cultural imperialism and con‐ flm industry, the International Film Chamber, sumerism during the National Socialist era. Al‐ and the Hispano Film production company, the H-Net Reviews book's chapters treat , Belgium, Brazil, in the press to reconstruct "the important role this Croatia, the Czechoslovak region, France, Greece, institution's activities and rhetoric played in the Hungary, Italy, Japan, Luxemburg, the Nether‐ Nazi's bid to establish hegemonic control over an lands, Norway, South Africa, southeast Europe, integrated European economic and cultural Spain, Sweden, , Great Britain, and space" (p. 26). This international organization of the United States. This odd order, which ranges national flm industry representatives from twen‐ from friend to enemy, is not otherwise explained ty-two nations was created in the mid-1930s to ad‐ and seems random. The book does not ofer a dress the structural crises of European cinema, transnational study of German global flm politics aggravated by what many perceived as American per se. Rather, it explores the dynamics at play be‐ cultural imperialism. While the IFK was at frst a tween indigenous national flm industries and weak structure used by Germans to promote their Berlin's ruthless attempts at becoming the Euro‐ interests, wartime conditions enabled the Nazis to pean Hollywood. reconfgure IFK into a central organizational, co‐ The editors introduce these "local" studies ercive tool for the difusion of German cinema in with a detailed assessment of the German flm in‐ wartime Europe. Presenting themselves as the de‐ dustry (1933-45). Using legal, institutional, eco‐ fenders of Europe's national traditions, the Ger‐ nomic, and personal leverage, the National Social‐ man leaders of the IFK ofered an attractive vision ists sought to achieve total control of the media of a "European Cinema for Europe," and some‐ industries. Mandatory membership in the cham‐ times they indeed facilitated signifcant develop‐ bers of culture was used to control productions; ment of the continent's smaller national cinemas. these organizations excluded "non-Aryans" and But, as Martin shows, the IFK's actions and ideolo‐ massive emigration of talented professionals en‐ gy served nothing so much as the establishment sued. Film censorship increased; the critical as‐ of absolute German hegemony. sessment of art was banned in 1936 in favor of Lisa Jarvinen and Franciso Peredo-Castro's "appropriate" evaluation of flms. The Nazis creat‐ history of the Hispano-Film-Produktion Company ed a new system of symbolic and fnancial incen‐ (HFP) is a concrete example of Germany's global tives to produce of work that conformed to aspirations. A join German-Spanish endeavor dat‐ regime ideology. The regime successfully "nation‐ ing from the start of the Spanish Civil War, its goal alized" the flm industry by creating the huge was to produce and distribute fascist flms for au‐ monolithic institution Ufa-Film G.m.b.H. (Uf); it diences in Spain and Latin America. In allied or also standardized flm screening by imposing a neutral countries, the German efort to gain con‐ compulsory "cinematic trinity," consisting of trol over the European flm industries took the newsreels, Kulturflm, and the feature flm (p. 15). form of co-productions, massive fnancial invest‐ This model, designed to enhance flm's propagan‐ ments, and pressure to withhold raw materials. distic potential, was later implemented in occu‐ German attempts to create a star system with in‐ pied territories. By 1939, German cinema had at‐ ternational appeal are illustrated with the story of tained an expertise and technical mastery un‐ the Spanish actress and diva, Imperio Argentina. equaled in Europe. Military expansion guaranteed The authors also trace the intricacies of German unlimited distribution, especially since the Ger‐ involvement in South America. Conficting Span‐ man government prohibited U.S. flms in occupied ish, German, British, and American interests had Europe for fnancial as well as political reasons. a strong infuence on the indigenous flm indus‐ Benjamin Martin uses publications of the In‐ tries here. After Pearl Harbor, Hollywood black‐ ternational Film Chamber (IFK) and its coverage listed any Latin American company that collabo‐ rated with Axis countries. Mexico's flm industry

2 H-Net Reviews thrived with U.S. help, while Argentine flm pro‐ ence." Although the Flemish flm community duction decreased signifcantly. hoped to utilize the German occupation to devel‐ "Between Resistance and Collaboration," the op its own flm industry, it quickly became obvi‐ title of Robert von Dassanowsky's essay, accurate‐ ous that Germany considered Belgium simply an‐ ly summarizes the contradictory position of the other export market. German flm stars became Austrian flm industry. As he explains, "fve years very popular with a Belgian population that was of Nazi Germany's systematic infltration of Aus‐ largely opposed to the German occupation. This trian flm production through investment, racial paradoxical situation was, as Vande Winkel ex‐ dictates, and blatant corporate absorption had so plains, far from unique to Belgium. prepared the industry for its new form and role Brazil's relationship with Nazi Germany is at that Berlin was in complete control in a matter of the center of Luiz Nazario's essay. The author days following [the annexation of March 1938]" shows how in the 1930s, "Brazil became one of the (p. 58). Now Jewish artists who had fed to main targets for Nazi propaganda strategies in in the wake of the nationalization of the German South America--due to its continental dimensions flm industry found themselves ostracized once (a vast "vital space"); its numerous German immi‐ more. Dassanowsky shows how the Austrian flm grants established in colonies in the Southern market and industry had been highly dependent States (800,000 to a million added to 80,000 to upon Germany for production and distribution, as 10,000 resident Reich citizens); its large reserve of well as raw materials and fnancial banking. mineral resources, a desired source of raw mate‐ When Austria disappeared as an independent en‐ rial from the Reich economy" (p. 85). The essay de‐ tity, possibilities for independent Austrian flm‐ tails propagandistic fascist eforts and infuences making vanished. Berlin and Ufa were to focus on in Brazil. Outspoken admirer of the Nazi regime drama, historical spectacles, and propaganda doc‐ President Getúlio Vargas "reorganized" Brazilian umentaries. Wien-Film was to produce romantic cinema along Nazi structures, including the perse‐ fare, operetta flms, and musicals as the more en‐ cution of Jews, communists, and political undesir‐ tertainment-oriented and more exportable as‐ ables. However, opponents of Brazil's cooperation pects of Reich flm (p. 62). While acknowledging with fascist Italy and Germany, like Oswaldo the overtly propagandistic quality of flms such as Aranha, maintained cultural collaboration with Homecoming (Heimkehr, Gustav Ucicky, 1941), the the United States. Propagandistic Axis-infuenced author seems mostly eager to demonstrate the dis‐ works became untenable after the "Brazilian sident quality of Wien-Film productions, arguing Pearl Harbor" in 1942, when Vargas resigned and for example that many Viennese artists, such as Brazil (with Franklin Roosevelt's assurance of U.S. Willi Forst, resorted to escapism and regressed to fnancial support) entered the war on the side of romanticized notions of Vienna in order to ex‐ the Allies. press Austrian cultural identity in the German Re‐ Daniel Rafaelic unveils for us the short-lived ich. history of the Independent State of Croatia, creat‐ Roel Vande Winkel introduces us to the fate of ed in the wake of the collapse of the Kingdom of Belgium, a country often considered an extension Yugoslavia in April 1941. Croatian flm produc‐ of the French flm market. During the war, the tion, virtually nonexistent before the war, was for Nazis "restructured" the already weak Belgian the frst time supported and controlled by the gov‐ flm industry following the German "corporatist" ernment. Following the German model, Croatia model to secure German control of its production saw its frst domestic productions: several docu‐ and distribution and purge it of "Jewish infu‐ mentaries, and in 1944 the frst Croatian feature

3 H-Net Reviews flm. The biggest success of Croatian flmmakers ship. He reminds us that "historiographically was the production of popular independent news‐ speaking, the study of flm (both fctional and doc‐ reels, much to the distaste of Germans, who umentary) as a tool of commerce, cultural infu‐ would have preferred to show their own ATW ence, and ideology not only provides a basis for newsreels. German flms and documentaries re‐ evaluating Nazis' success in subjugating a heredi‐ placed American flms on Croatian screens. tary rival; it also ofers fresh insight into the dy‐ Rafaelic rightfully draws attention to further namics of French national identity" (p. 130). means of propaganda: in addition to feature flms, Plunged in a deep fnancial crisis, aggravated by Kulturflme, and newsreels, numerous spinofs congenital handicaps, French cinema foundered such as books and magazines were used to deploy in the 1930s while witnessing the rise of the Ger‐ Nazi and Ustasha propaganda. man flm industry. Under the Nazis, German flm‐ Ivan Klimes meticulously traces the history of making immediately moved to exploit its weaker flm industry in the Czechoslovak region. Until neighbor with a mix of draconian force and more 1938 strong cinematic bonds united Germany and subtle coercion. While Joseph Goebbels's goal was the Republic of Czechoslovakia. The 1938 dismem‐ to secure German superiority to the detriment of berment and 1939 invasion of the country result‐ French cinema, Alfred Greven succeeded in en‐ ed in an "Aryanisation process," a compulsory suring good-quality French flm productions for flm program, changes in the legal conditions for the beneft of Germans. As Reich appointee for the operating cinemas, and control of the production reorganization of the French, Belgian and Dutch base of the Czech cinema--steps towards a flm businesses, Greven was also the director of planned liquidation of Czech flm production. Al‐ the flm company Continental, which was funded though Germany had an unrivaled control over by Germany but operated independently in the market and utilized Czech flm studio and France. Eager to utilize flms, especially news‐ staf, Czech artists and intellectuals made a con‐ reels, for its propaganda, the Vichy regime direct‐ scious decision to preserve the contact between ly subsidized cinema and provided the industry artists and the public. Klimes concludes that "de‐ with a much needed coherent organizational spite the exceptional circumstances and repres‐ structure in the form of the Comité d'Organisation sive pressure, the Czech flm industry demonstrat‐ de l'Industrie Cinématographique (COIC). Al‐ ed a marked ability to survive and a clear stability though the attempted colonization of French cine‐ that were the product of its sophistication, its pop‐ ma must be regarded as a qualifed ideological ularity with Czech audience and its low level of and economic failure, the occupation forced the economic dependence on exports" (p. 125). The es‐ government to address fnancial and organiza‐ say also points to two facts that many occupied tional problems in the industry, thus having a countries shared: steady increases in cinema at‐ benefcial, long-lasting impact on French cinema. tendance and a realization that the role of the Another consequence was the resulting view of state in cinema should be strengthened. In some cinema after 1945 as an exception culturelle, a ways, the war experience and conditions paved uniquely powerful expression of national identity the way for the postwar nationalization of cinema and international infuence that deserves special industries, a process the newly established fascist state funding support and protection from foreign Slovakia state initiated in 1940. competition (p. 145). "The Attempted Nazifcation of French Cine‐ The shorter, weaker contribution of Eirini ma" is the topic of Brett Bowles's essay on twenty Sifaki touches upon conditions of spectatorship in years of the Franco-German cinematic relation‐ occupied Greece. While the country sufered a rel‐ atively lenient Italian occupation followed by a

4 H-Net Reviews brutal German one in 1943, flm attendance Goebbels's far more interventionist handling of steadily increased. Many Greek theaters were flm production. Italy refused to ban foreign (pri‐ transformed into Soldatenkino and Greeks kept marily American) flms completely and tolerated their social practice of open-air flm screenings, Jewish workers. The Spanish Civil War unveiled where the few Greek productions were enthusias‐ the distinct political-ideological propaganda di‐ tically welcomed. After 1941, only German, Greek, mension of National Socialism. Berlin never met and Italian flms were shown; the latter were the Italy's demands and expectations in terms of co- most popular, despite German eforts. Only after production and cooperation of actors and direc‐ 1943, in the absence of any competition, could tors; the Germans also never responded to Italian Germans flms do well at the box ofce. eforts to divide the European flm distribution David S. Frey's essay shows the "phoenix-like between the two fascist countries. Kallis convinc‐ featureflmmaking revival of the Hungarian flm ingly argues that "the ambiguities surrounding industry from moribund in 1929 to the continent's Italo-German relations in the domain of flm and third rank in 1942, behind only Germany and propaganda were a mixed pattern of cooperation Italy" (p. 160). After the tension-flled expulsion of and competition that refected the wider state of Hungarian Jewish flmmakers, German-Hungari‐ afairs between the two Axis partners" (p. 180). an relations warmed up with the implementation Janine Hansen uncovers the flm exchanges of anti-Jewish laws in 1938 and Hungary's partici‐ between Germany and Japan. While the Japanese pation in the invasion of Yugoslavia in 1941. Ini‐ flm market was never regarded by German flm tial co-productions were followed by renewed companies as a feld of expansion worth pursu‐ tensions as Hungary's desire to maintain a degree ing, the eforts of Japanese flm entrepreneurs of cultural sovereignty clashed with Germany's such as Nagamasa Kawakita assured a very small, goal of continental domination. The new geopolit‐ steady export of flms to Japan. Although few Ja‐ ical situation in Europe allowed Hungarian flm panese flms premiered in Germany, numerous production to fourish, especially in central Eu‐ German flms were shown on Japanese screens. rope. The Nazis intervened in Hungarian flm‐ Next to war flms, which exalted bravery, heroic making, exhibition, distribution, and even export Death, and self-sacrifce for the nation, German through coercive as well as cooperative means. In musicals were popular in Japan. Hansen traces addition to raw flm limits, export quotas, and the infuence of the small body of German flms in strong-arming via the IKF, the Germans also ac‐ a country with an indigenous annual production quired theaters and used mobile sound flm of 500 flms (which exceeded even Hollywood). By trucks (Tonflmwagen) with great success. In 1942, 1942, the geopolitical situation had made flm im‐ tensions were once again at a peak, as Hungary port impossible in Japan. "proved less docile, far more fractious and far Paul Lesch traces failed Germanization and more independent than German ofcials had nazifcation through flm in Luxemburg. Although hoped" (p. 160). The Nazi occupation of the coun‐ French and Hollywood flms had always been try in March 1944 ended the short-lived revival of more successful among polyglot Luxemburgers, the Hungarian cinema. German entertainment pictures were very popu‐ Aristotle A. Kallis depicts the struggle be‐ lar, thanks to the highly ingenious promotion tween fascist Germany and Italy in their quest for strategy (p. 199). Late 1930s aggressive Nazi cultural hegemony in Europe. Italy's universalist rhetoric resulted in "anti-German" sentiment and perception of cinema as a device of indirect cul‐ boycotts. After May 1940, the Nazis attempted to tural hegemony diverged crucially from Germanize the country, using cinema as propa‐

5 H-Net Reviews ganda, especially among the young. Lesch con‐ opposed to the total indiference of pre-war cludes that these eforts failed as Luxemburg au‐ democratic and social-democratic system to the diences enjoyed entertainment pictures but re‐ plight of Norwegian flm" (p. 229). jected overt propaganda. Keyan Tomaselli and Michael Eckardt detail Due to linguistic ties between the two coun‐ Afrikaners' attempts to establish an Afrikaans cin‐ tries, German flms fared well in the Netherlands ema, the main goal of which was "to restore the in the 1930s, when domestic production was low. nation's pastoral cultural integrity and to protect Like Belgium, the Netherlands were considered the volk (people) from the insidious infuence of part of the Third Reich. Reich Commissioner the 'city,' dominated as it was by British imperial‐ Arthur Seyss-Inquart initially strived for "self-naz‐ ism" (p. 232). Interestingly, Hollywood was un‐ ifcation." His promotion of Dutch newsreels and compromisingly rejected, while the state-con‐ a heavy use of propaganda flms, especially in trolled German flm industry was the blueprint schools, failed to convert the majority of the for organizing Afrikaner flm administration, pro‐ Dutch. The Nazis "reorganized" the flm industry duction and distribution; Eisensteinian mis-en- to acquire assets, obtain production facilities, and scene, Weimar-style and documentary realism strengthen market position. Their work in the comprised its aesthetic. However, burdened by Netherlands provided Dutch workers with work economic and ideological problems, the project of and experience. Despite criticism from the Dutch a valuable Afrikaans cinema failed. resistance, attendance reached record heights, es‐ Tim Kirk gives us a broad overview of Ger‐ pecially with big-budget movies such as The Gold‐ man cultural imperialism in southeastern Europe. en City (Veit Harlan, 1942). Ingo Schiweck uses the Kirk describes briefy the flm industries of Hun‐ case of the actor Johan(nes) Hessters to touch gary, Slovakia, Croatia, Yugoslavia, and Romania, upon issue of collaborationism and discusses the and touches upon Albania, Turkey, and Greece. "cleansing of the industry" after the war (pp. 213, He shows how the Germans were eager to under‐ 217). pin the Third Reich's strong political presence in Bjørn Sørenssen outlines the German infu‐ the region with a dense network of German-spon‐ ence in Norway, a country characterized by the sored cultural activities, while monitoring local absence of an indigenous flm industry and the responses (p. 244). Having secured their cultural presence of a municipal cinema system. While, hegemony, Germans promoted in a few cases the under Reich Commissioner Josef Terboven, the development of a "national" cinema, providing Germans "reorganized" the flm industry and se‐ technical support and encouraging bilateral con‐ cured their share of flm imports, the Nasjonal tracts with the Reich. This triggered the develop‐ Samling (the Norwegian Nazi Party) actively pur‐ ment of flm production, which was seen as an sued an ambitious plan to reform the flm indus‐ important dimension of nation-building for new try. By 1942, Norway had for the frst time a na‐ nations such as Slovakia and Croatia. tional flm policy and the organizational and eco‐ Maria A. Paz and Julia Montero unveil Ger‐ nomic ability to enforce it. Notwithstanding the mans' efort to distribute feature flms and, more poor quality of wartime production, Sørenssen importantly, newsreels in Spain. The Germans points to the benefcial legacy of Norwegian sacrifced some economic aspirations in order to wartime cinema politics. Despite the re-establish‐ guarantee their propagandistic objectives. From ment of the "old order" of Norwegian cinema at September 1939, ATW newsreels were Spanish- liberation, the Nasjonal Samling had raised the is‐ dubbed instead of subtitled. Despite the absence sue of the role of flm and cinema in society, "as of a domestic flm production and the foothold

6 H-Net Reviews they achieved during the Civil War, German flms characterized by "frequent clashes of interest, a never managed to conquer the Spanish market fundamental dislike of each other's cinematic out‐ due to the popularity of American flms and the puts, politically, culturally and ideologically moti‐ Franco-regime censorship, which banned many vated disagreements and few moments of cooper‐ German productions. ation, such as the congress of the International Rochelle Wright discusses the healthy Film Chamber in Berlin in April 1935" (p. 297). Swedish flm industry, whose productions enjoyed German flm imports declined after the arrival of a large market share and were extremely popular the talkie, but also due to the British flm indus‐ among Swedish audiences. Trying to preserve its try's objections to the Nazi regime and its racial neutrality yet dependent on Germany for flm policies, and the overtly propagandistic content of stock, Sweden engaged in an "opportunistic col‐ many flms. During the war, British authorities or‐ laboration" with the IFK, remaining a semi-ofcial ganized various screenings of captured Nazi member of the IFK without complying with the newsreels footages as propaganda tools. Captured ban on American flm (p. 267). The two countries features were also shown from 1943 on to select‐ maintained a friendly relationship as the Swe‐ ed government and military personnel. British den's Censorship Board guidelines called for the flmmakers were eager to attend screenings--a tes‐ prohibition of flm that might have a negative ef‐ tament to continued interest in German flm tech‐ fect on Sweden's foreign afairs. Sweden also sup‐ niques. plied Nazi Germany with two of its biggest stars, David Culbert's essay on German flm in and Kristina Soderbaum. Although America closes the book. A combination of news‐ wartime flm productions featured comedies reels and anti-Nazi feature flms such as Confes‐ tainted with antisemitism, Sweden also produced sions of a Nazi Spy (1939) propagated a negative some politically provocative materials and, in image of Nazi Germany. The Anti-Nazi League, 1944, openly anti-German flms. which protested the distribution of German flms Gianni Haver sketches a general picture of in America, was also instrumental in such flms. the distribution of German flms in Switzerland, While American flms enjoyed strong popularity the only non-occupied country with a German- in Germany (much to the distaste of some Nazi speaking majority; the Third Reich entertained leaders), German flms in the United States never close fnancial exchanges with it. Few German reached more than a small minority among Ger‐ flms were banned there, as the majority of these man-speakers. An unintended efect of Nazi racial works depicted a world vision already shared by policy was the emigration of talented "exiles" to the majority of the Swiss and European middle Hollywood. While American flms were banned class. As in other countries, German flms praising from Germany and subsequently occupied Europe the values of motherhood, family, sacrifce, patrio‐ in 1940, flms such as Leni Riefenstahl's Triumph tism, and dedication to work were well received of the Will (1935) or Victory in the West (1941) by both critics and the general public. German were recycled to show American viewers the bru‐ Kulturflme were also popular, and German news‐ tality of the Nazi regime. reels acquired a quasi-monopoly. Small problems such as inattentive copyedit‐ Jo Fox shows how the flmic relationship be‐ ing aside, the collection of essays fulflls its prom‐ tween Britain and Germany mirrored wider so‐ ise of "being the frst publication to bring together cial, political, and cultural developments. Starting comparative research on the international expan‐ with the controversial distribution of Dawn (Mor‐ sion of the Third Reich" (back cover). Slightly mis‐ genrot, Gustav Uciky, 1933) these relations were leading, however, is the use of the term "compara‐

7 H-Net Reviews tive." Each essay is a precise, informative piece about the chosen country or region, introducing, indeed for the frst time, flm industries usually left out of Third Reich cinema studies. However, an additional essay summarizing and connecting the fndings and giving an international perspec‐ tive would have better fulflled the comparative function. Additionally, the essays are not struc‐ tured around the same model, which, although it prevents certain monotony, makes it harder to compare and contrast the experiences of each country. These minor weaknesses notwithstand‐ ing, this innovative collection on the Third Reich should trigger new research.

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Citation: Christelle Le Faucheur. Review of Welch, David; Winkel, Roel Vande. Cinema and the Swastika: The International Expansion of Third Reich Cinema. H-German, H-Net Reviews. October, 2007.

URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=13765

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License.

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